UNIVERSITY OF EAST LONDON

THE METHODS AND MATERIALS

OF THE HOUSE-PAINTER

IN ENGLAND

An analysis

of house-painting literature:

1660 - 1850

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO

THE FACULTY OF DESIGN & THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT

IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF

BACHELOR OF ARTS (HONS)

BY INDEPENDENT STUDY

BY

PATRICK BATY

P.T. BA by Independent StudyLevel 3

MAY 1993

Frontispiece from Pierre Francois Tingry,

Painter's and Colourman's Complete Guide.Sherwood, Gilbert, and Piper, 1830.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

No investigation into the field that this dissertation attempts to deal with could have been made without the enormous contribution of Dr. Ian Bristow. During the last sixteen years, he has almost single-handedly developed this area of research, and his many published and unpublished works have provided us with many clues into the way that buildings were painted from the seventeenth to the early nineteenth centuries. I am grateful for his initial assistance.

On a more practical front, I am indebted to Catherine Hassall and Libby Sheldon of the University of London, with their great expertise in the analysis of pigments, for having given me many opportunities to put theory into practice. I am also grateful for the encouragement shown by Pamela Lewis and Helen Hughes of English Heritage, and by Jo Darrah of the Victoria and Albert Museum. Dr. Steven Parissien, also of English Heritage, has been a constant source of motivation and assistance, and very kindly acted as a referee when I embarked upon this BA course. Ian Gow, of the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland, has been enormously generous and helpful over the years, as has Rab Snowden of the Scottish Historic Buildings and Monuments Directorate.

I am grateful, too, for the gentle but constant pressure of Dennis Kelly, my specialist tutor at UEL, and Michael Hall at Country Life, neither of whom would let me take the easy way out. Also, Peter Burman, of the Institute of Advanced Architectural Studies for his support and encouragement for further research.

I am also much indebted to the many architects and custodians of historic buildings and institutions who have enabled me to look at the decorative finishes, and sometimes the archives of their properties.

Finally, without the support and forbearance of my wife, Alex, none of this would have been possible.

iii

PREFACE

This work is the culmination of several years’ research into the subject, and has been written with two aims in mind. The primary aim is that of meeting the requirements of the University of East London and the CNAA in order to obtain a first degree which may allow me to pursue my research at a higher level. The secondary aim is to round off the first phase of my studies, that of the identification, collection and collation of source material, and the production of a basic reference work for both myself and others involved in the restoration of decorative schemes in historic buildings.

Inevitably, when one has been working in a field for any length of time, an enormous amount of information is collected. In view of the conventions of the course and the patience of my examiners I have tried to limit the extent of the work as much as possible, by mainly concentrating on the literature of the period. In spite of this self-imposed limitation, I have failed to produce something of a reasonable size, and for doing so I must apologise. It has proved impossible to keep within or even close to the 20,000 word target. I hope, nonetheless, that this document is of use to others, it has certainly enabled me to form a clearer picture of my chosen area.

A more complete picture will be gained if this work is read alongside a piece of coursework submitted at the same time: "The Methods and Materials of the House-Painter in England: 1660 -1850, An Annotated Bibliography."

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

FRONTISPIECE........................................ ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................... iii

PREFACE............................................. iv

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS............................... ix

ABSTRACT............................................ 10

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION.................................. 11

The Beginning of House-Painting

PART I. SOURCES

2. HOUSE-PAINTING LITERATURE: 1660 - 1850........ 13

The Early Literature

Sources for Textual Analysis

The Works Examined

PART II. MATERIALS AND METHODS

3. PAINTING MATERIALS, METHODS, AND TOOLS........ 20

Types of Paint

Oil Paint and its Application

Distemper

Brushes

4. BLACK PIGMENTS................................ 30

Lamp Black

Ivory Black

Blue Blackv

5. BLUE PIGMENTS................................. 33

Blue Bice

Blue Verditer

Ultramarine / French Ultramarine

Indigo

Prussian Blue

Smalt

6. BROWN PIGMENTS................................ 40

The Siennas

The Umbers

Vandyke Brown

7. GREEN PIGMENTS................................ 43

Manufactured Copper Greens

Verdigris and Distilled Verdigris

Green Verditer

Arsenical Greens

Scheele's Green

Schweinfurt Green

Green Earths / Natural Copper Greens

Terre Verte

8. RED PIGMENTS.................................. 47

Red Lakes

Rose Pink

Vermilion and Cinnabarvi

Red Ochres

Realgar

Red Lead

9. WHITE PIGMENTS................................ 55

White Lead

White Earths

Bougival White

Spanish White / Whiting

Gypsum

White of Troyes, Troy White, White Chalk

Zinc Oxide

Lime

Barytes

10. YELLOW PIGMENTS............................... 63

Chrome Yellow

Pink

King's Yellow / Orpiment

Massicot

Naples Yellow

Patent Yellow

Yellow Ochre

11. VEHICLES AND BINDING MEDIA.................... 71

Oilsvii

Turpentine

Milk

12. DRIERS........................................ 75

13. PAINTED IMITATIONS............................ 77

Graining

Marbling

14. EXTERIOR PAINTING............................. 83

PART III. HOW COLOUR WAS USED

15. AESTHETIC CONSIDERATIONS...................... 88

The Range of Colours in Use

Conventions Relating to Colour

The Selection of Colour Schemes

Appendix

1. OCCURRENCE BY NAME OF SIGNIFICANT PIGMENTS IN THE KEY WORKS ON HOUSE-PAINTING PUBLISHED BETWEEN 1660 AND 1850......................... [this has no been included in this version]

2. EVIDENCE TO SUPPORT THE AUTHORSHIP OF APREVIOUSLY ANONYMOUS WORK..................... [this has no been included in this version]

3. COLOUR MATCHES OF 1807 HOUSE-PAINTERS'SAMPLE CARDS.................................. [this has no been included in this version]

WORKS CITED......................................... 94

viii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

1) The Painter's, Gilder's, and Varnisher's Manual

known as:

Gilder's ca. 1827, or Gilder's Manual

2) The Painter's and Varnisher's Pocket Manual

known as:

Pocket 1825, or Pocket Manual

3) The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary

known as:

SOED 1986

4) Valuable Secrets Concerning Arts and Trades

known as:

Secrets 1780, or Valuable Secrets

ix

ABSTRACT

Paint as a means of protection and decoration has been found on both the inside and outside of buildings for several hundred years. In England, widespread use began in the seventeenth century. In the form of colour it has helped to provide the setting for daily life along with furnishings and artefacts, and yet little appears to be known of the way it was used in the past.

In an attempt to build up a picture of the methods and materials in use by the house-painter during what may be regarded as the first phase of the craft, an examination has been made of a number of contemporary sources.

The years 1660 - 1850 are carefully chosen, and connect two significant decades. The starting point covers the gradual replacement of native hardwood by softwood for building, the Restoration of the monarchy in this country after a number of years in exile on the Continent, the large scale rebuilding of London, and the first published works on the subject. With the exception of a few pigments, introduced at the beginning of the nineteenth century, little significant development had been made in the materials used by the house-painter during this period. The finishing point marks the publication of the first edition of George Field's Rudiments of the Painters' Art, and falls short of the introduction of coal-tar dyes by William Perkin in 1856, and the later use of architectural polychromy.

After an introduction to the craft of house-painting, Part I identifies the contemporary published works that are most informative for a study of the subject.

Part II looks at the materials, methods and tools most often mentioned in the texts, occasionally resorting to more recent works for clarification. The selection of pigments is based on those listed in appendix one, which shows the occurrence by name of the significant ones mentioned in the works examined.

Part III briefly considers aesthetic matters, in particular the range of colours in use during the period, and the conventions relating to their selection.

Appendix three shows a number of colour samples of some of those in use at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

10

PART I

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

The Beginning of House-Painting

The house-painting trade grew out of the mediaeval craft of the Painter-Stainers,1 and developed as a result of the changing treatment of the walls in buildings.

The walls of mediaeval houses appear to have been decorated in several ways; they were either plastered, and the bare surfaces white- or colour-washed, or they were covered over. In Queen Elizabeth's reign. Harrison2 says:

the wals of our houses on the inner sides be either hanged with tapestrie, arras worke3 or painted cloths -or els they are seeled with oke of our owne, or wainscot brought hither out of the East countries".4

Another, unnamed, Elizabethan writer talks of the properties of various softwoods in building, saying of fir,5 in particular, that it was greatly esteemed for its size, and strength, whilst pointing out it was "not so well enduring without doores", adding that it "serve[d] not so well in the weather as the oke doth".6 It became necessary, therefore, to apply a coating on exterior softwood in order to preserve it.

Within the house, the practice of wainscoting rooms was extended, and all the principal rooms were treated thus.7 Ornamental panelling in the form of linenfold became popular in affluent households, as did Mannerist strapwork and arabesques, which were usually carved, but sometimes painted on the panels.8

1 See Patrick Baty, "A Documented Review of the House-Painting Trade in London: 1660-1850." Submitted to the University of East London, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts by Independent Study. May 1993: 8-16.2 William Harrison, The Description of England, 1577.3 A rich tapestry fabric, in which figures and scenes are woven in colours. A hanging screen of this formerly placed round the walls of rooms. SOED 1986. S.v. "Arras."4 (Harrison 1577, quoted in Papworth, 1857-8, 1).5 Pine is of the same family as the Fir tree. Richard Neve, writing in 1726 tells us that:

This kind of Timber is commonly known by the name of Deal, and is of late much us'd in Building, especially within Doors, for Stairs, Floors, Wainscot, and most ornamental works (Neve 1726, 258).

6 (ibid.). 7 (Gotch, 1928, 134).8 A surviving example can be seen in the Winter Parlour at Canons Ashby, Northamptonshire, which dates from the 1590s.

11

The grain and colour of oak was much admired, and it was often left uncovered, being given merely a sealing coat of varnish.9 Other, more expensive woods, such as cedar and walnut were also used, but this depended on the householder's ability to pay, and, with the scarcity of native timber caused largely by ship and house building, and the growth of the timber trade with Norway and the consequent appearance of pine in great quantity, it became more common to imitate the expensive woods with paint.10

CHAPTER TWO

HOUSE-PAINTING LITERATURE: 1660-1850

The Early Literature

Prior to the late 1670s, few references have been found to the practice of house-painting. Those that are known, concern the pricing of painters' work, rather than the techniques involved. Perhaps in anticipation of a resurgence of building activity with the Restoration, Sir Balthazar Gerbier published his Counsel and Advise to all Builders, in 1663. This was designed to put:

owners of buildings, their trustees, stewards and paymasters...more at rest and encourage such rebuilding.11

In the aftermath of the Great Fire of London, of 1666, when workmen and surveyors were

"observed to make Harvest in the City Ruines and combine together for exessive Rates",12

one might have expected a rash of books on all aspects of building. In her work on British architectural books and writers, Dr. Eileen Harris notes two new publications: The City & Country Purchaser & Builder of Stephen Primatt, published in 1667, which gave the price for the painting of doors, windows, rails and bannisters in various colours,13 and William Leybourn's A Platform for Purchasers, Guide for Builders, Mate for Measurers, which appeared in 1668.14

John Darling's The Carpenters Rule Made Easie, which was originally published in Worcester in 1658, was brought out in London in a second edition, in 1669, to take advantage of the rebuilding of the City. Whilst containing no information on the process of painting, it too assisted with the measuring and pricing of surfaces to be painted, and appeared in several later editions.

9 (Thornton 1978, 71).10 See the paragraphs on graining in Chapter Thirteen, 107-14.11 (Harris 1990, 43).12 (Primatt 1667, Intro.).13 (ibid., 70).14 (Harris 1990, 43).

12

Sources for Textual Analysis

In preparing an annotated bibliography on the methods and materials of the house-painter, the author identified a small number of contemporary works that were considerably more informative than others. The majority of the twelve sources examined claim to have been written with the same purpose. The following passage from the preface to one of these sums up this aim:

It is presumed that the "Painter's and Varnisher's Manual" may be useful to others besides professed tradesmen. Persons happening to reside at a distance from any regular Painter, or who, possessing confined means, or ample leisure, wish to execute light work of this nature themselves, will find the present treatise a material assistance to them. And even to gentlemen differently circumstanced, when they have workmen engaged in Painting on an extensive scale, it will be extremely serviceable in enabling them to superintend and direct the operations of those they employ, and in many cases, to judge of their integrity and ability.15

They were, in fact, mainly Do-It-Yourself, or at least, Supervise-It-Yourself handbooks. The only one that makes no such claim, is a work dealing with the theory of colour harmony, and this had already passed through five editions before being transformed by the addition of seventy pages of a more practical nature.16 Two of the works examined were written by colourmen, and were, presumably, designed as an aid to sales.17

The Works Examined 1)

Smith, John. The Art of Painting. (The Art of Painting in Oyl.)

a) 1st edn. 1676;

b) 2nd edn. 1687;

c) 9th edn. 1788;

and

Butcher, William. Smith's Art of House Painting. Richard Holmes Laurie, 1821.

John Smith's Art of Painting of 1676 seems designed largely with sundiallists in mind. The second edition of 1687 was revised extensively, and the emphasis of this and the subsequent

15 (Pocket 1825, ix-x).16 This was D.R. Hay's The Laws of Harmonious Colouring Adapted to Interior Decorations, with Observations on the Practice of House Painting. 6th edn.. Edinburgh and London. 1847.17 These were: John Pincot's Pincot's Treatise on the Practical Part of Coach and House Painting, ca.1811; and T.H. Vanherman's Every Man his own House-Painter and Colourman, 1829.

13

editions was very much on house-painting practices. The last two editions were partially revised by William Butcher and appeared in the 1820s, at a time when works of this kind were very popular.

There were remarkably few alterations to the text of the work between the second edition of 1687 and the ninth of 1788, with the result that it had become rather dated, especially with regard to the materials of the house-painter. The highly significant discovery of Prussian blue in the early years of the eighteenth century, for example, went unrecorded until Butcher's revision a century afterwards. In the same way, obsolete pigments such as blue and green bice were still being listed, long after they were viable options. It would seem that the lack of competition left the field open to its various publishers, and there was little incentive to produce a more sophisticated work. Even Butcher's revision seems to have merely capitalized on the market and offered little that was new.

It is as a result of its being about the only, original, published work on house-painting practices in England, during the late seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, that four different editions have been analysed for the purposes of this study.

Plagiarism was commonplace in the eighteenth century, and the Art of Painting provided source material for other authors. The first example of such borrowing can be found in The Builder's Dictionary: or, Gentleman and Architect's Companion, of 1734, where whole chapters have been copied verbatim. This work was the second published English architectural dictionary, and was made up of the first such dictionary, compiled by Richard Neve, and published in 1703 as The City and Countrey Purchaser..., and accompanied by other material in which the publisher had an interest.18

Neve's entry, in turn, had borrowed the information on pricing from William Leybourn's Platform for Purchasers of 1668. Therefore two works of the late seventeenth century continued to exert an influence some sixty years or so after their original appearance, and such was the lack of new published information, that both books remained influential until the early nineteenth century, when the next, largely original, work was produced.

2)

Tingry, P.F. The Painter and Varnisher's Guide. G. Kearsley, 1804.

and

Tingry, P.F.. Painter's and Colourman's Complete Guide. Sherwood, Gilbert, and Piper, 1830.

Evidence of increasing interest in house-painting can be seen on the Continent towards the end of the eighteenth century. The appearance in 1772 of Watin's L'art du peintre, doreur, vernisseur caused an earlier project to produce a similar work to be abandoned in Geneva, by de Machy. However, the Society for the Encouragement of the Arts, Agriculture, and Commerce, in that city, were eager to investigate the subject in a more scientific way. They charged Pierre

18 See (Harris 1990, 128-130, 292-95, 331-33).14

Francois Tingry, who was professor of chemistry, natural history, and mineralogy at the Academy of Geneva, with the production of such a work, based on the modern system. The result was his Traité théoretique et pratique sur l'art de faire et d'appliquer les vernis, which made use of Watin's findings, and was published in Geneva in 1803.

It is perhaps surprising that Watin was never translated into English, although this might be explained by the turbulent years of the French Revolution, and the growing emphasis on the scientific approach. The stress on science was short-lived in these works, for by the 1820s many other works of a more practical nature were brought out for the amateur. Tingry's work was very quickly translated, and appeared in London, in 1804, as The Painter and Varnisher's Guide. Josiah Taylor, the publisher, specialised in works aimed at skilled artisans in the building trades, and by 1818, was offering over 250 titles, of which nearly half were of foreign origin, mostly French.19 In 1807, Southey reflected this dependence on the French, when he wrote of the English that:

they hate the French and ape all their fashions...laugh at their inventions and then adopt them.20

The emphasis in the first English edition was on the art of the varnisher, and approached from a very technical angle. Very little was directed at the house-painter, and the recipes for distemper are either unnecessarily elaborate, one requiring up to sixteen coats, or based on war-time expedience - e.g. painting in milk. Indeed, the preface to The Painter's and Varnisher's Pocket Manual makes clear the problem:

The able and elaborate work of Professor Tingry, of Geneva, contains much valuable and highly important matter. But in addition to the objections arising from its size and expense, a great portion of the contents are of a kind to interest none but the scientific reader, to meet whose views the arrangement is likewise made in a manner more likely to bewilder than instruct the common operator.21

It was, however, an up-to-date work, that recorded the latest developments, notably the introduction of patent yellow in the 1780s, and the move towards the synthesizing of ultramarine during the first years of the nineteenth century. A second, English, edition followed in 1816, with few changes to the text, and this was the main source of information to the trade for another nine years. As Dr. Ian Bristow has pointed out, the earlier editions were continental in their outlook, and bear little resemblance to either Smith's Art of Painting, or what was to follow.22

In 1830, probably in response to a succession of new works on the subject, a "practical chemist", whose initials were "J.J.", brought out a "corrected and improved" edition. In fact, two editions were brought out within a short time of each other: the first was called The

19 (Harris 1990, 59). 20 Robert Southey ('Don Manuel Espriella'), Letters from England, 1807. Quoted in: Parissien 1992, 21.21 (Pocket 1825, iv-v).22 (Bristow 1983b, 1:30).

15

Painter's and Colourman's Complete Guide, which had expanded chapters on paints, an added chapter on house painting, and a reduced emphasis on varnishes. The second appeared in 1832, under the name of The Varnisher's Guide, and was the varnishing half of the original work by Tingry, also "corrected and improved".23

The 1830 edition contains information on the latest pigments, such as chrome yellow, artificial ultramarine, Schweinfurt and Scheele's greens. It also has several references to two recent works on the subject by Nathaniel Whittock, of 1827, and T.H. Vanherman of 1829. Both from a technical and a practical point of view, this edition was one of the most useful manuals on house-painting for many years.

3)

Pincot, John. Pincot's Treatise on the Practical Part of Coach and House Painting. n.d..

This was produced by a Hackney colourman, who had started out as a coachpainter, and had become a supplier of paints and pigments. It appears to have been written in the first fifteen years or so of the nineteenth century, and Bristow has tentatively dated it as ca.1811, that date being used throughout this work.

The title page proclaims that it was designed to:

explain the easiest and cheapest method of painting...by which gentlemen, builders and others may direct, and persons of moderate capacity may understand.24

Although especially useful for its information on coach painting, the paragraphs on house-painting are of particular interest, as they were obviously written by someone with practical experience. It is not believed that this work was particularly influential, and no references have been found to its author, however, as an indication of contemporary practice it is a helpful document.

In spite of making claims to having been sold by "most Oilmen and Booksellers", it is not known how widely available this work was.

4)

[Smeaton, G.A.]. The Painter's and Varnisher's Pocket Manual. Knight and Lacey, 1825.

and

[Smeaton, G.A.]. The Painter's, Gilder's, and Varnisher's Manual. M. Taylor, n.d..

Both works, being some six inches by four inches, yet 200 pages in length, were quite literally designed for the pocket. They were amongst the earliest of the nineteenth century house-painters' manuals that were not entirely derivative. The working practices and materials that

23 (Wood 1992, 72-73).24 (Pincot ca.1811, 4).

16

were to remain largely unchanged for another hundred years are given in a very clear and straightforward manner. They contain numerous recipes, and tests for the detection of adulteration in oils and pigments. They also draw attention to the hazardous nature of several of the materials of the trade. These works appeared in several editions and forms during the 1820s and 1830s, and were reprinted over twenty five times in the United States, with many alterations.

The relationship between the two works is not altogether clear. They are both obviously written by the same author,25 though which came first is unclear. The former, although a very practical work, is thin in places, and does not have information on the latest developments in pigments, neither the search for artificial ultramarine, nor the existence of chrome yellow being mentioned.

It is probable that The Painter's, Gilder's, and Varnisher's Manual, is an expanded version of the Pocket Manual, with a large section on gilding added,26 together with information on the new pigments. As both works are the same size, and near enough the same length, it is possible that the emphasis on the manual being pocket sized was switched to that of being "corrected" and up to date. The copy of the Gilder's Manual examined was undated, though clues within the text indicate that it was written, or revised, in 1827.27

Whichever of the two works was the first, it would be useful to suggest a brief explanation for the large number of painting manuals that appeared in the 1820s.

The conclusion of the war with the French, in 1815, slowly led to a renewed confidence and pride in all things British. The Treaty of Vienna increased Britain's standing in Europe, and the taste for continental fashions, especially those of the French, returned. The Industrial Revolution, had led to an increase of wealth among the upper and middle classes, and many innovations designed to make life more comfortable for the average householder (Parissien 1992, 22). Not only was more attention being paid to existing housing, but new buildings were being erected. The sudden appearance of painting manuals aimed at the proud house owner was mirrored in the number of works on all aspects of interior design.

5)

Whittock, Nathaniel. The Decorative Painters', and Glaziers' Guide. G.Virtue, 1827.

This is one of the three works mentioned by J.C. Loudon as being important for the information it gives on house-painting.28 After a brief account of the pigments used, the author describes and

25 Previously unattributed, The Painter's, Gilder's, and Varnisher's Manual is now believed to be by G.A. Smeaton. A publisher's booklist, at appendix two, forms the basis for this attribution. I am indebted to Peter and Ann MacTaggart for drawing my attention to this. My analysis of the two works leads me to conclude that they are both by the same author.26 The frontispiece seems to emphasise this aspect, showing two picture framers working on elaborately carved (and presumably gilded) frames.27 See that date given on page 30.28 See Patrick Baty, "The Methods and Materials of the House-Painter in England: 1660-1850. An Annotated Bibliography." Submitted to the University of East London in partial fulfilment

17

illustrates many examples of graining and marbling. The chapters on interior and architectural decoration are very revealing for their views on contemporary practice and prejudice.

The text reads as though aimed at the working man, although being so plentifully illustrated, it must have been expensive to produce, and seems likely to have been beyond his reach. It was written in a:

plain, practical, and familiar style, so that the workman, whose mind and time have been too much occupied by his business to attain a knowledge of even the terms used in chemistry and experimental philosophy, may yet understand the true and least expensive method of performing many of the highest chemical experiments.29

6)

Vanherman, T.H.. Every Man his Own House-Painter and Colourman. I. Setchel, 1829.

This is one of the few books written by someone with practical knowledge of the materials of house-painting. Vanherman claimed to have been involved with the trade for half a century, and described himself as "artist and house-painter". The work is extremely useful for its many recipes and descriptions of techniques. It is also one of the first to mention the appropriateness of particular colours for different rooms, and from it one can begin to form an idea of some of the decorating conventions of the day.

It is possible that his business was quite influential, because one finds reference to either himself, his book, or his use of such things as fish oil, road dust, and "Impenetrable" paint in several works of the period.30

7)

Hay, D.[avid] R.[amsay]. The Laws of Harmonious Colouring Adapted to Interior Decorations, with Observations on the Practice of House Painting. 6th edn. Edinburgh and London, William Blackwood, 1847.

This edition contains a large section on house-painting, which is not dealt with in his earlier ones. D.R. Hay was a Scottish house-painter, who introduced many new decorative painting techniques, and wrote numerous works on proportion, colour and design. This book was sufficiently highly-regarded to be considered by Loudon as one of the three most important works on the subject.

of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts by Independent Study. May 1993: 22.29 (Whittock 1827, iii).30 Most notably in the following works: Pocket 1825, 184-96; Tingry 1830, 266-77 passim; Gilder's ca.1827, 165-73.

18

Hay tried to put into practice some of the new theories on colour theory of Johann Goethe,31 and the first part of the book is particularly useful for obtaining an insight into the use of colour by the wealthy middle class. The second half deals with painting materials, and gives an account of some of the decorative effects for which Hay was well known.

31 Nineteenth century colour theory owed its origins to Goethe's Zur Farbenlehre which appeared in 1810, and his earlier Beitrage zur Optik of 1791. The former was translated by Charles Eastlake, and published in English, in 1840, as Goethe's Theory of Colours.

19

PART II

CHAPTER THREE

PAINTING MATERIALS, METHODS, AND TOOLS

Types of Paint

The finishes used by the early house-painter were basically oil- or water-based, with the former being used on wood-work and some plaster surfaces, while the latter was almost totally restricted to plaster surfaces, especially ceilings. Resin-based varnishes were often applied on timber and as a protective coat over painted imitations of marble and woodgrain.

The idea of all colours being equally available in oil- and water-based finishes is a relatively new one. Certain pigments tended to be more suitable in one rather than the other medium; blue verditer, for example, was generally reserved for use in distemper, being liable to darken and go green in oil, while chalk worked well in water, but would become semi-translucent, and rather grey, in oil.

Oil Paint and its Application

Paint, until recently, invariably meant an oil-based medium, which until the early years of this century was prepared with white lead, pigment, linseed oil, and turpentine. The finish or degree of sheen was regulated by altering the ratio of the oil and the turpentine.

Until the middle of the eighteenth century a glossy finish was considered desirable on panelled walls and woodwork. However, by the early 1740s, a fashion for a matt finish developed, which, even seventy years later, was still "to be preferred for all superior work".32 This was achieved by a process known as flatting, which, apart from involving an extra operation that added to the cost of the job, was not suitable for areas of heavy wear, nor for exterior surfaces, being very fragile.

Traditional oil paint dried to a glossy finish that tended to dull down after a short time. The linseed oil content caused it to yellow, especially in areas deprived of light; this was most obvious in white paint, but colours would change too, blues taking on a greenish tinge. As indicated in the chapters on pigments, the tendency to yellow could be corrected by adding either black or a little blue, but often this problem was avoided by the deliberate use of a stone coloured paint, which was regarded as covering better than white, and having "a warm and finished look" that "lasts clean longer than a white".33 Pincot was referring to exterior painting, the standard method of preserving a brighter white in interiors by flatting was not an option outside because of the fragility of the finish. The selection of colour, and therefore fashion, to a large extent, was dictated by limitations in technology.

32 (Nicholson 1819, 2:415).33 (Pincot ca.1811, 13).

20

Pigments ground by hand also affected the appearance of oil paint, their non-uniform particle size caused an unevenness of colour, and influenced the way that light was reflected, making the surface look more lively than the modern, highly refined product. The process of grinding pigments was a labour intensive operation, some sorts requiring a lot of work to ensure complete dispersion in oil. The introduction of horse-mills in the early eighteenth century34 enabled the colour shops to develop their business of supplying finely ground pigments, at a reasonable cost, and in a convenient form. The pigments, in a paste, would have been sold in bladders35,36that were pierced with a tack37 in order to squeeze out the colour which would have been added to white lead until the desired shade was obtained. One of the effects of this labour saving innovation was to take some of the business out of the hands of the trained painter and put it into those of the amateur. Robert Campbell, in his The London Tradesman, of 1747, bemoaned the state of the trade, blaming the:

Methods practised by some Colour-Shops; who have set up Horse-Mills to grind the Colours, and sell them to Noblemen & Gentlemen ready mixed at a low price, & by the help of a few printed Directions, a house may be painted by any common Labourer at one Third of the Expense it would have cost before the Mystery was made public.38

In spite of the availability of ready-ground pigments and white lead in paste form, the house-painter still required a grindstone and muller in order to ensure the complete combination of his pigments, white lead base and oil. The grindstone was a hard stone, usually granite or rance marble,39 about eighteen inches square and heavy enough to remain "fast and steady, while the colour is grinding on it".40 The muller was an egg-shaped pebble, with the larger end broken off, and then ground as smooth as possible. This, too, could be bought ready-made at the colour shops.41

34 In 1718, Marshall Smith took out a patent for a "machine or engine for the grinding of colours, to be used in all kinds of paintings" (Bristow 1977b, 247).35 (Smith 1687, 4-5; Butcher 1821, 3).36 John Smith, in his second edition of 1687, mentioned that the bladders were either from the ox, pig or sheep, and illustrated the efficiency of these in the preservation of pigments, with an anecdote:

I remember I had a parcel of Colours given me in the year 1661, by a Neighbouring Yeoman, that were as he said, left at his House by a Trooper, that quartered there in the time of the Wars, about the year 1644. This Man was by profession a Picture-Drawer, and his Colours were all tyed up in Bladders, according to the method before prescribed, and when I had opened them, I found them in a very good condition, and to my thinking as fit for use, when mixt with a little fresh Oyl, as if they had been but very lately ground, though they had remained in this condition about seventeen years (Smith 1687, 4-5).

37 (Harley 1982, 46)38 (Campbell 1747, 103) quoted in (Bristow 1977b, 248).39 A kind of marble, of a red colour varied with veins and spots of blue and white. SOED 1986. S.v. "Rance."40 (Butcher 1821, 1).41 (Gilder's ca.1827, 2).

21

The constituents of the paint would be ground on the slab, and turned over with a palette knife, made of thin tempered steel. Some pigments, especially king's yellow, Naples yellow, and patent yellow were blackened by contact with iron or steel, and the painter would require a tool made of ivory or horn to scrape these off his slab.

John Smith gave an account of the process:

let your grinding-stone be placed about the height of your middle; let it stand firm and fast...then take a small quantity of the colour you intend to grind (two spoonfuls is enough) for the less you grind at a time, the easier and finer will your Colour be ground: lay these two spoonfuls of colour on the midst of your stone, and put a little of your linseed oil to it...then with your muller mix it together a little, and turn your muller three or four times about, and if you find there be not oil enough, put a little more to it, and grind it till it comes to the consistence of an ointment; or appears as free from any sort of lumps, as the most curious sort of butter; for then it grinds much better and sooner than when it is so thin as to run about the stone: You must oftentimes...bring your colour together with a piece of lantern horn,42 and with the same keep it together in the middle of your stone; when you find you have ground it fine enough...then with your horn cleanse it off the stone into a gally-pot,43 pan, or whatever else you design to put it into, and then lay more colour on your stone, and proceed to grinding as before. Do so often till you have ground as much of this colour as shall serve your occasions.44

The secret was to ensure that sufficient paint was made to complete the job. The variation in hue between batches of pigments, especially the natural earths, could be quite considerable, and the likelihood of being able to re-mix exactly the same colour again very slight.45

The contents of the pot were then mixed with other ingredients depending on the nature of the paint required:

Having thus the ground white lead in a pan, we are now to proceed to mix it with oil, &c. so as to render it in a suitable state for being used as paint. The quantity of oil necessary for this purpose will depend upon the purpose for which the paint is designed. If it be intended as a priming, that is, a first coat on new wood, it may be mixed considerably thinner than when it is designed for a second or a third coat (italics mine).46

Driers, in the form of litharge, or the more expensive sugar of lead, could then be added, perhaps with a little red lead. The exact mix varied with the author, and Tingry suggested that

42 A transparent case, e.g. of glass, horn, talc enclosing and protecting a light. SOED 1986. S.v. "Lantern." In this case a thin piece of horn as mentioned in the text.43 A small earthen glazed pot, esp. one used by apothecaries for ointments etc. SOED 1986. S.v. "Gallipot."44 (Smith 1788, 33-34).45 The author has encountered what may be evidence of this during analysis of the eighteenth century decorative schemes in the Saloon at Uppark, Sussex. One of the walls had been given a complete sequence of green paint layers (an undercoat and finish coat) before the whole room received a similar treatment. This was possibly a demonstration of the proposed colour scheme to the architect / client, all the walls being repainted later to ensure an even colour overall.46 (Tingry 1830, 268-69).

22

when one was not in a hurry, the drier could be omitted completely.47

If on applying this to plaster, the oil was so quickly absorbed that the white lead was left upon the surface, more oil was recommended in order to saturate the plaster, sometimes with a little turpentine added in order for it to be absorbed more readily.48 Hay did not recommend the use of boiled oil on plaster, as this was more viscous than the raw variety, and tended to form a thin film on the surface, which was not considered a sound basis for subsequent coats. On wood, Smeaton, however, suggested the addition of one part of drying [boiled] oil to two of [raw] linseed oil for a primer, which would ideally be applied twice,49 or if it were required to be in a white or blue, white copperas would be added instead of the yellowish drying oil. In spite of the addition of driers,50 the primer still took between two and three days to dry.51 It was important that the surface was completely dry before the next coat could be applied.

Although Pincot defended the use of a coat of size52 as a primer,53 Hay condemned this practice, which was carried out as a cheap, fast-drying method of preventing the absorption of the oil, and the consequent increase in coverage of the paint:

The paint...forms little more than a weak film, which is effectually separated from the plaster by the thin pelicle of glue below it; whereas, in the absence of this preparation, the absorption of the oil leaves the paint like a firmly united crust upon the surface of both wood and plaster.54,55

New softwood, particularly pine, often contains knots which require careful treatment, if the resin which they exude is not to damage the paintwork. Smeaton recommended the application of a mixture of red lead and litharge, with a small quantity of turpentine over each knot.56 Sometimes a lump of fresh slaked lime57 was laid on the knot to kill it, before being covered with a coating of "size knotting", which was a preparation of red lead, white lead and whiting,

47 (ibid., 269).48 (Hay 1847, 122). 49 (Gilder's ca.1827, 113-14).50 See Chapter Twelve on Driers for a more detailed explanation of the various drying agents.51 (ibid., 113; Hay 1847, 124).52 Size was made from the clippings of sheep's skin, goats' skin, and of parchment, which was boiled for three or four hours in water (Tingry 1830, 242). As well as being used as a fast-drying sealer, it formed the basis of the water-based paint system used as an alternative to oil paint on plaster surfaces -distemper, or size colour.53 (Pincot ca.1811, 38).54 (Hay 1847, 123-24).55 The author has encountered the use of size as a primer for wood during recent analysis of the early decorative schemes in a building of the late 1870s. The layers of paint were found to detach from the size with great ease, having been prevented from forming a bond with the wood substrate. Patrick Baty, "Report on the Paintwork in Three Areas of the Foreign Office, Whitehall." 6 April 1993.56 (Pocket 1825, 33-34).57 See Chapter Nine on White Pigments for a description of the slaking of lime, 82-83.

23

made into a thin paste with size.58,59 Hay, however, was the first of the authors examined who suggested the course of action still used to this day, that of painting the knot with shellac.60 He also recommended painting over this with a quick-drying [japan] gold size and then laying on leaf metal, to form an impenetrable barrier.61

The use of white lead in the priming coat on timber appears to date from the eighteenth century, prior to that it was more usual to apply Spanish brown, a natural red earth pigment, "well ground and mixed very thin with linseed oil".62

The primer having been applied and allowed to dry, it was now the time to fill all the nail holes and other superficial irregularities. This was done with putty, which was made out of whiting and linseed oil, the boiled version, as recommended by Field, probably drying more quickly.63 The practice of filling surface imperfections before priming, as opposed to after, seems only to have been advocated by Smith,64 no doubt it was soon discovered that the substrate tended to absorb the linseed oil from the putty, causing it to shrink and fall out.

Hay provided the clearest description of the process of painting once the primer had been applied, saying that the "second coat should be made thicker than the first", but that this:

will depend upon the degree of absorption that has taken place in the application of the first coat. Sometimes a great proportion of it bears out - that is, drys with a gloss; in which case the second coat ought to have a good body of white lead in it. At other times, it is found that no part of the first coat bears out, and that even some portions of it have had the oil so completely absorbed as to leave nothing on the surface but a dry powder. When this is the case, it is a sure sign that the plaster is of such a nature as to receive the full benefit of the oil; and, that it may be properly saturated, the paint for the second coat is kept rather thin. Before applying this coat, the work should be rubbed with fine sand-paper.65 If the second coat bears out properly when dry, the third coat will form the groundwork for the finishing process; but should it not bear out properly, the work will be understood to require five coats; and, therefore, another coat of plain oil-paint is applied.66

58 (Papworth 1857-58, 6).59 This seems to have been taken from Peter Nicholson's The Mechanic's Companion, 1825: 406.60 The dark-red resinous encrustation produced on certain trees by the puncture of an insect (Coccus lacca). When melted, strained, and formed into irregular thin plates, it is known as shell-lac or SHELLAC. SOED 1986. S.v. "Lac." This insect was a near relative of the Coccus cacti which produced cochineal (q.v.).61 (Hay 1847, 128).62 (Smith 1788, 45).63 (Field 1850, 152).64 (Smith 1788, 44-45).65 This is one of the earliest mentions of the existence of sand-paper. Prior to its appearance, shavegrass, or horsetail was used (Secrets 1780, 93). An American wood carver, recounts his discovery of this plant while working on the restoration of Grinling Gibbons' carvings at Hampton Court: David Esterly, "A Case of Dutch Iris." The Spectator, 6 October 1990: 34-35.66 (Hay 1847, 124-25).

24

The third coat that formed the base for the "finishing process" referred to, was composed of white lead, diluted with an equal proportion of linseed oil and turpentine. The latter was added because of its ability to hold a large amount of solids in suspension, thus increasing the density of the coat. If the final colour was to be other than white, it was usually at this stage that pigment was added, the tint being darker than that of the finish coat.

Pincot described the upstairs rooms as being left with this finish, pointing out, however, that:

when you come to the best rooms, as parlours, drawing and dining rooms, an extra coat will be necessary, and the last time in all Turpentine.67

Hay expanded upon this, saying that on the second day after the third coat had been applied,68 a flatting coat was brushed on, consisting of white lead mixed into a paste with turpentine and such pigments as required, to which was added a little sugar of lead or japan gold size as a drier.

Owing to the volatility of the turpentine, this soon dried, whilst its solvent action softened the third coat, ensuring a bond between the two layers, leaving the pigment particles held firmly. He described the action of stippling the surface with the tips of a dry brush, to ensure an even coverage, which had to be carried out immediately the flatting coat had been brushed on.69

Both Pincot and Hay referred to the use of clearcole, which was white lead ground in water, and mixed with size. The former explaining that it:

is a cheap mode of painting well calculated for servant's rooms, attics, and kitchens, old houses, small tenements, or ship's cabins, where dispatch is necessary, or where it is necessary to paint often.70

Whilst unquestionably a cheap process, the problem with this was similar to the use of size in priming, and later layers of paint tended to chip off, necessitating the complete removal of the old paint.71

Distemper

A less expensive matt finish that was widely used on plaster walls and ceilings was known as distemper, or size colour. This was made with whiting, or ground chalk, bound with a glue size made from animal bones, horns or skin, and tinted with a suitable pigment. It had many advantages: cheapness, the wide range of tints achievable in it, the ease with which it could be made and applied, and the speed of its application. It was also used when the colour of the intended scheme could only be obtained using pigments that were liable to change in an oil medium. Being loosely bound, it could be washed off for renewal, but it was not particularly durable, and was neither washable nor suitable for areas of heavy traffic, hence the modern

67 (Pincot ca.1811, 17).68 i.e. before it had fully dried.69 (Hay 1847, 127).70 (Pincot ca.1811, 18).71 (Hay 1847, 127-28).

25

name of soft distemper.

This mode of beautifying rooms is cheap and the appearance very agreeable; properly managed is within any capacity, and in my opinion is preferable to paper, as vermin will not harbour as they do behind the chassims of papered rooms...The proper consistence for use is rather thicker than cream, and always used in a chilled state...and, in all walls intended to be coloured it is necessary first to have them a good white with common White-wash,72 with nothing but size and whiting; the colours you should buy in a damp soft state...and these again you should thin and work smooth with a little water previous to mixing with the size, and observe to make a trial on a piece of card or paper, and dry it before the fire before you colour your wall as you will see the effect, and prevent being disappointed...Old papered rooms where the paper is in a firm and good state, may be coloured in this way...The convenience of colouring rooms in this way is so ready and attended with so little dirt or inconvenience, that a room may be compleated [sic] and dry in a day...in all cases have your colours smooth and well mixed before you lay them on, be as quick as you can in using them, laying them as even as you possibly can, and observing to leave them lay'd off one way, as the marks off the brush will not then be so much observed.73

As well as being cheap and relatively easy to apply, it had one great advantage over an oil-based paint, and that was its permeability to moisture. When one considers that new brickwork has been estimated to contain about thirty gallons of water per cubic yard, and lime plaster contains nearly half a gallon in each of its three coats per square yard,74 a new building would have a large amount of water present in it. Some of this would be permanently bound chemically, but many tons would slowly evaporate during the first few years, and not all of the water vapour would travel outwards. If obstructed by an impermeable layer of paint, the pressure built up underneath would cause the paint to be pushed off the wall.

In view of this potential problem, it is perhaps surprising that only one author draws attention to it. Peter Nicholson, in his An Architectural Dictionary spoke of distemper as a stop-gap measure:

Painting in distemper, or water-colours mixed with size, stucco, or plaster, which is intended to

72 Tingry gave an account for the preparation of this:

If plain distemper is to be applied to a wall or partition covered with plaster, some Spanish white or white of Troyes is thrown into water, where it may be easily broken and diluted if allowed sufficient time to soak. A little charcoal black, diluted separately in some water, is then added, to correct the too great whiteness, and to prevent it from becoming yellow. To the water mixed with white one half of a solution of strong glue in water is added, exceedingly hot, but not boiling, and it is then applied with a brush. The coatings are repeated till the tint has become uniform (Tingry 1830, 247).

73 (Pincot ca.1811, 19-21).74 Source: The Paint, Oil and Chemical Review, Chicago. 101, No.23, 15-16, November 1939; quoted in Manfred Hess, Paint Film Defects their Causes and Cure, 1st English ed.,(Chapman & Hall, 1951), 334.

26

be painted in oil when finished [italics mine]; but not being sufficiently dry to receive the oil, may have a coating in water-colours, of any given tint required, in order to give a more finished appearance to that part of the building.75

He continued:

It will not require less than two coats of any of the foregoing colours in order to cover the plaster, and bear out with an uniform appearance. It must be recollected, that when the stucco is sufficiently dry, and it is desirable to have it painted in oil, the whole of the water colour ought to be removed; which may be easily done by washing; and, when quite dry, proceed with it after the directions given in oil painting on stucco.76

Nicholson was also aware of the implications of this long drying-out time, and in a comment on speculative building said:

Perhaps, in general cases, where persons are building on their own estate, or for themselves, two or three years are not too long to suffer the stucco to remain unpainted; though frequently, in speculative works, as many weeks are scarcely allowed.77

It would seem that, in a new house, two to three years was also about the life of a coat of distemper on walls, as Hay warned that it lasted only as long as the size withstood the action of the atmosphere, "unless when the surface of the plaster has been rendered impervious to absorption by one or two coats of paint".78,79

Although it appears from the two editions of Tingry consulted that size-bound distemper was used on wooden panelling,80 Nicholson warned against it, saying:

The above processes will also apply to old wainscotting, in cases where temporary painting is only required; but cannot be recommended for durability.81

The application of a varnish over the distemper would certainly improve its durability, but the same problems encountered with the use of size as a primer, or as clearcole, would exist. The similar refractive index of oil and chalk would also present a problem, turning the distemper semi-translucent if an oil-based varnish were applied to a conventional whiting and size distemper. One method of avoiding this was to ensure that an argillaceous82 white pigment was used as a basis for the distemper, but white lead would have been even better.83 Another option would have been to use a spirit-based varnish made up of shellac dissolved in alcohol.

75 (Nicholson 1819, 2:416).76 (ibid.).77 (ibid.).78 (Hay 1847, 154).79 Meaning an oil paint.80 (Tingry 1804, 511-16; Tingry 1830, 255-62).81 (Nicholson 1819, 2:417).82 See White Earths in the chapter on White Pigments for an explanation of this term, 77.83 (Tingry 1830, 244).

27

Ceilings, throughout the period being investigated, were generally treated with a water-based coating. In the earlier years this tended to be a simple slurry of whiting and water, brushed on quickly before it dried, and commonly known as whitening. This presented an extremely matt surface that was very friable, and easily replaced. One benefit of this, especially on the elaborate three-dimensional plasterwork of late seventeenth century ceilings, was that it did not clog up the detail. A repaint would entail complete removal and washing down of the previous coat. Alternatively, a size-bound distemper was used to a large extent and this too required washing down before recoating. As a precaution against incomplete removal, Pincot recommended the use of a size binder to stick "fast all the dirt left after washing".84

Brushes

The implements that laid the paint on the surface played as important a part in the final finish as the medium itself, as Smeaton acknowledged:

In no particular ought the painter or varnisher, who wishes to ensure superiority in the execution of his work, to be more circumspect than in the choice of his brushes and pencils.85

The former were:

always made of hogs bristles. They are of several sizes and shapes, some round, and others flat. The round ones are of all sizes, from two inches diameter to a quarter of an inch; those of the largest size are for priming the work, and for laying such colours as are used in great quantities...The smaller sort of brushes are to use in such parts and places of any work in which larger ones cannot well come to work...Flat brushes are chiefly in use for drawings of lines, and in the imitation of olive and walnut work [i.e. graining].86

The flat brushes that we use now were not known in the eighteenth century, being described in 1898 as a "recent innovation", when they were developed for "coach and highly-finished wood-work". They were said to be of a "far better form for leaving a highly finished surface than the oval or knot brush, but do not last so long in wear if used on ordinary general work".87

The round, or oval, brush, often known as a ground tool, would have been easier to produce in its simplest form, being little more than a stick with bristles bound tightly around it. However, it seems more than tradition that caused it to survive for so long. Indeed, brushes of this type are still used widely on the Continent for applying oil paint.

New brushes were usually broken in by being used as a dusting brush before being put into paint (Tingry 1830, 265). The action of dusting away the debris after rubbing down removed any loose hairs, and made the tips of the coarse bristles finer. Smaller brushes were used by the painter as well, these were known as sash tools, from their being ideal for painting window

84 (Pincot ca.1811, 14).85 (Pocket 1825, 14).86 (Smith 1788, 4-6).87 (Pearce 1898, 61).

28

frames and beading, and came in "different sizes to suit the different sized bars of the windows, beads, &c."88

Not only did a painter need a dusting brush, and a range of ground tools and sash tools, but the professional house-painter kept a duplicate set of brushes: one for use in white and light coloured paints, the other for dark colours.89 The process of cleaning them was never considered completely adequate.

Pencils differed from brushes:

in the smallness of their size, and in being manufactured of a much finer and softer hair...Pencils are invariably of a round form. The smallest are fitted into the barrels of quills, the larger sort into tin cases, both placed at the ends of sticks; some of a very large size are fastened into stocks, in the same manner as brushes.90

The brushes used to apply distemper had, however, been of a different shape for many years. The reason being that this medium needed to be laid on "boldly, freely, and equally, with a light free sweep of the brush", whereas oil paint needed to be spread sparingly.91 Being fast-drying the larger an area covered with one sweep the better. Originally, distemper brushes were the two- or three-knot type; a flat double- or triple-pronged wooden fork with bristles bound around the prongs.

88 (ibid., 266).89 (Pincot ca.1811, 9). 90 (Pocket 1825, 16-17).91 (Pearce 1898, 130).

29

CHAPTER FOUR

BLACK PIGMENTS

Lamp Black

Lamp black was the soot collected after burning the resinous parts of fir-trees. It came mostly from Sweden and Norway, although it was manufactured on a large scale in Germany at the beginning of the nineteenth century.92 Smith referred to its being "made up in small boxes and barrels of deal, of several sizes, and so brought over to us".93

The burning process often led to incomplete combustion, which caused the pigment to have a slight shade of brown, and to be somewhat greasy. In this form it tended to be used for the oil colours applied to railings and balustrades.94

It was the most commonly used of the blacks, being cheap and plentiful. It was a very fine pigment that would serve most needs, without grinding, if mixed up well with linseed-oil. If used in this manner, however, the greasiness would retard its drying time, unless a drying agent were added.95

Butcher recommended the addition of either two-parts of drying oil, or driers, preferably white copperas, to counteract the greasy nature of the pigment.96 This can be compared with the earlier editions of Smith, which suggested the more old-fashioned expedient of verdigris for that purpose.97

Both the colour and the natural fatness could be improved on by burning it in a crucible or iron ladle over a fire, but this process tended to harden the pigment, requiring a lengthier preparation and therefore higher cost.98

Smith confused matters by referring to this pigment as "Lam-black", and to another sort of pigment being produced by the soot from lamps or candles as "lamp-black". The latter was apparently of a finer texture, and brighter colour, but more expensive, and therefore used only on fine work.99 This distinction appeared to be made also by Tingry's later editor, who referred to lamp black as being "Soot from the decomposition of resins and oils by fire", and later described a "genuine lamp black" being produced by suspending a tin funnel over a lamp, and collecting the soot that formed in its apex.100 Smeaton called this variety of pigment the

92 (Tingry 1804, 50, 347).93 (Smith 1687, 16-17).94 (Tingry 1804, 347).95 (Pocket 1825, 89).96 (Butcher 1821, 6). 97 (Smith 1788, 16).98 (Butcher 1821, 7).99 (Smith 1788, 15-18). 100 (Tingry 1830, 131-12).

30

"veritable lamp black".101

Ivory Black

Throughout the period under consideration, ivory black was always regarded as an expensive commodity "not used in any common work",102 lamp black, it was believed, would "answer the purpose quite as well for any work required in house painting".103 Nonetheless, it is mentioned in the majority of sources consulted.

Ivory black was traditionally made from the shavings and off-cuts of the comb-making industry, and from other waste fragments of ivory. These were burned or charred to a black coal, ground very fine with water on a marble slab, and then dried. Smith described it being sold in small lumps in the colour shop.104 It ground well with oil, and formed a beautiful pearl gray when mixed with white lead.105 (Its transparency led Hay to list it among the pigments used in graining.106

In the nineteenth century it appears that the name ivory black was often used to describe the pigment produced by burning animal bones, more properly called bone black. This was regarded as a "very indifferent black, abounding in impurities, and suited only to the coarser kinds of painting".107 The latter tended to produce a reddish hue, quite distinct from the richer effect derived from ivory.

Blue Black

According to Tingry, black of a bluish hue was produced by the burning of vine twigs, which, when ground carefully, and mixed with white produced a silver white.108 Beech charcoal was credited with a very similar tone, and bearing in mind the European origins of this work, it is more likely that in this country, beech rather than vine twigs would have provided the source.

The few references to this pigment that occur, appear to be derived from the above source, and even fewer give an indication of its usage. Nicholson in his The Mechanic's Companion, of 1825, mentioned it being used in small amounts to brighten up the last two coats of a surface being painted in white with oil.109 Pincot suggested Prussian blue, or black, for the same purpose. Perhaps when one considers the practical nature of Pincot's writing, and his long experience of the trade, the addition of a blue that held a key place on the house-painter's palette

101 (Gilder's ca.1827, 22).102 (Smith 1687, 18).103 (Whittock 1827, 9).104 (Smith 1788, 17). 105 Tingry 1804, 350). 106 (Hay 1847, 140).107 (Tingry 1830, 135). 108 (Tingry 1804, 350). 109 (ibid., 406).

31

seems more likely in everyday work, than a black reserved for this purpose alone.110,111 In finer work, one may expect a charcoal black to have been used in the way that Nicholson described, and the author has encountered it in at least one late eighteenth century house.112

110 (Pincot ca.1811, 17).111 See also Tingry's comments under Prussian blue in the chapter on Blue Pigments, 43.112 The recent investigative work at Uppark, in Sussex, has shown that a charcoal black was used in the upper layers of the white painted woodwork in many of the rooms.

32

CHAPTER FIVE

BLUE PIGMENTS

Blue Bice

From the description in Tingry, which says that it was obtained from a stone called the Lapis Armenus,113 and that, unlike lapis lazuli which tended to have spangles of gold [pyrites] in it,114 this had green spots [malachite],115it would seem that azurite was the source.

Blue bice was described as being "sandy" i.e. gritty, by Smith in his first and later editions, and required grinding well before use. This process inevitably made it pale, which he also reported.116

The ninth edition, of 1788, cannot be taken at face value, because it still records blue bice as bearing the "best body of all bright blues used in common work".117 The appearance of Prussian blue, some seventy years before had changed all this, although even an innovation such as this did not provide all the answers.118 In spite of the inclusion of blue bice in the 1830 edition of Tingry, it is felt that this was more for the sake of completeness - especially as it had not been referred to in the 1804 edition, and its appearance in Butcher's revision of Smith, of 1821, is perhaps an indication of poor editing, rather than of contemporary practice.

Blue Verditer

An early reference to blue verditer indicated that it was a by-product of the silver refining industry, and one that was not without its difficulties:

Tis a strange and great mystery to see how small and undiscernable a nicety...makes the one and the other colour, as is daily discovered by the refiners in making their Verditers, who sometimes with the same materials and quantities of them for their Aqua-fortis, and with the same Copper-Plates, and Whiting make a very fair Blew-Verditer, otherwise a fairer or more dirty-green. Whereof they can assign no reason, nor can they hit on a certain rule to make constantly their Verditer of a fair Blew, to their great disprofit, the Blew being of manifold greater value than the Green.119,120

It would seem that the blue variety inclined to green, and was not altogether stable, being

113 Armenian stone, a blue carbonate of copper. SOED 1986. S.v. "Lapis."114 (Tingry 1804, 303).115 (Tingry 1830, 95).116 (Smith 1676, 19).117 (Smith 1788, 24).118 See the entry on Prussian blue for the misgivings felt by some, 42.119 (Merret 1662, 292).120 Christopher Merret, The Art of Glass... (1662), 292; quoted in Harley 1982, 51.

33

"subject to change and turn greenish".121 However, mixed with a yellow it produced a good green of a much brighter sort than was possible with any of the other available blues.

Although the name verditer was probably derived from the French verd de terre, it was the English blue verditer that was considered the finest, and much experimentation was carried out on the Continent to replicate it.122 Dr. Rosamund Harley has pointed out that the English fashion for French words led to further confusion, when their name for it, cendres bleues d'Angleterre was anglicized to Sanders, or Saunders blue.123

Blue verditer worked best in a water-based medium, such as distemper, but was not considered fit for oil painting, as the oil rendered it very dark and transparent,124 and no amount of grinding would make it suitable for use in that medium.125 However, if it was used in this way, it had to be mixed with a great deal of white.126

Pincot called it a delicate colour, and recommended it for ceilings. To paint a moderate sized one required one pound of the pigment, which he sold for 1s 6d.127

Ultramarine / French Ultramarine

Ultramarine has been prized for many years for its beautiful blue colour, and since ancient times has been produced from the precious stone, lapis lazuli. Although mentioned by name in the majority of the sources under review, there is no evidence of it having been in general use in house-painting. Smith referred to it being "so vastly dear, that 'tis not to be used except in pieces of great price" (Smith 1687, 25), and the author of the Pocket Manual, nearly one hundred and fifty years later, said its price "prevents its being introduced, unless very rarely indeed, into house painting".128

Tingry described it as being brought from Asia, particularly Persia, and the kingdom of Golconda.129 Other sources were listed as Siberia, Prussia, and Spain, although the stone produced from these countries was considered inferior. The price of ultramarine was recorded as being nearly as high, or even higher, than that of gold in the early nineteenth century.130

A couple of sources describe it being a preparation of "calcined lapis-lazuli",131 which is perhaps a confusion, in that the stone was heated in order to cause it to shatter when immersed in cold

121 (Smith 1676, 19).122 (Tingry 1804, 314-17).123 (Harley 1982, 50).124 (Whittock 1827, 11).125 (Smith 1788, 28).126 (Tingry 1804, 317; Gilder's ca.1827, 42).127 (Pincot ca.1811, 22).128 (Pocket 1825, 100).129 The old name for Hyderabad. SOED 1986. S.v. "Golconda."130 (Tingry 1804, 303; Pocket 1825, 100).131 (Nicholson 1823, 414; Whittock 1827, 11).

34

water, thus making it easier to grind, rather than in order to effect a change in appearance of the material.

Except for its high price, ultramarine possessed several of the ideal properties of a pigment; it was suitable for use in both oil and water media, reasonably resistant to acids and alkalis, non-fading, and unaffected by moisture. It was also of a clean, slightly purple hue, unlike the darker greenish tints produced by the other blues used for house-painting. It is hardly surprising that a great effort was made to synthesize the pigment, and by the early years of the nineteenth century it was understood that sulphur was one of the chief components.132

The third edition of Tingry recorded the successful production of artificial ultramarine by Guimet and Gmelin in 1828,133 and this pigment rapidly passed into general use. As with the natural product, there were different grades of the new pigment, and in the 1840s it was available at various prices, from five shillings to forty shillings a pound; the sort made by Guimet being decidedly the best.134,135

Indigo

Tingry tells us that a plant known to the Spaniards as anillo, was grown in the East and West Indies, as well as in Brasil and Peru.136 This plant, of the genus Indigofera, was imported to Europe, via Baghdad, from early times, giving rise to its early name of Indebaudias, [indigo from Baghdad].137

We are told that it was produced as follows:

When it has arrived at a certain height, and its leaves are in good condition, they are cut down and thrown into a vat, and covered with water, in which they remain till a considerable fermentation ensues, and the water acquires a violet colour. The water is then drawn off into another vessel, where it is agitated till it becomes frothy all over the surface, and every part intimately blended. The matter is then left to subside; after which the water is poured off, and the blue feculence at the bottom is dried in the pieces we find it.138

The use of indigo had been prohibited by Parliament in the reign of Elizabeth I; it being denounced as a dangerous drug and described as the "food for the devil".139 Whilst this act was

132 (Tingry 1804, 309).133 (Tingry 1830, 68).134 (Hay 1847, 115).135 For comparison of prices, see the price of the different grades of vermilion (66-67) and of the red lakes (64) in the chapter on Red Pigments, and of yellow ochre in the chapter on Yellow Pigments (96).136 (Tingry 1804, 324). 137 (Harley 1982, 67).138 (Tingry 1830, 128).139 Statutes of the Realm, 39 Eliz. 1, c.9., 1597, quoted in J.B. Hurry, The Woad Plant and its Dye (OUP, 1930), 259; and mentioned by Dr. Harley in endnote no. 94 of her Artists' Pigments

35

not officially repealed until the reign of Charles II, it seems from the activities of the East India Company, outlined by Harley,140 that large quantities were imported throughout the early part of the seventeenth century. It could be that the greatest resistance to indigo came from the woad141 growers of Somerset, Lincolnshire and Cambridgeshire, who feared competition.

Having described indigo as being a very dark blue, and seldom used without a mixture of white, Smith went on to say that:

it grinds fine, and works well, and is much used in vulgar Painting for the last Colours of Windowes, Doors, Pales, Posts, Rails, Pallisadoes, or any other Timber-work....onely it's something dear, and yet not very chargeable for work, by reason much White must be mixed with it, which makes a little of it go a great way: Vulgar Painters142 instead thereof use Blew Balls,143 which they buy at the colour-Shops which nearly imitates it, but is not so good a Colour neither for Beauty nor lasting.144

The author of the Pocket Manual mentioned different grades of indigo, the purest being considered suitable for use in oil, while the inferior quality was only fit for distemper.145 This is an echo of the two kinds of indigo referred to by Tingry.146

Prussian Blue

The seeming inconsistency between the details of the discovery of Prussian blue in the two editions of Tingry are explained by Harley as follows: Dippel, the Berlin chemist, credited with the breakthrough in the 1804 edition, was the alchemist who supplied Diesbach, the colourmaker, and inventor, named in the 1830 edition.147

The process of making Prussian blue was kept secret for nearly twenty years until Woodward published it in England in 1724.148 However, although the pigment was known of from an early stage, being first mentioned in print in 1710,149 there is no reference to it in any edition of

c.1600-1835.140 (Harley 1982, 68).141 A blue dye-stuff prepared from the leaves of Isatis tinctoria powdered and fermented: now generally superseded by indigo. SOED 1986. S.v. "Woad."142 i.e. house-painters.143 Woad.144 (Smith 1676, 20).145 (Pocket 1825, 99).146 (Tingry 1804, 325).147 (Harley 1982, 71; Tingry 1804, 309; Tingry 1830, 69).148 John Woodward, "Praeparatio Caerulei Prussiaei", Philosophical Transactions, xxxiii (1724): 15-17.149 "Notitia coerulei Berlinensis nuper inventi", Miscellanea Berlinensia, (Berlin), i (1710): 377-78, quoted in Watin, L'Art du Peintre, Doreur, Vernisseur, new ed. (Liege: de Boubers, 1778), 33.

36

Smith, until the revision of Butcher in 1821. Evidence, perhaps, of the poor editing of this work after the second edition of 1687.

The first mention of the pigment, in the works under review, came in 1804, when Tingry acknowledged its "distinguished part in house-painting", but pointed out the yellow tinge that it developed when ground with oil,150 and the lack of confidence felt by many who used it.151

The addition of a little violet lake152 compensated for the greening effect of the oil, although very often there was no need, as it tended to be mixed with yellow to produce a variety of greens. Butcher suggested such a mixture as a ground coat for verdigris, which looked rather thin when used by itself.153

Vanherman, writing in 1829, stated that it "is the most general and useful blue we have, either for inside or out-door painting." He went on to say that combined with some of the reds, and most of the yellows, it "produces purples and greens, of numberless tints and gradations, but does not harmonise with patent yellow".154

As discussed, briefly, under blue black, Prussian blue was also used to correct the yellowing tendency of white paint. Tingry's later editor was very clear on this point:

Besides the addition of the drier and oil of turpentine to white lead paint, it will be sometimes found very useful to add to it a small quantity of ground Prussian blue, to impart to it a very slight blue tinge, which in crowded and smoky towns, London in particular, without such addition, soon becomes of a dingy yellow.155

It is surprising that little mention was made of the tendency of Prussian blue to be destroyed by alkali,156 indeed Whittock referred to it being suitable for distemper, adding that in this case it was mixed with whiting and kept ready ground by the colourmen, under the name of "damp blue".157

Even after the introduction of an artificial ultramarine, Prussian blue was described as one of the most important pigments to the house-painter, being of:

a deep and powerful colour, mixing well with white paint in the production of all tints of which blue is an element, and is at the same time decidedly transparent. It is, like most

150 (Tingry 1804, 313).151 (ibid., 309).152 (Gilder's ca.1827, 38). For an explanation of "lakes" see the pages on red lakes in the chapter on Red Pigments, 61-65.153 (Butcher 1821, 10).154 (Vanherman 1829, 28).155 (Tingry 1830, 270-71).156 Harley refers to the warning in Edward Dayes, The Works of the Late Edward Dayes, 1805 (Harley 1982, 73). The Painter's, Gilder's, and Varnisher's Manual is the only work examined to mention this (ibid., 38).157 (Whittock 1827, 11).

37

other manufactured pigments of various qualities.158

Smalt

Smalt was produced on a large scale in Saxony, which led to its name of Saxon blue. It was a glass-like pigment coloured by cobalt obtained from the numerous mines in the region, and was a rich blue verging on the purple,159 bearing a strong resemblance to ultramarine.160

There were two sorts of the colour, the one much finer than the other, but the coarsest:

gives the most glorious colour of all, if looked on at a distance, for near the eye the beauty is not so great; the finest is that which is called oil smalt, which if ground with white-lead, may be laid in oil, but it bears not a good body, and besides works with much difficulty.161

The coarser variety, known as strewing smalt, consisted of coarse blue translucent particles that were scattered on a coat of white-lead paint that had been allowed to stand for a while. As a result, the particles adhered to the still-sticky surface, and remained embedded in the paint film.

The effect was described as producing "the most lovely blue of all others, if it lie at a distance",162,163 perhaps implying that at close quarters the effect was less impressive. In spite of patting down the particles of smalt into the sticky white-lead, as recommended,164recent experiments have shown that this technique cannot achieve an even colour.165

All the English references to this technique of strewing smalt refer to the base coat being of white lead, meaning an uncoloured white paint made from white lead. However, one French source specifies the use of a blue base, saying:

D'abord on les imprime de bleu a l'huile; et avant que la derniere couche soit entierement secheé, on la sapoudre de ce bleu, qui se fixe sur le fond, l'huile faisant ici l'effet d'un mordant.166

Surprisingly, this seemed not to have made much difference, as confirmed by the comment that,

"Ce bleu produit un assez bel effet a quelque distance".167

158 (Hay 1847, 114).159 (Dossie 1796, 1:83; Tingry 1804, 300),160 (Gilder's ca.1827, 40).161 (Smith 1788, 25).162 (Smith 1788, 25).163 Smith being a bit repetitive on this page.164 (Pocket 1825, 100).165 See Patrick Baty, "Palette of the Past." Country Life, 3 Sep. 1992: 44-47.166 (Morisot 1823, 3:33).167 (ibid.).

38

The emphasis, perhaps, being on "quelque distance" which is similar to Smith's description above.

The finer oil smalt mentioned in the various editions of Smith, did not give a very strong colour when mixed with white-lead, and being somewhat coarse, did not handle easily168,169 It also had no advantage over the other blues available. Similarly, although Tingry mentioned the use of smalt in distemper in his 1804 edition,170 this was not repeated in his third edition, and appeared in no other source. It is unlikely that this option saw much use, the other blues, whilst not without their own difficulties, being easier and cheaper than smalt.

Dossie remarks on the price of smalt always having been high.171 Presumably, therefore, it was a cheaper, and possibly, paler variety that was used by laundresses to blue their linen.172

Strewn smalt seems to have been used on sun-dials, clock- faces, sign-boards, and even, occasionally, on fine iron-work. In spite of such frequent usage outside, and the comment that it was also the colour,

"qui supporte le mieux les influences de l'atmosphere",173

it has been recognized more recently that it is gradually altered by moisture and by the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, becoming paler and greyer; moreover, the finer the particle size, the more rapid is the change.174

Cobalt blue and artificial ultramarine gradually replaced smalt, except for signwork, in the early nineteenth century, and it has been practically obsolete for a number of years.

168 (Smith 1676, 18; Smith 1687, 26-27).169 Its use has been found by Dr. Bristow in the recent work at the Queen's House, Greenwich. The late seventeenth century scheme on the ceiling and balustrade of the hall was a "blued white" produced by mixing smalt with white lead in oil, while the ceiling beams and entablature of the King's Presence Chamber were a darker blue, produced by strewing the pigment on a ground of wet white lead in oil. See Ian Bristow, "[The Queen's House, Greenwich] Research into the Reconstruction of the Historic Paint Colours." ASCHB Transactions 1989, vol.14, 1989: 69-71.170 (Tingry 1804, 302).171 (Dossie 1796, 1:83).172 Anthony Florian Willich, The Domestic Encyclopaedia, vol. 1 (1802), s.v. "Blueing."173 (Morisot 1823, 3:33).174 (Church 1901, 223).

39

CHAPTER SIX

BROWN PIGMENTS

The Siennas

The earliest printed reference to the use of a native earth brought from Siena, for house-painting purposes that has been encountered, occurs in 1823.175 However, evidence has been found of the pigment in the house-painter's palette in the early years of that century.176 It appears to have become available between the first and third editions of Tingry; that is, 1804 and 1830. Whittock made reference to "the pigments called raw and burnt sienna" as though they were little known.177

During the period under review, there seems to have been little use of the modern appellation of raw sienna and burnt sienna, although Nicholson and later writers do refer to it changing to an orange red, or rich brown approaching to red when calcined.178

Whilst being considered a "valuable colour in distemper",179 and one of only two yellows recommended for interior painting,180,181the chief use of this pigment, both in its raw and burnt state, was in wood graining and marbling, where its translucency proved invaluable for the glazes used in overgraining. The raw variety was a deep warm yellow, used in the imitation of satin wood,182 and inevitably, in the representation of sienna marble.183 The burnt pigment was used as a glazing colour, especially in imitations of mahogany.184

The Umbers

The name of this earth pigment was explained by Tingry, as being a kind of clay mixed with a little iron oxide, and brought from Nocera, in Umbria. Watin, however, suggested that terre d'ombre was so called after ombre, the French word for shadow.185 Tingry added that it was

175 (Nicholson 1823, 413). 176 One of the sample cards prepared by a house-painter for his client, in 1807, shows both a dark and a light version of the colour in a distemper medium. See Appendix Three, nos. SC212 and SC213.177 (Whittock 1827, 55).178 (Nicholson 1823, 413; Whittock 1827, 12, 55).179 (Whittock 1827, 12).180 (Hay 1847, 109).181 The other being chrome yellow, 87-88.182 (Tingry 1830, 286).183 (Whittock 1827, 55; Tingry 1830, 291-92).184 (Hay 1847, 140).185 (Watin 1778, 34).

40

sometimes called brown ochre,186,187 but this is a confusing use of the word, as Nicholson described that pigment as a "warm brown or foul orange colour",188 which would match Harley's view that brown ochre was Spanish brown.189

Tingry said that there were two types of the pigment, Turkey umber and English umber, "the best comes from Turkey, or rather from the island of Cyprus, where it occurs in beds".190 This reinforces Smith's earlier description of it being an "earth...dug out of a certain island in the Mediteranian Sea".191 Indeed, the North West hills of that island still provide the best source today.

Hay described the umber from Cyprus as being an "ochraceous iron ore", of a "greyish tone of brown, approaching yellow-hue". He confirmed Smith's comment of it being a good drier,192 and expanded on the inferior umber, called English, saying that it "is a native earth found in Derbyshire, Somersetshire, and other parts of England, and is used instead of Turkey umber upon low-priced work", both types being used in the production of the different varieties of drab and stone-colour, in oil and in distemper.193

Like the other earth pigments, when calcined, its colour alters, becoming browner, approaching red. Both Whittock and Vanherman referred to it being transparent, or, at least, semi-transparent, and therefore a good glazing colour much used in graining.194 This latter technique requiring the burnt variety in particular.195

Vandyke Brown

Whittock appears to be the first of the sources who mentioned this pigment by name, and he indicated that it was called after the artist Sir Anthony Vandyke who regarded it highly.196 However, the pigment had been in use for some time already, but known by a different name, the Vandyke appellation dating from the early nineteenth century.

The 1780 edition of Valuable Secrets Concerning Arts and Trades refers to "Cologn earth" being "a sort of rusty black",197 whilst Dossie in his 1796 edition called it a "fossil substance...of a dark blackish brown colour, a little inclining towards purple", and showed that the name was

186 (Tingry 1804, 367).187 See yellow ochre in the chapter on Yellow Pigments, 95-96.188 (Nicholson 1823, 415).189 (Harley 1982, 148).190 (Tingry 1830, 75).191 (Smith 1687, 27).192 (Smith 1676, 21).193 (Hay 1847, 116).194 (Whittock 1827, 13).195 (Vanherman 1829, 30).196 (Whittock 1827, 13).197 (ibid., 131),

41

often corrupted to "Collen's earth".198 This latter was often corrupted further to "Cullen's earth".199

Some eight years later, Tingry explained the use of the name "Cologn(e)" by saying:

The bishopric of Cologne produces a kind of umber earth which is heavier, as well as browner, and which has a stronger and more disagreeable smell than that of Nocera.200 It is also more bituminous and more charged with iron: in a word, it is inferior to it in quality.201

Although the pigment appears to work equally in oil and water, its rich translucency made it very useful as a glazing colour in the imitation of woods, and Whittock and Tingry's later editor listed it many times in their instructions for graining.202 Hay, too, listed it among the pigments essential to the grainer, which he felt were: terra-di-Siena, Turkey umber, Vandyke brown, ivory-black, and lake, "each being ground to an impalpable paste in water".203

A later variant of this pigment called Cassel earth appeared in some of the texts. Tingry referred to its being used for dark shading in miniature painting,204 while George Field, the colourman, described it as an ochrous pigment, similar to Vandyke brown, but of a brown colour, "more inclined to the russet hue".205

198 (Dossie 1796, 1:104).199 (Harley 1982, 150).200 See umber for an explanation of Nocera, 50.201 (Tingry 1804, 367-68).202 (Whittock 1827, 23-37; Tingry 1830, 283-88).203 (Hay 1847, 140).204 (Tingry 1830, 77).205 (Field 1850, 95).

42

CHAPTER SEVEN

GREEN PIGMENTS

MANUFACTURED COPPER GREENS

Verdigris and Distilled Verdigris

Verdigris is basic copper acetate, produced by exposing sheets of copper to the acidic fumes of vinegar, usually made from wine, and then scraping off the corrosion product that forms. The pigment has been used since ancient times, hence the name verdigris which means the green of Greece.206

Smith described it as being "the best and most useful green of all others", adding that it inclines to blue, but that with a little yellow "it makes the most delicate grass-green in the world".207 Tingry said that it was much used in both oil and distemper, but pointed out the care that was required in its use, and stated that it was used mainly in conjunction with other pigments, rarely by itself.208 Whittock confirmed that it was the green most in use for common works, indicating that of the brighter yellows it was usually mixed with Dutch pink, because king's yellow would destroy it.209 Smeaton called it "the best simple green", however, which perhaps gives the impression that it was used by itself on occasions.210,211

The best quality pigment was generally considered to have come from the South of France, particularly from Montpellier, and Tingry mentioned that a less successful factory had been established at Grenoble, suggesting that it was either the failure to guard against adulteration, or the type of wine of that region that caused it to be of a poorer quality.212 It would seem unlikely that the latter were a reason for this, for Dossie remarked on the great success of "Messieurs _____ and Maud", in England, who had twice won prizes for their verdigris, which was reckoned to be "superior to the foreign".213 Although not indicated, it is possible that the English variety was produced by the use of cider vinegar, and that it differed from the French version, as a result.

A purer variety of verdigris is described by several authors as being obtainable from the colours shops. This was cleared of "dross and filth",214 by being dissolved in distilled vinegar and filtered, the liquid being allowed to evaporate, and the resultant crystals being called distilled verdigris.

206 (Harley 1982, 80).207 (Smith 1687, 23).208 (Tingry 1804, 370-73).209 (Whittock 1827, 12).210 (Gilder's ca.1827, 42).211 i.e. not produced from blue and yellow.212 (Tingry 1804, 370).213 (Dossie 1796, 1:95).214 (Smith 1687, 24).

43

The colours mixed with this pigment were much brighter than those achieved with common verdigris, but its high price seems to have prevented it from being employed in everyday work. It appears to have been a speciality of the Dutch.215

Several other characteristics that were commented on were its relative translucency - Butcher suggesting that a ground coat of Prussian blue and yellow be used under it,216 its poisonous nature - Tingry warning of breathing in the dry pigment,217 and its drying property - being often mixed with the very slow-drying blacks,218 especially in the earlier years of the period.

Green Verditer

This pigment was very closely related to blue verditer, being produced in a similar way. As the name verditer, which was derived from the French verd de terre, suggests, the green variety was produced first, and a further process turned it blue.

Green verditer was a gritty colour, with poor covering power, which, in spite of "all the grinding imaginable", would never work well in oil.219 Smeaton went so far as to say that without the addition of white lead, or Spanish white, it was unfit for oil painting, being better suited for distemper. He added that the colour of green verditer could be obtained in oil, by mixing two or three parts of verdigris with one of white lead.220

Pincot was selling the pigment in the early nineteenth century as "an excellent green for attics and common rooms". A pound of which was sold in paste form for 1s. 6d. and was enough, with a pint of size, to colour about twelve square yards.221 Tingry, a few years later was suggesting that the lightest shades of sea-green222 could be represented with small "proportions" of green verditer.223

ARSENICAL GREENS

Scheele's Green

The arsenical greens were a number of pigments that seem to have appeared at the end of the eighteenth, and during the first quarter of the following century. The best known of these was perhaps Scheele's Green, which was discovered by the Swede Carl Wilhelm Scheele in 1775.224

215 (Tingry 1804, 374).216 (Butcher 1821, 10).217 (Tingry 1830, 88).218 (Secrets 1780, 136).219 (Smith 1788, 23-24).220 (Pocket 1825, 103; Gilder's ca.1827, 45).221 (Pincot ca.1811, 21).222 Sea green appears to have been a popular colour. It is mentioned in the paragraphs dealing with green verditer, Scheele's green, and terre verte.223 (Tingry 1830, 96).

44

It was considered "a useful pigment", being characterized variously as apple-green225, and light sea-green in colour, the latter description being followed by a comment that it "grinds well with oil, and is in much request for the painting of the cabins of ships".226

Tingry said that it was prepared by mixing arsenite of potash227 with a solution of sulphate of copper,228 a potentially hazardous operation, and Harley has indicated that Scheele wrote to another scientist in 1777 expressing concern that potential users should be warned of the highly poisonous nature of the pigment.229

Schweinfurt Green

Schweinfurt, or emerald green was a later development among the arsenical greens, being regarded, in the 1830s, as a:

green which has recently obtained great reputation on the continent, and which is said to surpass Scheele's, both in beauty and splendour.230

Field, writing in 1850, described it as being a new copper green, the "most vivid of this tribe of colours", rather opaque, and more durable than the others. He added that it worked well in water, but with difficulty in oil, and dried badly in that medium.231 It appears to have been mainly used in distemper, and as a colour in the manufacture of wallpaper.

GREEN EARTHS / NATURAL COPPER GREENS

The last group of green pigments that saw use, albeit limited, on the house-painter's palette were the natural copper earths, which came in various forms. The naming of these has caused a certain amount of confusion over the years.

Terre Verte

Dossie, in 1796, called Terra Verte [green earth] a blue green colour resembling the "teint which is called sea-green". The best varieties were those with the brightest colour,232 and were generally called after their source. Dossie and Tingry both referred to Hungary producing the most sought after kind,233 but Saxony and Verona are also credited with good green earths.

224 (Harley 1982, 83).225 (Tingry 1830, 86).226 (Gilder's ca.1827, 43-44).227 A combination of potash and arsenious oxide, dissolved and heated.228 (Tingry 1830, 86).229 (Harley 1982, 83).230 (Gilder's ca.1827, 44).231 (Field 1850, 73).232 (Dossie 1796, 1:98-99).233 (Dossie 1796, 1:98; Tingry 1804, 368; Tingry 1830, 76-77),

45

Field confirmed that the mountains of Kernhausen, in Hungary, were a prime location of good green earth, but called this variety mountain green.234 However, this name was used by Tingry to describe another pigment which he also called green bice, green chrysocolla or malachite.235

Harley has given three classifications for these natural copper greens - a) terre verte, b) chrysocolla or mountain green, and c) malachite or green bice. However, she does point out that the meaning of each seems to have changed from one century to another.236

Further discussion of the semantics relating to these pigments is not appropriate here, but the analyst of early paints should be aware of the variety of natural copper greens in use during this period.

The general consensus seems to be that they were suitable for use in distemper, without any modification, but that they needed to be mixed with equal parts, or even more, of white lead if mixed with oil.237

234 (Field 1850, 73-74).235 (Tingry 1830, 94).236 (Harley 1982, 76-79).237 (Tingry 1804, 368; Pocket 1825, 102-3).

46

CHAPTER EIGHT

RED PIGMENTS

Red Lakes

In order to avoid some of the confusion that surrounds the nomenclature of red lakes, one has to turn to Dr. Harley's book on Artists' Pigments c.1600-1835. From this we learn that the name lake could be applied to any red pigment made by the lake process, that is, the extraction of a dye from a substance and the precipitation of it on a base such as aluminium hydroxide. These substances could be either animal or vegetable in origin.238

However, as with the short discussion on the different varieties of green earth (q.v.), it is important to be aware of the terminology used during the period. The early writers tended to confuse the origin and composition of the lakes, as can be seen in the following paragraphs.

Although the first edition of Smith described lake as being a rich crimson colour, no mention is made of its source.239 The second edition, in considering Indian lake, reveals that several different kinds were available at the colour shops, adding:

'tis made of the tincture of some vegetable, as some say, but what, or how done, I cannot as yet learn: only note, that the best sorts come from Venice and Florence.240

Smith was confused about the origins; Indian lake came from the female insect known as Coccus lacca which infested various trees in Asia and India, and was imported by the East India Company. Other sorts, known as Venetian or Florentine lakes, and occasionally Antwerp lake, were almost certainly named after those centres of distribution. Two of the three places mentioned being the most important ports in Europe, which no doubt had first choice of the materials passing through them.241

The exact source of the colouring matter for Indian Lake slowly became known, and the author of Valuable Secrets, a century later, offers a recipe for "A fine lake, made with shell-lac",242,243 which matches the modern interpretation of the pigment. In one of the few amendments made by the editor of the ninth edition of Smith, the reference to Indian lake is removed, and it is just

238 (Harley 1982, 131).239 (Smith 1676, 17).240 (Smith 1687, 20).241 (Harley 1982, 134).242 (Secrets 1780, 138).243 As mentioned in Chapter Three, shellac is the refined product of stick-lac, which is the encrustation found on twigs of certain host trees that grow in India and Southeast Asia. It is a red resin secreted by the insect known as Coccus lacca. (Source: Helmut Schweppe and Heinz Roosen-Runge, "Carmine - Cochineal Carmine and Kermes Carmine," in Artists Pigments a Handbook of their History and Characteristics, vol. 1., ed. Robert L. Feller (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 258.)

47

called Lake.244

Dossie, too, indicated that he was aware of the difference, when he said that it was most probably made from the colour "found in the grains of the stick-lac, from whence it seems to have taken its name".245

A better quality lake was prepared from the cochineal insect, Coccus cacti, which was found in Latin America. The dried insect bodies were boiled in water with a little cream of tartar and alum added while still on the fire, before allowing the solution to cool. The colouring matter settled to the bottom of the vessel, and the clear liquid was carefully poured off and kept. The powder that remained was allowed to dry and was called carmine. The decanted liquid was then treated with a solution of tin [stannous chloride] which yielded more carmine "little inferior to the first product".246 Tingry went on to say that:

A pound of good cochineal will produce about an ounce and a half of carmine, and about a pound and a quarter of red lake.247

Watin mentioned the same process, calling the carmine "le premier carmin" and that which remained Venetian lake ("la laque fine de Venise"), pointing out that it no longer came from that city.248 Smeaton called the latter cochineal lake.249

It was not easy to distinguish between a lake prepared from cochineal, and one from some other colouring substance.250 The hallmarks of a good lake were its resistance to the action of the atmosphere and of light, which would only become obvious with time.

The lakes made from cochineal were often referred to as carminated lakes, and the earlier edition of Tingry mentioned other lakes which could be obtained from vegetable sources, these he called false carminated lakes.251

The most common vegetable sources were the red-brown brasil, or pernambuco, wood obtained from trees of the genus Caesalpinia, and the American redwood, or Haemotoxylon campechianum, the latter more commonly known as Logwood or Campeachy.252

244 (Smith 1788, 19).245 (Dossie 1796, 1:63).246 (Tingry 1830, 114).247 (ibid.).248 (Watin 1778, 25).249 (Gilder's ca.1827, 29).250 (Tingry 1830, 112).251 (Tingry 1804, 327).252 Logwood was also used for the dyeing of cloth, in which case it was for the blue colour that was also given off. Logwood and Blockwood Shall Not Be Used in Dying of Cloth, etc.. 1581. Statutes of the Realm. 23 Eliz. I, c.9. This act was repealed in 1661, but a certain suspicion was harboured against the dye for many more years, as evidenced by a further act: An Act For Preventing Frauds and Abuses in the Dyeing Trade, 1726. Statutes of the Realm. 13 Geo. I, c.24. See the section on indigo for a brief outline of similar restrictive legislation, 41.

48

Both of these woods were mentioned by Tingry, the former producing "two different and very rich colours",253 and the latter "a very beautiful lake".254

Whittock, writing in 1827, suggested that lake might be obtained indirectly from both: cochineal or Brasil wood; and as both these tinges are used in dying cloth scarlet, the clippings of scarlet cloth are sometimes used in forming lake, as this colour is very difficult to manufacture.255

This matched Tingry's later comments about the use of cochineal by extracting the colouring matter of the shearings of scarlet cloth.256

In the same year that Whittock was writing, the researches of Messrs. Colin and Roubriquet into lakes produced from madder were published.257 This work showed how what had previously taken months to manufacture, could now be obtained in three or four hours, and, as important, was the fact that a variety of hues from pink to a deep rose colour could be achieved that formed permanent tints with white lead. These were not subject to the effects of light and the atmosphere, and could be mixed with other pigments, though they did require the addition of a drier to improve their handling properties.258 Tucked in among his many other recipes for red lakes, Tingry gave two for those produced from madder.259 It appears that the use of madder developed from about 1830, but how much it was employed by the house-painter is not entirely clear, as Hay, writing in 1847, said:

Some of the beautiful madder lakes made by Field260 are, I believe, much more expensive, but they are only for the palette of the professor of high art.261

Lake, whatever its source, provided the house-painter with a range of red colours not adequately provided by other substances. In spite of its cost, which as Hay indicated, in 1847, varied in price according to its quality, "from ten shillings to sixty shillings the pound-weight",262,263 and its tendency to fade, it remained a highly desirable range of pigments until the late nineteenth century.

Vanherman described it as being:

253 (Tingry 1804, 336).254 (ibid., 338).255 (Whittock 1827, 10).256 (Tingry 1830, 116-17).257 (Gilder's ca.1827, 30).258 (Field 1850, 47).259 (Tingry 1830, 119-20).260 The same George Field who wrote Rudiments of the Painters' Art, or a Grammar of Colouring in 1850.261 (Hay 1847, 113).262 (Hay 1847, 112).263 See the prices of vermilion (66-67), yellow ochre (96), and ultramarine (40) to gain an idea of comparative prices.

49

an expensive colour, and not much in use for house painting, except apartments of the first order; it is possessed of a fugitive quality, so that when a pink is required it should be rather stronger when laid on, to allow for flying off. Lake harmonises with prussian blue, and produces a variety of beautiful purples and, with chrome yellow, brilliant orange, of various gradations.264

Whittock used it several times in the hand-coloured examples in his work,265 and recommended that the painter took care to buy the best that he could, adding that it "is one of the finest glazing colours" being particularly useful for the imitation of "fancy woods and marbles".266

Rose Pink

A cheaper substitute for the different lakes examined above was a pigment prepared from chalk coloured with brasil wood, called rose pink. It was a fugitive colour, that inclined more to purple than scarlet, but when used as a glazing colour and afterwards varnished, it appears to have lasted moderately well.267 Hay, however, felt that it was only fit for paper-staining.268

So liable was it to lose its colour, even when the pigment dried, that Tingry mentioned that the colourmen tended to keep it in a damp, dark cellar, excluded from both light and air.269

From the point of view of cost, in common work, it is highly likely that this pigment saw much use in distemper during the period being considered.

Vermilion and Cinnabar

The pigment known as Vermilion is a bright scarlet pigment produced by combining sulphur and mercury, the result being red mercuric sulphide. Cinnabar is the natural form, which was less common, but often preferred, because of the tendency of the colour-shops to adulterate the artificial variety with red lead.

Smith warned of this in his first edition:

The best way to buy it is in the stone; for otherwise it may be sophisticated & spoyled with Red-Lead if bought in the powder.270

In spite of the various instructions for its manufacture, given by the early writers,271 "it can only

264 (Vanherman 1829, 27-28).265 See the examples of rosewood, coral wood, and red satin wood in his book.266 (Whittock 1827, 10).267 (Whittock 1827, 10-11).268 (Hay 1847, 112).269 (Tingry 1830, 149).270 (Smith 1676, 16).271 See (Smith 1687, 19; Secrets 1780, 139; and Dossie 1796, 52-55.)

50

be produced in perfection in large quantities, which require an expensive apparatus",272 it is probable that most of the pigment was bought as a prepared powder.273

Watin warned against English vermilion:

qui nous vient en poudre, moins beau, d'une nuance plus pale, & que nous croyons n'etre autre chose qu'un melange de mine274 & de cinnabre bien pulverisé ensemble.275

This, he added, was the pigment used in painting carriages and in making sealing wax, and could be mixed with oil or a distemper medium.

Tingry told us that vermilion was manufactured chiefly in Holland,276 and Hay confirmed this, agreeing with Whittock277 however, that the best quality came from China. Such was the difficulty in obtaining it in a pure state, that it was considered necessary to place the order direct with China in order to ensure its freedom from adulteration. In 1847 it cost about 4s 10d per pound in China, while its price in this country varied from three shillings to six shillings per pound.278,279

It was a powerful colour, and there was nothing quite like it on the house-painter's palette, however concern was expressed occasionally about its durability, and it was often considered liable to turn black.280 This would seem to be more associated with its adulteration with red lead than an inherent weakness with the pigment.

Red Ochres

Red ochres came in many different forms, and provided a number of reds for the house-painter during the period under review. Spanish brown, Venetian red, and Indian red, when in their natural state, were pigments used as they were found, while light red was made by calcining yellow ochre, and English red was one of a large number of artificial red oxides produced from the by-products of certain industrial processes. These latter appeared, largely, as a result of the Industrial Revolution.

The natural red ochres were obtained from many locations, and prepared very simply:

Ochres are easily purified by simple washing. They mix readily with water, and the sand and stones which they contain being heavier than themselves, subside. The water, turbid with the ochre, is decanted, by making it pass into a trough lower than the vessel in which

272 (Whittock 1827, 8).273 (Harley 1982, 127).274 Mine, or minium, is red lead.275 (Watin 1778, 24).276 (Tingry 1804, 318).277 (Whittock 1827, 8).278 (Hay 1847, 110-12).279 See comparative prices of ultramarine (40) and red lakes (64).280 (Whittock 1827, 8).

51

it was washed; when the ochre has subsided the clear water is drawn off. The ochre is then taken out, and being dried is divided into small masses.281

Spanish brown was described by Smith as coming from Spain, the best of it being of a deep bright colour, although inclined to be gritty.282 He went on to say that it was the only colour used in priming wood work, not least for its cheapness. Tingry mentioned the west of England283 as being the more likely source of this pigment,284 and Dossie suggested that it was probably brought from abroad originally, at a time when it would have been much finer than now "dug up in several parts of England". He confirmed that it was mainly used as a primer for coarse work by house-painters, needing no other preparation than "freeing it well from stones and filth".285 Pincot pointed out that in new houses the inside work may be primed with "strong double size, just stained with a little Spanish Brown, merely to see where the brush has been".286

The naming of colours has always given rise to confusion, Watin referred to a red ochre imported from England, which he called "rouge brun", or "brun-rouge d'Angleterre", which was used in oil and distemper, and for the painting of floors and carts.287 This English brown red was probably the same as the English red mentioned by the author of the Pocket Manual and by Field, who described Prussian red as the same pigment.288 In his later work, Smeaton was more precise, calling them both colcothar of vitriol (q.v.).289 However, although, in the nineteenth century, they were both regarded as artificial iron oxides, Watin clearly states that Prussian red was "une terre calcinée donnant une rouge imitant le vermillon", indicating a brighter red than the English variety.290 Either the name was given to a similar pigment, or Watin was confusing it with something else.

In a similar fashion, Venetian red was brought from Venice; but it was also produced in France, Germany, and many other places, according to Tingry.291 Both Nicholson, and Whittock, lifting the words from Dossie, described it as being a native pigment, inclining to the scarlet, and being used in the imitation of mahogany.292 It was grouped with Spanish brown and light ochre, by Hay, as being amongst the coarse red pigments.293 Field, however, indicated that it was prepared artificially from iron sulphate [often known as green vitriol] in the manufacture of sulphuric acid. He gave the alternative name of scarlet ochre.294

281 (Tingry 1830, 74).282 (Smith 1676, 14).283 Probably the Forest of Dean and the Mendip hills, in Somerset.284 (Tingry 1830, 73-74).285 (Dossie 1796, 1:59).286 (Pincot ca.1811, 38).287 (Watin 1778, 23).288 (Pocket 1825, 96; Field 1850, 45).289 (Gilder's ca.1827, 32).290 (Watin 1778, 23).291 (Tingry 1830, 73).292 (Dossie 1796, 1:59; Nicholson 1823, 413; Whittock 1827, 10).293 (Hay 1847, 113).294 (Field 1850, 45).

52

A more prized red earth was that known as Indian red, which Dossie said had originally been imported from the East Indies, but since the manufacture of the artificial variety from caput mortuum,295 was no longer imported.296 Field, writing over fifty years later, described it as a purple-russet iron ore brought into the country from Bengal, and "now obtained abundantly" from "respectable colourmen".297 He gave the name Persian red as an alternative, which is similar to the Persian ochre which Tingry presumed came from Persia, and called a "a dear colour" used mainly in portrait painting.298

A red iron oxide, already encountered, with the rather exotic name of colcothar of vitriol, was:

the purplish red peroxyde of iron, made by adding solution of soda to the solution of sulphate of iron or copperas, is another red used by the house-painter. It produces the chocolate paint so much in use for the woodwork of kitchens, servant's halls &c.. It is cheap in price, and very durable.299,300

Realgar

A pigment that received several mentions, and always in association with the yellow sulphide of arsenic, orpiment, was realgar, the red form of that element.

Although found in nature, Watin referred to the artificial variety, made by melting together arsenic and sulphur, as giving a good red, which was used in varnish.301

Tingry believed that the only difference between realgar and orpiment lay in the proportion of sulphur that they contained; orpiment contained less sulphur, while realgar was four-fifths arsenic and one-fifth sulphur.

"This proportion gives to the whole a ruby colour".302

All the authors that refer to it were aware of its highly toxic nature, and it is unlikely that it saw general use.

Red Lead

Smith described very clearly the manufacture of red lead:

295 The ferric oxide residue obtained as a by-product in the manufacture of fuming sulphuric acid (Harley 1982, 121). Caput mortuum literally means dead head or skull.296 (Dossie 1796, 1:58).297 (Field 1850, 44).298 (Tingry 1830, 73).299 (Hay 1847, 113).300 For an account of its use on exteriors see Patrick Baty, "Palette of the Past." Country Life, 3 Sep. 1992: 44-47.301 (Watin 1778, 37).302 (Tingry 1804, 358).

53

this colour is made out of common lead, by first reducing it to a litharge; and that litharge being afterward ground to a powder in a mill is afterward conveyed into a hot furnace, for that purpose, where 'tis continually kept stirring with an iron rake, till it has attained to the colour of a fine, pale red.303 .

This pigment had a very mixed reputation, and was often used more for its drying properties, than its orange-red colour, which was liable to turn black in oil. Whittock said, however, that it kept its colour in water-based media, and was consequently, sometimes, used in distemper.304 Vanherman found little use for its colour in house-painting, except as a ground for mahogany graining.305

As well as being used in the manufacture of drying oils, as described elsewhere,306 this pigment came to replace Spanish brown or red oxide as a priming colour. Its quick drying nature was of considerable use at a time when a coat of oil paint could take several days to dry, and the decoration of a room, perhaps, a week. The addition of red lead to the undercoats would ensure that these would be ready to receive the finish coat as soon as possible. One consequence of this characteristic was that it was somewhat difficult to work with, hardening into an unmanageable mass,307 and adhering:

so strong to the bottom of the paint-pot, that it proves a troublesome task to liberate it and bring it into a working condition again.308

As discussed elsewhere,309the pigment was often mixed with size and used to kill knots, prior to painting.

Tingry and Vanherman both mentioned red lead being employed in coach-painting, either by itself on wagon and cart wheels, or as a ground for vermilion on coach wheels.310

303 (Smith 1687, 21).304 (Whittock 1827, 10).305 (Vanherman 1829, 29).306 See Chapter Twelve on Driers, 105.307 (Tingry 1830, 106).308 (Vanherman 1829, 29).309 See Chapter Three on Painting Materials, Methods and Tools, 21.310 (Tingry 1804, 346; Vanherman 1829, 29).

54

CHAPTER NINE

WHITE PIGMENTS

White Lead

White lead is the pigment that formed the basis of most oil paints until comparatively recently,311 and is mentioned by all of the sources that were examined.

The nomenclature associated with this pigment changed during the period under review, leading to a certain amount of confusion concerning the different grades of white lead. The earliest text examined,312 referred to ceruse being a more refined white lead, and made no mention of what was later generally regarded as the finest quality white lead pigment - flake white. White lead was always available in an adulterated form, and half of the sources refer to the adulterated version being called ceruse, while the other half consider white lead the less pure. The various editions of Smith, and Butcher's crude revision of 1821, fall into the latter half, while the independent authors: Watin and Tingry considered ceruse to have had chalk or pipe clay added.313 Dossie was the only author to suggest that flake white was anything other than pure lead carbonate, remarking that it was mixed with starch and white lead, or "much worse sophistications".314 He was also the only one to mention another variant, white flake, which he described as "lead corroded by means of the pressings of the grape;

It is brought here from Italy".315

On balance, the more reliable, and less derivative, authors appeared to agree on the following: that white lead was produced in the manner described below; that flake white was white lead that had been washed and had the unconverted particles of grey lead removed; and that ceruse was white lead adulterated with chalk or pipe clay. It is interesting to note that, in 1830, Tingry referred to the old-fashioned word ceruse, and that neither Whittock nor Vanherman, writing in the late 1820s, made reference to that name. When one considers the source of the information in Butcher and the Pocket Manual, who both mentioned it, it would seem that the last use of the word as an expression of current thinking in these texts was by Tingry, in 1804.316

The method of making white lead changed very little during this period, and Tingry's description of 1830 explained how it was done:

Sheets of lead about two feet long, five inches broad, and a quarter of an inch thick, are rolled up in loose coils, and placed in earthern pots, each capable of holding six pints of

311 Recent legislation banning the use of white lead is examined by Patrick Baty, in "Comment." [On the new restrictions on the use of lead paint] Country Life, 30 Apr. 1992: 44.312 (Smith 1676, 11).313 (Smith 1676, 11; Smith 1687, 15; Smith 1788, 14; Butcher 1821, 6). Note also (Pocket 1825, 86), and that author's verbatim copying from Butcher, also (Gilder's ca.1827, 18).314 (Dossie 1796, 1:107, 1:149).315 (ibid., 1:107).316 (Tingry 1804, 292-93).

55

fluid, but into it as much vinegar only is poured as will rise so high as not to touch the lead, which rests on a ledge half way down. The pots are then buried in fresh stable litter, where they remain for about two months, during which time the vapours of the vinegar, elevated by the heat of the dung, oxidize the surface of the lead, and the oxide combines with the carbonic acid gas317 evolved from the fermenting materials of the bed. The carbonate appears as a white scaly brittle matter on the surface of the lead, and is separated by spreading the coils upon a perforated wooden floor, covered with water, and drawing them to and fro by rakes, which process detaches the white lead, and causes it to sink through the water and the holes of the floor to the bottom of a vessel placed below. It is afterwards ground in mills with water, and then dried in earthern pans, placed in stoves. It was formerly ground dry, by which method, from its deleterious nature, the workmen suffered severely.318

This process, known as the Dutch stack method,319 continued unchanged, with one small exception, until the late nineteenth century. A patent, obtained by one Richard Fishwick, in 1787, replaced the horse manure with spent tan-bark.320 The aim being to communicate a higher and more uniform heat to the lead and vinegar,321 thus ensuring a faster and more efficient conversion to white lead.

The pots were usually covered with boards and more manure or tan bark, and another layer of pots stacked above, again and again, until a height of about twenty-four feet was reached.322 By the time the stack was dismantled a certain amount of contamination could be expected, especially in the pots on the lower levels.

The author of the Pocket Manual, perhaps quoting from Watin and Tingry, mentioned the greyish tint found when grinding shop-bought cakes of white lead. He recommended either making the pigment oneself, or purchasing the thinnest cakes available. The cause, he added, being small particles of lead in the metallic state being ground with the white.323

White lead's key place on the house-painter's palette is explained by Tingry:

Lead, when in the state of an oxide, or as a white carbonate, has the peculiar property of combining with the fixed oils, with which it forms an indurated substance, which resists the action of the atmosphere, and tends admirably to preserve the materials over which it

317 Carbon dioxide.318 (Tingry 1830, 51).319 The Dutch had long been credited with the invention of this process, however, as Clifford Holley pointed out in his The Lead and Zinc Pigments, the Venetians were probably responsible for developing a system introduced even earlier (Holley 1909, 8). Smith alluded to this in his second edition (Smith 1687, 14), while Watin also acknowledged the quality of the Venetian product, but regarded the Dutch and English as having monopolised the industry of late (Watin 1778, 19).320 The crushed bark of the oak or other trees, an infusion of which is used in converting hides into leather. SOED 1986. S.v. "Tan bark."321 (Holley 1909, 13).322 (ibid., 123).323 (Watin 1778, 18; Tingry 1804, 291; Pocket 1825, 85; Gilder's ca.1827, 19).

56

is laid.324,325

He went on to point out the poisonous nature of the substance, and the many attempts that had been made to find a satisfactory alternative to it. However, in spite of such innovations as zinc oxide, which had been recommended as early as 1782,326 little was to change during the period under review.

One method of reducing the risk to those who handled the pigment was to buy it ready-ground in oil, as a thick paste, rather than as a powder,327 and it was available in this form from a very early date.328 Although several authors mention the casks of ground white lead kept ready for sale at the colourman's,329 others point out the need to obtain the pigment in dry cakes to ensure that it was free from adulteration.330 Indeed, it would appear that there was as much concern about the pigment being pure, as there was about the "deleterious" effects of using white lead. The later works gave quite sophisticated tests for the detection of adulterants.331

Of the many different qualities available; London332, and Nottingham white lead333 were the two sorts generally preferred. Field said that the latter, being prepared from flake white, was generally the greyest of the two,334 suggesting, perhaps, the contamination referred to above.

White Earths

The next group of white pigments that saw universal use were the white earths. These, naturally, varied enormously and displayed different characteristics, recommending them for particular tasks.

The two editions of Tingry examined offered the most comprehensive analysis of the different types of these pigments. Those that were largely clay were termed "argillaceous", and those comprising large amounts of chalk, were called "calcareous" earths.

Perhaps one danger with relying on Tingry, and those who cribbed from him, as a main source, is that one is likely to get more of a European perspective. However, the third edition was extensively revised, and anything that departed significantly from the English practices of the

324 (Tingry 1830, 50).325 White lead is often credited with properties that do not quite live up to reality. See Patrick Baty, "Palette of the Past." Country Life, 3 Sep. 1992: 44-47.326 Guyton de Morveau published a paper, in 1782, that examined all the white materials that might serve as a white pigment. See Zinc Oxide, 82.327 (Tingry 1830, 51).328 See Chapter Three on Painting Materials, Methods, and Tools, 18.329 See (Butcher 1821, 6; Tingry 1830, 267-68; Hay 1838, 84).330 (Tingry 1804, 291).331 (Hay 1847, 104-5).332 (Tingry 1830, 266).333 (Pincot ca.1811, 17).334 (Field 1850, 19).

57

day would almost certainly have been edited out. A slight sense of unease as to the relevance of the source persists, nonetheless, in the case of the white earth pigments which naturally depended on local geology. In particular, the many references to fine grades obtained in the Pays-de-Vaud in Switzerland, the Auvergne, and Normandy. It is unlikely that we, in this country, depended on the continental white earths completely, but it is possible that a certain quantity was imported. Further work would have to be done on the customs records for information on imports. Needless to say, the qualities exhibited by the pigments dealt with by Tingry would be looked for in any native sources.

The majority of the white earths would have found use in a water-based medium, such as distemper. When mixed with oil the refractive index of chalk approaches that of the oil itself, as a result the effect is of a semi-translucent dirty off-white.

Bougival White

Bougival white was described as coming from a place called Marly,335 near Paris, and of being of a white, "much better for house-painting than any other white earth of a calcareous nature".336 It was commonly known as tobacco-pipe clay, or pipe clay, being used to make those objects, and was also used by Josiah Wedgwood,337 who obtained some of it from Normandy.

According to experiments made by Tingry, it contained nearly a third of chalk, as a result of which it was considered inferior in oil painting to real Spanish white, and to white of Moudon.338 However, it was frequently used, instead of white lead, for priming in an effort to cut costs.339

Having been washed free of small stones and sand, it was sold in the shops in the form of oblong cakes.

Watin said that Bougival white was otherwise known as Spanish white,340 and Smeaton agreed with him,341 which confirms the caution with which one must treat the naming of pigments.

Spanish White / Whiting

Spanish white was one of those pigments, whose name might originally have been associated with its origins, but which had, over time, come to be used regardless of its source. In fact, the foreign references are contradictory over its meaning; not only did Watin treat it as an alternative name for the preceding pigment, but both editions of Tingry described it as being a pure clay, washed in vinegar in order to remove any element of chalk, which would have

335 This place gave its name to a type of good quality earth.336 (Tingry 1804, 281).337 The potter, who lived between 1730-95, and established a pottery at Etruria, in Staffordshire.338 (Tingry 1804, 281).339 (Pocket 1825, 87).340 (Watin 1778, 20).341 (Gilder's ca.1827, 20).

58

effervesced away. It could be used in oil, but only if completely dry, for otherwise it would tend to granulate under the brush.342

However, Spanish white, or simply Spanish, was generally regarded, in this country, as being whiting, or finely powdered white chalk, "neutralized by the addition of water in which alum has been dissolved, and afterwards washed in several waters".343

It was commonly used, as was the basic washed chalk, to whiten plaster surfaces, especially ceilings, in the form of a simple slurry with water, when it was termed whitening. When bound with a small amount of animal glue and pigment it was known as colouring or soft distemper. The author of the Pocket Manual pointed out that it was sometimes used, for the sake of cheapness, in priming. However it was not at all durable by itself, and would work better if a proportion of white lead was added.344

Dossie confused the issue somewhat by calling this pigment by the name of Troy white, which was the name given by some authors to the rather less refined white chalk.345

Gypsum

Tingry described, and Whittock referred to, the use of gypsum, or sulphate of lime, as a white for whitewashing apartments, and for painting in distemper.346

It was used by "drowning" Plaster of Paris in a large quantity of water, so that it would not set hard, and was regarded as being very fine and providing a more delicate white than that of chalk.347

White of Troyes, Troy White, White Chalk

Chalk is well known to every one; it abounds in the eastern and southern districts of this country.348 When levigated349 and washed, it is called whiting, which is found in the shops in powder, in lumps, and sometimes in balls.350

It is possible that the above passage described the way that chalk was sold in England, for the earlier, and less anglicized edition mentioned it being sold in large square cakes, weighing ten to

342 (Tingry 1804, 287; Tingry 1830, 46).343 (Whittock 1827, 9).344 (ibid., 87).345 (Dossie 1796, 1:110-11).346 (Tingry 1804, 88; Whittock 1827, 9; Tingry 1830, 47-48).347 (Gilder's ca.1827, 21).348 See Lime for information on the source of chalk, 82-83.349 To reduce to a fine smooth powder, usually by washing and sieving.350 (Tingry 1830, 53-54).

59

twelve pounds each, or smaller rolls of from sixteen to twenty ounces.351

In whatever form it came, washed and sieved chalk was used for common whitewashing, and bound with size as distemper. The alkalinity, unless washed out of it, was liable to alter certain alkali sensitive pigments, especially Prussian blue.

One also finds references to other white earths, such as Rouen white, and White of Moudon, or of Morat. Field listed a number of alternative names for similar pigments,352 but they must all have displayed characteristics similar to those mentioned above, and found use in water based media, more than in oil.

It is highly likely that white calcareous earths, in varying degrees of purity, were available and in use throughout the period under review. No doubt the different names referred to above were used to identify, or to mislead purchasers, and so one can never be entirely sure that Spanish white, for example, was chalk that had always been washed in a solution of alum, or even washed twice in water to help neutralize the pH.

Zinc Oxide

Guyton de Morveau had recommended the use of zinc oxide as a non-toxic alternative to white lead in 1782, but even by 1850, Field said that it:

has been more celebrated as a pigment than used, being perfectly durable in water and oil, but wanting the body and brightness of fine white leads in oil;...and when duly and skilfully prepared, the colour and body of this pigment are sufficient to qualify it for a general use upon the palette, although the pure white of lead must merit a preference in oil.353

Zinc eventually did find favour with the house-painter in the second half of the nineteenth century, but usually in combination with white lead. Its non-chalking characteristics being considered advantageous in the production of paint for exterior surfaces, and its non-yellowing being useful with the proliferation of gas-lamps inside the house, and the smoke from coal fires outside.

Lime

Limestone and chalk are forms of calcium carbonate, CaCO3, which is formed from deposits of shells and the skeletons of marine organisms. When it is heated to a temperature of at least 900C, carbon dioxide, CO2, is driven off as a gas to leave calcium oxide, CaO, which is known as quicklime. If water is added to this quicklime, there is an exothermic reaction, and great heat and steam are produced, leaving behind calcium hydroxide, Ca(OH)2, or slaked lime. If sufficient water has been added, this can be applied as a wash, either hot, or having been allowed to cool, thus ensuring a more complete wetting of the particles. A coating of lime

351 (Tingry 1804, 295).352 (Field 1850, 23).353 (Field 1850, 20-21).

60

slowly reacts with the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere and reverts to calcium carbonate, or chalk, thus completing the cycle.

Pure or caustic lime, called in common language quick-lime, rarely enters into the composition of paints; but some kinds of lime obtained from hard and compact lime-stone, are excellent for the white-washing of cielings [sic], being merely slacked by water and then made into a thin pap, and laid on with a proper brush. It is true, in the neighbourhood of London, as such lime is not plentiful, it is usual to employ whiting, that is, levigated and washed chalk, with size, for such purposes; but there is a dulness [sic] about such colours. Lime made from compact lime-stone, and properly selected, produces a much more lively and brilliant white.354,355

This passage from Tingry indicates the main advantage of lime, which was readily available in most parts of the country, while a later passage shows how it was regarded as an aid to cleanliness and hygiene:

quicklime...is beyond question the most brilliant white-washing material; and as a valuable purifier, should be often employed, particularly in the crowded houses of a populous city.356

Lime would have found most use in the cellars, kitchens, and outhouses of buildings, and could have been tinted with a limited number of earth pigments.

Barytes

Barytes, or barium sulphate, was described by Scheele in 1774, and eight years later, by Guyton de Morveau during his investigation into white pigments.357 It is a mineral found in many places, but chiefly near Murton in Cumberland, and also near Minsterly in Shropshire.358

William Duesbury obtained a patent, in 1825, for the purification of impure barytes.359 He described the result as being a substitute for white lead:

but that it is more particularly applicable to water than to oil; on walls in distemper, as grounds for washes, and in the patterns of printed paper hangings360 - in all these it is found to be a constant white [italics mine].361

354 (Tingry 1830, 60).355 Until recent years, limewash was used as a solar reflective paint, because of its bright whiteness. See Building Research Establishment Digest: No 17, "Colourwashes (including Paints) on External Walls." April, 1950.356 (ibid, 276).357 (Harley 1982, 174-75).358 (Tingry 1830, 58).359 This was outlined in Journal of Arts, vol. xii, page 288.360 Paper hangings was the name given to wallpaper in the early nineteenth century.361 (Tingry 1830, 58).

61

Barytes came to be known by its synonyms, as constant white, or permanent white, especially by watercolourists, and Field said that when well prepared and free from acid it was one of our best whites in water painting, though possessing no body in oil. He also drew attention to the poisonous nature of the pigment.362

Tingry said that Vanherman, who he described as "a practical painter", called this pigment, Album perpetuus,363 and added that it was the only article yet discovered that retained a durable white as a water colour.364

He also said that:

as an oil paint it is not desirable, except as a stone colour, or mixed with white lead ground in oil, in the proportion of three-fourths of the latter to one of the former, which is a good second for priming and second colouring. In this respect it does not, however, appear to be superior to many other of the simple earths, as it does not combine with oil like the preparations of lead.365

It appears that it was not very long before barytes was being used as an adulterant, for Hay, writing in 1847, said that:

the possibility of detecting the adulteration of white-lead is now rendered very difficult, from its being reduced by the admixture of a cheap mineral substance called sulphate of baryta, which resembles lead in its gravity, but not in its density and opacity, and is now very largely employed in this way.366

It is still used extensively in the paint industry.

362 (Field 1850, 22).363 Permanent white.364 (Tingry 1830, 59).365 (ibid., 59-60).366 (Hay 1847, 105).

62

CHAPTER TEN

YELLOW PIGMENTS

Chrome Yellow

Chrome yellow was the yellow pigment that the artist and the house-painter had been waiting for. It was the first bright yellow that was reasonably durable, and yet worked in both oil- and water-based media.

A Frenchman, Louis Vauquelin, is credited with the discovery, in 1797,367 though it was not until some years later that sufficient supplies of the mineral, lead chromate,368 were available to enable production in any capacity. Harley says that it was a German, called Bollman, in his factory at Battersea, on the Thames, who first manufactured the pigment commercially in England, in the second decade of the nineteenth century.369

Vanherman, writing in 1829, said that it:

surpasses every other yellow, for brilliance, beauty, and intensity of colour, either as a full, or in its gradations when lowered with white. There are two sorts manufactured, the orange and the lemon: the first is a rich warm tint; the latter is cool, and elegantly delicate. They are both standing articles, when properly prepared...those specimens which are light are to be rejected.370

Tingry's English editor indicated the up-to-date nature of his revision, when he mentioned that

"for some time past, it has been prepared artificially in this country",371

and claimed that it had superseded the use of patent yellow (q.v.) among coach-painters and house-painters. Its great advantage besides the "extreme richness and beauty of its colour" was that it possessed so much body:

that one pound of it will go as far as four pounds of patent yellow. It is so fine that it requires no laborious grinding, but will spread readily under the brush, and may be laid on with varnish; it is not poisonous like King's yellow;372 it will stand better than most other pigments; sulphuretted hydrogen-gas only impairing its beauty; against which, however, it may be protected by varnish. It makes also a beautiful green with Prussian blue. Care should be taken to obtain it pure, as it is apt to be adulterated with white lead or patent

367 (Tingry 1830, 107).368 PbCrO4.369 (Harley 1982, 100-102).370 (Vanherman 1829, 28-29).371 (Tingry 1830, 107).372 It may not have been quite as poisonous as king's yellow, but it is classified as a toxic pigment.

63

yellow, from both which it cannot be distinguished by the eye.373

Hay described it as "almost the only bright yellow now in use", commending the painter to purchase it from a manufacturer of high repute, and to pay as much as he could afford. He said that it came from the manufacturer in the form of "dry lumps".374

Pink

Brown Pink, Dutch Pink, English Pink, Italian Pink, Light Pink, Pink Yellow, Stil-de-grain, Yellow Pink.

During the early part of the period under consideration, the term pink was used to describe yellows produced from plant sources. A wide variety were available, and Tingry, in particular, gave several recipes for these. The use of the word to indicate a light red colour appears to date from the early eighteenth century, by which time pink was usually qualified by an adjective such as one of those listed above.375

The main sources seem to have been the Woad plant, Isatis tinctoria, which was also used to produce a blue similar to indigo, and the small, or narrow-leaved buckthorn, Rhamnus infectorius. When collected green, the latter are called graine d'Avignon, yellow berries, or more usually French berries.

Whichever plant was used, the method of production seems to have been almost the same, as Tingry described:

To make Dutch pink, boil the stems of woad in a solution of alum, and then mix the liquor with clay, marl,376 or chalk, which will become mixed with the colour of the decoction. When the earthy matter has acquired consistence by evaporation, form it into small cakes, or pass the coloured mass when in a semi-fluid state through a funnel upon dry chalk, when the water will be absorbed by the chalk and leave the pink in the shape of large drops, which are afterwards to be dried.377

The base on which the yellow solution was laked had a marked effect on the durability of the pigment, and the uses to which it could be put. If chalk, or largely chalk, it was suitable only for use in distemper, and not durable. There was more chance of the colour remaining bright and working in oil if a large amount of clay were present in the base, and Tingry remarked that:

it is the property of this earth to unite with oily and resinous parts, to adhere strongly to them, and to incorporate with them.378

373 (ibid., 107-8).374 (Hay 1847, 108).375 (Harley 1982, 109).376 See the section on the White Earths for an explanation of marl(y), 78.377 (Tingry 1830, 145-46).378 (ibid., 148).

64

By using a base of Spanish white and white lead, however, it could be used in oil, though to what extent and how successfully it was, is not clear. Tingry and a few other authors379 referred to such a use without caution, though the remainder issued warnings to the effect that it was:

principally used for coarser purposes in water, not bearing well to be worked in oil, nor can it be depended upon with regard to its standing, so as to be fit for paintings of any consequence.380

Whittock went so far as to say that it was only used in distemper,381 and Field described the "absurd names of yellow colours prepared by impregnating whitening, &c." adding:

They are bright yellow colours, extensively used in distemper and for paper-staining, and other ordinary purposes; but are little deserving attention in the higher walks of art.382

It must be said, however, that Field was an artists' colourman, and was not writing about house-painting.

It appears that most of the works consulted regarded Dutch pink as the best quality pink, being a fairly bright yellow, though Pincot was producing something that he called a "bright Golden Yellow", which he sold for 1s. 6d. per pound, whereas he was selling his Dutch pink for 1s per pound, and the lesser quality English pink, which was called by some light pink, for a mere 6d. per pound.383 A coarser variety was known as brown pink.

Giving an indication of how much wall area could be painted with his yellow pinks, Pincot said that "a pound of each bears more than a pint of Size and will do from 14 to 16 yards square", suggesting that costs could be cut if the yellows were reduced by adding whiting or starch powder.384

King's Yellow / Orpiment

Orpiment,385 or yellow sulphide of arsenic, was found in deposits across Europe and Asia, and had been used since early times, either in its natural form, or as an artificial combination of nine parts arsenic and one of sulphur.386 Harley believes that the alternative name of king's yellow was derived from the alchemists' use of the phrase "the two kings" when describing orpiment and realgar.387,388

379 See (Smith 1676, 23; Smith 1687, 22; Watin 1778, 28; Smith 1788, 27; Tingry 1804, 363; and Tingry 1830, 145).380 (Dossie 1796, 1:87).381 (Whittock 1827, 12).382 (Field 1850, 37).383 (Pincot ca.1811, 22).384 (ibid.).385 The name orpiment is derived from the latin auripigmentum, which means "gold colour".386 (Tingry 1804, 357).387 (Harley 1982, 93-94).

65

Nearly all the sources consulted warned of the hazards of using this pigment, none more clearly than Vanherman, who said:

I have not included King's yellow in the above list, but I think it necessary to caution the use of it, unless any one has a wish to be driven out of house and home with his family; in that case, he has only to order one small apartment to be painted with King's yellow, and he will be gratified; for the smell cannot be confined, but sends its vile effluvia into every corner of the house, and instead of growing weaker, it gains strength every day, and the only remedy, should such a misfortune occur, is to bestow on it two coats of patent yellow, and then two coats of light carriage varnish. This pigment is a combination of sulphur and arsenic, and should be excluded, not only on account of the above annoying quality, but also its antipathysing with most other colours.389

Smith pointed out the difficulty in grinding this pigment, warning that one should take care that "the fumes of it don't offend the brain in the time of grinding".390 In view of such problems, it is highly likely that few people would have followed Dossie's instructions for its manufacture,391 heeding instead perhaps a contemporary account:

few either calcine it, or even use it at all, as the fumes are mortal, and it is very dangerous to use it.392

Massicot

Massicot, or Masticot, was mentioned by many of the sources, though the majority referred to its having been superseded by either Naples yellow, or patent yellow. Disregarding the ninth edition of Smith,393 as being largely copied verbatim from the earlier ones, it appears that by the end of the eighteenth century it had fallen into disuse, Dossie indicating that it "is not greatly used at present", in 1796.394

It was a lead pigment, prepared by calcining that metal, first of all turning it into litharge, and then massicot. With typical thoroughness, Tingry described its preparation, while also, later, pointing out its obsolescence:

After the first operation of the temperature is increased, the gray oxide assumes a yellow colour; and when this colour is sufficiently developed it is distinguished by the name of massicot, or more correctly of yellow oxide of lead.395

388 Dr. Harley bases this belief on Maurice Crosland's Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry (Heinemann, 1962), 36.389 (Vanherman 1829, 26).390 (Smith 1687, 22).391 (Dossie 1796, 1:85-86).392 (Secrets 1780, 135).393 (Smith 1788, 22).394 (Dossie 1796, 1:90).395 (Tingry 1804, 344).

66

Naples Yellow

The origins of Naples yellow seem not to have been clearly understood until the early nineteenth century. The earliest English work consulted that lists it, referred to it as "a sort of filth which gathers round the mines of brimstone",396,397 this seems to have been cribbed from Watin, who mentioned it as having been obtained from the slopes of Mount Vesuvius, and who acknowledged the researches of Fougeroux de Bondaroy published in 1766.398

Tingry, writing a few years later, confirmed the comparatively recent discovery of its origin:

It is not long since the nature of Naples yellow was known. It was formerly believed to be of volcanic origin; and arsenical qualities were ascribed to it, in consequence of its yellow colour, which gave it some resemblance to orpiment; and on account of the green colour communicated to it by iron and steel. This effect, generally known to painters, renders it necessary in grinding this colour to employ porphyry and an ivory spatula.399

He went on to give the recipe as being a mixture of white lead, antimony, calcined alum and sal ammoniac, all pulverised and mixed up well, and then heated in a crucible. The colour, he stressed, could be adjusted from a light yellow to a golden colour by altering the proportions of one constituent to another.

Field said that it had a good body, and covered well in oil and varnish, though in watercolour it was liable to blacken unless a coat of varnish were applied on top. As a result of its reaction with iron and steel implements, it was also liable to change when mixed with iron based pigments, such as the ochres and Prussian blue.400

It appears to have been used often in conjunction with blue, to form green, and the author has found it on two occasions used in this way in decorative schemes of the late eighteenth century.401

Patent Yellow

Montpellier Yellow, Turner's Patent Yellow.

This pigment was also known as Turner's yellow, after the name of the man, James Turner, who patented the process for its manufacture in 1781.402 Harley gives an account of the problems

396 (Secrets 1780, 131).397 Sulphur, SOED 1986. S.v. "Brimstone."398 (Watin 1778, 26-27).399 (Tingry 1804, 319-20).400 (Field 1850, 28-29).401 It has been found, combined with blue verditer, in an oil medium, in Henry Holland's first decorative scheme, of 1776, in the Great Subscription Room, at Brooks's Club in St James's, and also in an almost contemporary scheme in the Saloon at Uppark, in Sussex.402 (P.R.O. C.73/16/18, printed series No. 1281. February 1781).

67

that Turner had in protecting his patent,403 and it appears from Tingry's description of it that it was not long before Chaptal, formerly professor of chemistry at Montpellier, in France, was producing it.404

Patent yellow had a comparatively short life, being all but superseded, for house-painting purposes, in the first thirty years of the nineteenth century by the gradual introduction of chrome yellow (q.v.). However, it seems to have found a place in coach-painting, and Pincot, who had trained in that profession, and who wrote about its techniques, referred to its use in that context.

Butcher, too, in one of his few acts of revision of Smith's work, described it as "a beautiful colour, of great utility, and much used by coach-painters".405 Smeaton expressed exactly the same sentiments a few years later,406 yet by the end of the decade, Vanherman was saying that the "coachmakers were the chief consumers of this article, but chrome now supersedes it",407 and it was being used as a ground for the latter. Tingry's later editor, writing at the same time, talked of the replacement of patent yellow by chrome "in a great degree".408

Field, the colourman, however, writing twenty years later, indicated that patent yellow was still being used for "common purposes", so it was still available at the end of our period. By comparison with some of the yellows already mentioned, Field spoke highly of this pigment, saying that it was a bright yellow colour, hardly inferior to chrome, and bearing an excellent body, and one that worked well in both oil and water, being affected, however, by sunlight and "impure air".409,410

The pigment was made by mixing two parts of litharge and one part of salt with water, and allowing it to stand until the mixture had turned white. It was then washed and dried, before being heated in a crucible. Experiments carried out by the author confirm George Hurst's comment that:

The shade of colour depends upon the temperature and duration of the heating; usually small samples are taken out of the crucible from time to time, and when the right shade has been obtained the contents of the crucible are allowed to cool, after which they are ready for use....Turner's Yellow is met with in many shades of yellow, from a fairly bright yellow to a dark orange-yellow.411

403 (Harley 1982, 98).404 (Tingry 1804, 321).405 (Butcher 1821, 9).406 (Pocket 1825, 98; Gilder's ca.1827, 34).407 (Vanherman 1829, 29).408 (Tingry 1830, 107).409 (Field 1850, 27-28).410 Especially the by-products of the combustion of coal, hydrogen sulphide in particular, which had a blackening effect on lead pigments.411 (Hurst 1913, 203).

68

Yellow Ochre

Bristol Ochre, Brown Ochre, Oxford Ochre, Spruce Ochre.

In common with the umbers, the earth pigments designated ochres saw constant use in house-painting, not only were they readily obtainable, but they encompassed a large range of hues, both in their natural and their calcined state.

Tingry explained how readily they were obtained:

Ochres are easily purified by simple washing. They mix readily with water, and the sand and stones which they contain being heavier than themselves, subside. The water, turbid with the ochre, is decanted, by making it pass into a trough lower than the vessel in which it was washed; when the ochre has subsided the clear water is drawn off. The ochre is then taken out, and being dried is divided into small masses.412

Smith mentioned the two basic types:

Yellow Oaker, Is of two sorts; the one gotten in England, the other brought from beyond the Seas: the one is light Yellow, much like the colour of Wheat straw; the other is somewhat of a deeper colour.413

The second edition clarified this, by referring to the first as "Plain-Oaker" most of which was found in the Shotover Hills near Oxford,414 and the other as "Spruce-Oaker".415 The former displayed many of the best properties for a house-painting pigment, being described as a "Colour, that with pains, will grind very fine, it bears an excellent body, and resists the weather well".416

A darker ochre called "Common Brown or Bristol Oker" by Pincot was recommended for filling imperfections in the body work of carriages, presumably a greater capacity for drying rendered it useful for this purpose.417 This facility for drying could relate to the confusion mentioned earlier under Umber, where Tingry recorded the use of the name Brown ochre as a synonym for umber. Dossie pointed out that its colour was as a result of calcination "either by subterranean fires or artificially".418

As well as various sorts of yellow, Tingry told us that:

Many of the yellow ochres when burnt become of a red colour, and are then occasionally

412 (Tingry 1830, 74).413 (Smith 1676, 22).414 A very detailed account of where to obtain this Oxford ochre is given in Dr. Robert Plot's Natural History of Oxfordshire. Oxford and London, 1677: 55.415 Dr. Harley suggests that spruce was an old form of Prussia or Prussian.416 (Smith 1687, 22).417 (Pincot ca.1811, 31).418 (Dossie 1796, 1:104).

69

used for more delicate processes.419

In this state the pigment was generally known as light red.

Hay accounted for the wide variety of colours, and told us that its price varied with the shade:

They are a native earthy mixture of silica and alumina, coloured by oxide of iron, with occasionally a little calcareous matter and magnesia, and are found between strata of rock and sand. Ochre varies in...price from 1d. to 1s. per lb.420,421

419 (Tingry 1830, 73).420 (Hay 1847, 108).421 See vermilion (66-67), red lakes (61-65), and ultramarine (40) for a comparison of prices.

70

CHAPTER ELEVEN

VEHICLES AND BINDING MEDIA

Oils

Oils of a nature suitable to painting are the most commodious and advantageous vehicle to colours hitherto discovered. First, because the unctious consistence of them renders their being spread and layed on a surface with more evenness and expedition, than any other kind of vehicle. Secondly, because when dry they leave a strong gluten or tenacious body, that holds the colours together and defends them much more from the injuries either of the air or accidental violence than the vehicles formed of water.422

The principal oil in use during this period was linseed oil, which was obtained from the seed of the flax plant, Linum usitatissimum, an annual cultivated throughout Europe. It was obtained by bruising and then crushing the seed, heat being applied to assist the operation.

The main disadvantages of linseed oil were its brown colour, and its slowness in drying, both of which could be remedied to a certain extent by letting the oil stand for a time. for where a large stock is kept, it is found that in about six months there is a considerable accumulation of refuse at the bottom of the cistern, which is only fit to be employed in mixing coarse paint for out-door work.423

That which remained was both paler and faster drying.

All the works examined included recipes for improving the drying properties of linseed oil.424 This usually consisted of adding a proportion of litharge, or of white copperas,425 to the oil and boiling it up, allowing the mixture to cool and clear before bottling it, the result generally being termed boiled oil. Other recipes suggested adding either one of the above driers, or lead acetate,426 allowing it to stand for as long as a month,427 stirring occasionally. During that time, drying properties were taken on by the oil, and often the colour improved.

Nonetheless, the inherent yellowness of linseed oil led to alternatives being used in work "where any nicety...[was] required in colouring",428 and especially where a white colour paint was wanted. In this case, either nut oil, or oil of poppy was recommended. The former was obtained from the kernels of several sorts of nuts, though mainly from walnuts and hazel-nuts, while the latter came from the seeds of the white poppy, or Papaver somniferum.

422 (Whittock 1827, 14).423 (Hay 1847, 117-18).424 (Smith 1676, 12; Smith 1687, 38-40; Smith 1788, 38-40; Tingry 1804, 76-101; Pincot ca.1811, 9; Pocket 1825, 35-42; Whittock 1827, 14-17; Vanherman 1829, 66; Tingry 1830, 154-69; Gilder's 58-60; Hay 1847, 116-18).425 Zinc sulphate, often known as white vitriol.426 Known also as sugar of lead.427 (Smith 1687, 40).428 (Pocket 1825, 39).

71

Both of these had the advantage of being almost colourless, although more expensive than linseed oil. Oil of poppies, unless very old, was described by one writer, however, as being "insufferably tedious in drying",429 and required mixing with litharge before it could be used, care being taken to avoid depriving it of its colourless property.

If nut oil was found too expensive, one of the authors recommended adding one part of turpentine to two parts of linseed oil,430 and this approach appears to have gradually taken over towards the end of our period. Hay made no mention of either nut oil or poppy oil, saying:

The media or vehicles by which these pigments are mixed, when applied in house-painting, are first, linseed-oil; secondly, a mixture of linseed-oil with spirits of turpentine; and, thirdly, spirits of turpentine alone, with some drying ingredient.431

Tingry, acknowledging the unpleasant smell of linseed oil, gave a realistic view on the various oils:

It may also be stated here, that although, for persons who do not regard the expense, nut oil or even poppy oil may be employed, yet as linseed oil is always much cheaper than either of these, notwithstanding its smell is, for some time after it is laid on, much more offensive, it is now more commonly employed in almost all house painting where an expressed oil is required.432

Field regarded the two paler oils as being inferior to linseed oil, pointing out that poppy oil actually turns brown with age,433 and that linseed oil "is by far the strongest, and...dries best, most tenaciously, and firmest under proper management".434

Turpentine

The oils mentioned above were generally termed fixed oils, which tended to "remain in vessels, although exposed to the air", whereas the other sort encountered, volatile oils, had "a continual tendency to escape in vapour".435 The latter were principally used as solvents, and as resinous media for varnishes. They dried by evaporation, leaving behind little or no resin, depending on their purity.

Turpentine, which has already been referred to, was the volatile oil most used in painting. Although, in the technical language of the day most properly known as oil of turpentine, it was often improperly known as spirits of turpentine, and in the slang of the house-painter as

429 (Pocket 1825, 36).430 (ibid., 39).431 (Hay 1847, 116-17).432 (Tingry 1830, 269).433 (Field 1850, 139).434 (ibid., 135).435 (ibid., 154).

72

Turps.436

This oleaginous spirit is extracted from the semi-liquid resinous substance which exudes from a certain species of pinus, or fir tree. It is separated from the resin, by being distilled along with water, and is colourless, limpid, and very volatile, having a peculiar, but not disagreeable nor unwholesome smell. Its quality depends upon its freedom from holding any of the resin in solution, with which it was combined while in its native state.437

Pure oil of turpentine would evaporate without trace when applied to a piece of white paper, and tended to be used in house-paint. The other varieties available displayed different characteristics, and Tingry listed the following as being found in the shops: Common or Horse Turpentine, Strasburgh, Venice, and Chio438. These all found use in varnish making, and were used either to impart body, or a gloss to a varnish, or to prevent it hardening too much.

It appears that turpentine was generally considered too expensive to use in the cleaning of brushes, in the way that we use its equivalent nowadays, and those few works that mention this aspect refer to linseed oil being used and then washing with soap and water.439 How successful this was is arguable, as Tingry recommended that a set of brushes be kept for use in white paint alone, as:

if not so kept, considerable trouble will be necessary to free a brush used for coloured paint from its colouring matter.440

Milk

An unusual phenomenon that originated in France at the time of the Revolution was to have an impact on many of the published works on housepainting, and an even greater one on the North American perception of their colonial past.441 However, much of what has been written seems to be based on myth.

In the 1801 edition of The Repertory of Arts and Manufactures there appeared the first English translation of a piece that had been published in a work called the Decade philosophique, entitled "Memoir on a Method of Painting with Milk". The author, one Antoine Alexis Cadet-de-Vaux, explained that as a result of the scarcity of materials during the "public misfortune" he had developed a substitute process for painting instead of using distemper.

This recipe he gave consisted of skimmed milk, freshly slaked lime, Spanish white and oil, and relied on a chemical reaction that was known from ancient times. When an alkali such as

436 (ibid., 169).437 (Hay 1847, 118-19).438 (Tingry 1830, 170-71).439 See (Smith 1788, 48; Pincot ca.1811, 8, 28; and Tingry 1830, 265-66).440 (ibid., 265).441 See Richard Candee, "The Rediscovery of Milk-based House Paints and the Myth of "Brickdust and Buttermilk" Paints." Old-Time New England. vol. lviii, No. 3, winter 1968: 79-81.

73

calcium hydroxide [slaked lime]442 is added to milk, a highly water-resistant adhesive is formed, usually referred to as casein.443 The effect would have been of the Spanish white being bound very securely by the casein glue to the surface it was applied to.

The many contemporary references to this technique444all quote from the 1801 translation, adding practically nothing of their own, and giving little impression that the author had tried it. It appears to have been included for the sake of completeness, and there are few references to it in later works.

442 See the section on Lime in the chapter on White Pigments, 82-83.443 (Sutermeister 1927, 190).444 (Willich 1802, 3:328-29; Tingry 1804, 498-501; Bemiss 1815, 286-87; Butcher 1821, 31-32; Pocket 1825, 237-40; Gilder's ca.1827, 120-23; and Tingry 1830, 249-51).

74

CHAPTER TWELVE

DRIERS

The amount of time taken for an oil paint to dry depends on both the constituents, and the ambient temperature. Very often it is necessary to speed up the drying process by adding a substance that will accelerate this.

During the period being considered, the selection of the appropriate drier depended largely on the material that required help with drying. The use of a drying oil alone could often achieve the desired result, but a number of other driers are mentioned in the texts.

Verdigris, which would have given a green tinge to whatever it was added to, was recommended for counteracting the slow- drying nature of lamp black,445 and Smith suggested that this, and a little drying oil would be best.446 Although mentioned by Field, at the end of the period, for use in dark colours, the use of verdigris as a drier seems to have declined, for Butcher, in his revision of 1821, replaced it with white copperas.447

Tingry confirmed the use of white copperas, otherwise known as sulphate of zinc, or white vitriol, with dark colours, saying:

Concerning the driers for dark colours, such as chocolate, olive, yellow, blue, brown, &c. &c. it should be mentioned that, in all these and many others into which none of the oxides of lead enter as a component part, litharge or white vitriol is commonly preferred as a drier to sugar of lead .448

White copperas, was made by dissolving zinc in a weak solution of sulphuric acid, and was a by-product of the developments in science and industry in the late eighteenth century. Tingry told us that:

Sulphate of zinc is used chiefly as a drier when mixed in small quantity with oil paints: it is not, however, calculated for white, and other delicate colours, it being apt to deteriorate the colour. But it may be nevertheless advantageously used to increase the drying quality of oxide of zinc449 when ground in oil, as well as for many of the earthy dark-coloured paints.450

For very pale colours, or white, it was necessary to use another form of drier called:

Saccharum Saturni,451 or sugar of lead, ground in nut oil; but which being very active, a

445 Tingry suggested that the pigment be calcined to aid drying (Tingry 1830, 274).446 (Smith 1788, 16).447 (Butcher 1821, 6-7).448 (Tingry 1830, 273).449 See the chapter on White Pigments, 82.450 (ibid., 56).451 This is confirmed by Pincot, who recommended "no other Dryer than Sachrum Saturni or Sugar of Lead" for light colours (Pincot ca.1811, 33).

75

small quantity, about the size of a walnut, will be sufficient for twenty pounds of colour, where the basis is ceruse.452

This was produced by dissolving white lead in vinegar, and recrystallizing it, the result being lead acetate otherwise known as salt or sugar of lead .453

Litharge was made by heating white lead. Its colour varied, the best being "in shining scales of a reddish hue", 454 as a result of which it tended to be kept for dark colours; the first coat on wood and plaster; and coarse out-door work.455

Red lead, too, saw use as a drier, and was often added to priming coats and undercoats to speed the drying process. Its use led to the convention of the pink wood primer, which has carried through until today.

Field pointed out the problems that resulted from the misuse of driers, and gives clear guidelines for their use:

1. Not to add them uselessly to pigments that dry well in oil alone. 2. Not to employ them in excess which retards drying.3. Not to add them to the colour till it is to be used.4. Not to add several kinds of dryers to the same colour; and 5. To use simple dryers in preference to nostrums recommended and vended for drying of paints. Impurity of the pigment sometimes retards drying, in which case it should be washed.456,457

452 (Nicholson 1819, 2:415-17).453 (Tingry 1804, 294).454 (Tingry 1830, 104).455 (Hay 1847, 106).456 (Field 1850, 132-33).457 These recommendations bear a strong resemblance to Watin's "PRÉCEPTES pour les Sicatifs, of which there are also five (Watin 1778, 91-92).

76

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

PAINTED IMITATIONS

Graining

The imitation in paint of materials usually more expensive, or exotic, is thought to have been carried out since ancient times.

As a means of decoration in interiors, Wyatt Papworth believed that:

The processes of graining and marbling may be traced back as far as the time of James VI of Scotland, (1567-1603).458

The growing use of softwood for the building and internal cladding of houses in the late seventeenth century, touched on in the introduction, led to an increased demand for the painted imitation of woods in this country. In his second edition, Smith referred to the imitation of "Olive Wood" and "Walnut Tree", and described them being veined over with a darker pigment.459

Bristow's commentary on the seventeenth century decoration at Dyrham Park, in Gloucestershire, lists a number of painted woods, referred to in the accounts for the house; amongst them cedar colour, walnut colour, wainscot colour, and princes-wood colour.460,461 At first sight, such names might be understood to imply merely the colour and tone of these woods, but in this early period, either the colour or the imitation of a wood could be indicated,462 and it is usually context or recorded price that make clear what had been carried out.

A clue to some of the conventions of the day can be obtained from a letter of 1700 that accompanied three samples of graining prepared for a client:

B, ye properest for a Bedchamber, if well performed (withe the pencil), and not tou mucht withe a brushe as is the common way, it will requier moor skill to paynes & will coste the moor, it represents a Light wall-nut tree color as I have seen some cabinets, and is proper for Antirooms & Bedchambers, the other A is a dark wallnut tree & will requier a glossey

458 (Papworth 1857-58, 9).459 (Smith 1687, 52).460 (Bristow 1979, 141).461 Prince wood, or prince's wood, is a dark-coloured and light-veined timber produced by two West Indian trees, Cordia gerascanthoides and Hamelia ventricosa; also called Spanish elm. SOED 1986. S.v. "Prince-wood." Sir Roger Pratt, writing in the 1660s in his capacity as architect of Kingston Lacy Hall, Dorset, listed three of these four woods, making no mention, however, of wainscot (Gunther 1928, 282).462 Smith, in dealing with umber, said that "it resembles the colour of new oaken wainscot the nearest of any colour in the world" (Smith 1687, 27). The earliest use of the word "graining", encountered by the author in a published text, is in a list of painting prices of 1786 (Pain 1786, 14).

77

varnishe and is very proper in Light chambers - C is a wainscot color muche in voge (since wright wainscot is subject to groe dark and in spotts,) and generally speaking ye use at present is a flate color that of torteschall463 (italics mine).464

Not only could wood be represented in light and dark forms, but the finish could vary in levels of sheen, some combinations being more appropriate than others.

Olive wood and Walnut appear in the 1788 edition of Smith,465 yet by this time, the use of both of these woods was probably rather old-fashioned, being replaced by wainscot (or oak), and mahogany, which began to feature in price books of the period.466

No mention of graining is found in the first English edition of Tingry, of 1804, which is no doubt a reflection of both the book's continental origins, and the fact that the process had not yet become fashionable again. In England, however, during the next ten years, a rekindled interest in the technique of imitating woods in paint developed. Papworth recalled a friend saying that:

the doors of the Chapel in Conduit Street, Bond Street, attracted much attention from the novelty of their being grained to imitate wainscot, done perhaps, about the year 1810 when a new front was given to the building. From some letters in my possession I find that mahogany was imitated in 1815, and maple wood in 1817.467

Price books of the time reflect this growing interest in fancy woods, and Laxton's The Improved Builders' Price Book of 1818, contains an early and wide range, amongst them: new wainscot, white oak, old or dark oak, air wood, satin wood, Hispaniola mahogany, coromandel wood, amboyna wood, yew tree and black rose wood.468

By the 1820s the interest was such that even Butcher had changed the original list of woods mentioned by Smith, deleting olive wood, and adding mahogany and wainscot469 to the walnut already listed. Smeaton, reflected this, and added satin wood and two varieties of rose wood.470

Whittock confirmed the approximate date of this renewed enthusiasm, in his work of 1827:

The very great improvement that has been made within the last ten years [italics mine] in the art of imitating the grain and colour of various fancy woods and marbles, and the facility and consequent cheapness of this formerly expensive work, has brought it into general use; and there are few respectable houses erected, where the talent of the decorative painter is not called into action, in graining doors, shutters, wainscots, &c..471

He went on to tell us that:463 "Flate color" probably refers to the low sheen on tortoiseshell.464 (Winde 1700, quoted in Beard 1981, 60).465 (ibid., 5).466 (Pain 1786, 14; Taylor 1813, 125).467 (Papworth 1857-58, 9).468 (Laxton 1818, 99).469 (Butcher 1821, 3).470 (Pocket 1825, 105, 109, 160-62; Gilder's ca.1827, 49, 51-52, 189-90).471 (Whittock 1827, 20).

78

Much has certainly been done by modern decorative painters, within the last fifteen years.472

One of the features of this new trend was the extent to which some house-painters developed the art of imitating the natural product. Whereas the late seventeenth century representations of woodgrain are almost theatrical in their handling, in that they only read as wood from a distance,473 the early nineteenth century grainer was encouraged to observe nature, for the "foundation of his future proficiency",474 and to produce realistic specimens.

Whittock, as well as producing actual coloured examples of many of the popular wood effects in his The Decorative Painters' and Glaziers' Guide, gave an indication of where such woods might be used. Writing some twenty years later, Hay showed how this had changed by the end of the period:

[Of Oak, or Wainscot]1827Oak is the wood that is commonly preferred to any other for outside work...preferred to any other wood for doors and shutters where strength is required. The decorative painter, therefore, who considers propriety, will generally recommend the imitation of oak for street doors, shutters, &c..475

1847Imitation oak has been greatly used in halls, staircases, libraries, and dining-rooms, and it will be observed, from the description of the process, that it must be very durable.476

[Of Mahogany]1827[Honduras Mahogany]...This is the proper mahogany for street doors, shutters, &c..477

[Spanish Mahogany]...For all common work, such as the fronts of shop counters, hand rails, or any work in constant view.478

1847Imitation mahogany, from its greater beauty, and from the growing taste for full-toned colouring, is now often employed, instead of oak, as a decorative painting for the wood-work of...[halls, staircases, libraries, and dining-rooms].479

[Of Satin wood]

472 (ibid., 46).473 See the walnut graining, carried out by Serjeant Painter Robert Streater, on the panelling of Apartment 7 at Hampton Court Palace, and recently exposed by Catherine Hassall of UCL Painting Analysis.474 (Whittock 1827, 20).475 (Whittock 1827, 20).476 (Hay 1847, 140).477 (Whittock 1827, 35).478 (ibid., 37).479 (Hay 1847, 140).

79

1827This beautiful and delicate wood can only with propriety be used for inside work, and its effect should, where it is possible, be heightened by contrasting it with a dark coloured wood.480

1847Imitations of maple-wood and satin-wood are used almost exclusively on the wood-work of drawing-rooms and boudoirs.481

[Of Walnut]1827Walnut tree is not much used as a fancy wood.482

[Of Rose wood]1827This when varnished, will form a brilliant coloured specimen, very fit for bookcases, cabinets, or other work that is likely to be much handled, as it will not soil quickly.483

[Of another version of Rose wood that he illustrated]now so fashionable for shop fronts. It is the coarsest kind, and is therefore very fit for the purpose.484

1847Imitation rose-wood is not so often introduced in house-painting as it used to be.485

[Of Bird's-eye maple]1827The foregoing process will only answer where the work is required to be finely executed; for shop fronts, halls, &c. the imitation must be produced with more boldness and rapidity.486

1847Imitations of maple-wood and satin-wood are used almost exclusively on the wood-work of drawing-rooms and boudoirs.487

[Of Coral wood]1827a wood which has hitherto from its great scarceness and consequent value, only been used in the most valuable and light kinds of cabinet work, and is therefore, from its novelty, a fit wood for the grainer to imitate, particularly in shop fronts that require glare and show, such as oilmen,

480 (Whittock 1827, 38).481 (Hay 1847, 140).482 (Whittock 1827, 39).483 (Whittock 1827, 41).484 (ibid.).485 (Hay 1847, 140).486 (Whittock 1827, 43).487 (Hay 1847, 140).

80

hatters, and others.488

It appears that the fashion for a wide variety of fancy woods began to wane within a few years, and Vanherman told us that, having "formed a considerable part of the decorative system", graining and marbling are "now giving place to the plain and simple".489 The two reasons given for this change being, the:

additional expense to the painter's bill, and the short-lived beauty they exhibit; for being generally executed in water colours, and then varnished, should this covering crack and chip, the work will consequently look shabby, ragged, and mean.490

He added that:

Graining, like diamonds in portrait painting, should be sparingly employed for its scarcity constitutes in a great measure its value.491

The process of graining was, inevitably, labour intensive. Papworth, relying heavily on Hay's description,492said that:

in the first instance [it is] the same as for ordinary painted work, but it requires more care in obliterating the marks of the brush. The last coat, instead of being flatted, is composed of equal portions of oil and spirits of turpentine, and is brought up to the colo[u]r characteristic of the wood to be imitated.493

When this ground-work was quite dry, a thick layer of a semi-transparent paint was prepared, in the colour of the wood to be imitated. This was laid smoothly over the ground-work, after which a graining comb,494 made of steel, ivory, horn, or wood, was:

drawn through this composition, by which it is separated upon the ground-work into minute portions, representing the grain of the wood.495

The heart grain and flowers would then be wiped out using a thumb nail, or a piece of horn, covered with a cloth. This was left to dry before being overgrained with a transparent layer of oil or water colour. Two or three coats of an oil varnish such as copal would then be applied.

Marbling

488 (Whittock 1827, 44).489 (Vanherman 1829, 40).490 (ibid.).491 (ibid., 41).492 (Hay 1847, 137).493 (Papworth 1857-58, 9).494 These combs were made in a range of sizes, a number being illustrated on plate II, facing page 22 of Whittock's The Decorative Painters', and Glaziers' Guide. Tingry tells us that they were obtained at the comb-makers in London (Tingry 1830, 282).495 (Hay 1847, 138).

81

Marbling, or the painted imitation of marble, has also been carried out for many years, and although the colours used are different, many of the materials and techniques are similar to those used in graining.

Smith mentioned the use of indigo in marbling in his first edition,496 and suggested that the painter observe the natural product in order to learn the art (Smith 1788, 47).

The opportunities to use marble imitations were fewer than those of woods, and the conventions rather stricter. The Frenchman, Laugier, had laid down rules for the use of coloured marbles in his Essai sur L'architecture of 1753, and a fellow countryman, Lairesse, had included a chapter on the disposition of such marbles in his work The Art Of Painting, of 1738.

The latter was included, in translation, by Whittock, who pointed out its use to:

the painter who has become an adept in the art of imitating them separately, as he will there find how they may be blended together, in one building, with the best effect.497

adding that:

Nature produces an infinite variety of fine stones of various colours and qualities, but art alone judges of their fitness and orderly location in rank and dignity.498

"Marble graining", as Vanherman referred to the process:

is only suitable for columns, pilasters, arches, dados, chimneypieces, and such parts where the appearance of solidity and coolness is desirable.499

The marbles dealt with by Whittock, and repeated by Tingry, three years later, comprised the following: Cipolin, or white- veined marble, dove-coloured marble, Florentine marble, Sienna marble, green marbles; consisting of verd antique, Egyptian green and serpentine, black and gold marble, and porphyry. The processes are given, often in both oil and distemper media, and suggestions made for the use of a particular type. Sienna, for example, was recommended for door posts, halls, passages.500

496 (Smith 1676, 20).497 (Whittock 1827, 182).498 (ibid.).499 (Vanherman 1829, 41).500 (Whittock 1827, 57).

82

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

EXTERIOR PAINTING501

House-painting was a seasonal occupation, both for interior and exterior surfaces, "the best time for painting is in dry, warm, and airy weather".502 Having seen how long each coat of a paint system took to dry, the importance of fine weather can, perhaps, be fully appreciated.

Papworth's paper read to the Royal Institute of British Architects, in 1857, provides us with many practical words on the subject of house-painting:

For external work, the proper season is undoubtedly the autumn, when the days are sufficiently hot to dry the work properly, and the weather sufficiently settled to allow of its being carried on continuously...should the painting be performed...in the months of June or July, the hot sun dries up the oil, the really effective preservative property of the paint, before it can be absorbed. Such work is consequently worthless at the end of less than two years...Aspect should also be considered when external painting is required to be performed.503,504

In view of the pronounced chalking effect of white lead paint when exposed to the elements, especially if adulterated with whiting, it is likely that the painting of exterior surfaces was carried out at regular intervals:

The third year the gloss is gone...in the fourth if you rub the painting with your finger, it will come off like so much dust.505

James Crease, a colourman,506 writing in the early years of the nineteenth century, seems to confirm this, when he recommended "rails, gates &c. to be done once in three years at least".507 In spite of this being in his interest, one may presume that it was not purely from a business point of view that he wrote this.

On new exterior woodwork, Crease also advised that four coats of paint be laid on, and the process described is very similar to that employed indoors. The priming coat was to be thin, the next two coats were to have more body, and the top coat was also to be thin. The use of turpentine or driers he considered unwise, recommending instead, half drying [boiled] oil and

501 Much of this article has been based on the text of: Patrick Baty, "Palette of the Past." Country Life, 3 Sep. 1992: 44-47.502 (Tingry 1830, 264).503 (Papworth 1857-58, 10).504 The implication being that a slightly different mix of paint would be considered for different sides of the house, depending on the direction they faced (Pearce 1898, 141).505 (Armstrong 1774, 7).506 This is believed to be the same J. Crease "general painter, oil & colourman at 10 Bridge Street [Bath]" who in 1788 was selling "dry or ground colours in water or oil for artists' or house painting, incl. a superfine London White lead which spreads further, stays white and durable." Bath Chronicle, 6 March 1788. Christopher Woodward, of the Building of Bath Museum is thanked for this reference.507 (Crease 1808, 15).

83

half linseed [raw] oil if the top were white, and pure drying oil if coloured. Not all writers agreed with him, however, most suggesting the addition of a little red lead in the lower coats to assist with the drying. The darker boiled oil, used by itself, would certainly have turned the white to a cream colour.

This latter factor explains why Smith referred to white lead being used on palisadoes,508 gates, posts and rails, as producing stone colour.509 This must have been, nonetheless, quite pale, because Pincot recommended the use of stone colour on door cases, window sills, and "any part where it is necessary to be a light colour", yet his recipe involved a mixture of yellow ochre, raw umber and white. As he went on to specifically exclude sashes it is probable that these were to be in the lighter stone colour / white.510

Woodwork that had already been painted, required two coats, the first to have some body, and the last a little thinner. As far as undercoats went, the common colours, were usually applied coat-on-coat, with a lead colour, produced by adding lamp black to white lead, being recommended for green, chocolate or indeed lead coloured top coats.511

Various colours are referred to for exterior use, especially those just mentioned, the greens being often differentiated as olive green, or invisible green.

This last colour:

is so denominated from its being proper for covering gates and rails, in parks, pleasure grounds, &c. by rendering them in a measure invisible at a distance, on account of its approximation to the hue of the vegetation.512

The ochres being less expensive, formed useful exterior paints, as did Spanish brown or red ochre, which was probably the cheapest option, but "it is not deemed a pleasant colour".513

Darker colours had begun to appear on external sashes at the end of the eighteenth century, and were to continue for many years.514 The effect would have been of presenting the windows as dark voids in a paler facade. From the 1820s, painted imitations of wood, in particular oak or wainscot colour,515 and occasionally mahogany,516 both highly varnished, came to be used on external doors and sashes.517

508 Fence made of pales. SOED 1986. S.v. "Palisade."509 (Smith 1788, 44).510 (Pincot ca.1811, 13).511 (ibid., 10).512 (Crease 1808, 12).513 (ibid., 11-12).514 Prices quoted in works of the 1780s indicate mahogany graining and black as being alternative treatments to the more common white (Pain 1786, 14).515 (Whittock 1827, 20).516 An undated specification for works to be carried out at the Athenæum Club, Pall Mall, found in their Building Files of the 1860s calls for the external sashes and frames to be grained in imitation of mahogany and twice varnished (Wyatt ca.1860, 2).

84

An early reference to the treatment of ironwork provides us with a curious alternative to an equally unusual method of painting such surfaces:

To beautifie iron with a blew colour...heat it in the fire... grind Indico, and salad-oyl together, and rub that mixture upon it with a woolen-rag, while it is heating, and let it cool of it self .518

Blue was indeed regarded as a prestigious colour on ironwork in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, and its use has been found on a number of occasions.519 Whether it was used very much on domestic town buildings is debatable however, for as Bristow has pointed out it would have been at least two or three times the price of the more commonly used grey [lead colour],520 or even perhaps stone colour, both of which would have been the more usual choice.

Equally, smalt, described as being the most "glorious colour of all",521 would appear an unlikely pigment for the painting of early exterior ironwork. Not only was it expensive, but the method of application was particularly labour-intensive, and troublesome when contending with the elements. To apply it, the surface would have been painted with white lead and, while still tacky, dusted over with the blue. In spite of the prestige associated with such an effect, it was admitted that it was only "the most lovely blue of all others"522 if seen from a distance, and experiments with a modern smalt have shown how uneven the result can be.523

From the 1730s onwards, it was inevitable that the recently discovered Prussian blue would have taken over to a large extent from smalt for its ease of application and even finish. It was, however, an even more extravagant choice of colour, for as Bristow has shown, in 1805, the new blue was still more than double the price of the old one.524 The aesthetic appeal of a green-blue rather than a purple-blue seems to have largely been influenced by technical factors, and doubtless the latter hue became highly unfashionable.

During the first half of the nineteenth century certain colours were considered more appropriate than others for the painting of iron. Humphry Repton describes this clearly, decrying the use of lead colour for its resemblance to an inferior metal, and white and green to painted wood, adding:

but if we wish it to resemble metal, and not appear of an inferior kind, a powdering of

517 Further evidence can be seen in many of the architectural drawings of the period. The works of speculative architects such as Michael Searles (1750-1813), and Charles Busby (1786-1834) are particularly informative.518 (Neve 1703, 185).519 Dr. Bristow has encountered the use of smalt on the second decorative scheme of the Tulip Staircase at the Queen's House, Greenwich, which dates from June 1695 (Bristow 1989b, 70), and on the gates from the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham, Dublin, of 1680 (Bristow 1990).520 (Bristow 1989a, 83).521 (Smith 1687, 26).522 (ibid.).523 (Baty 1992b, 46).524 (Bristow 1977a, 40).

85

copper or gold dust on a green ground, makes a bronze, and perhaps it is the best colour of all ornamental rails of iron.525

This bronze colour was achieved using a number of quite different recipes, some producing a bluer patinated form, some rather greener, and both either dusted with bronze powder or not. It was not restricted to ironwork, being found on doors and shutters too.526

Dealing with the facade itself, surviving lease agreements tell us that while the outside wood and ironwork tended to be painted "twice over with good and proper oil colours" during the first half of the nineteenth century, the stucco was very often to be "re-coloured and re-jointed in imitation of Bath stone". The colour of the stucco was not to be varied "but always to be kept in imitation of Bath stone".527

This treatment was usually carried out in a wash of copperas, or ferrous sulphate, and lime, "executed with judgement, and finished with taste, so as to produce a picturesque effect", furthermore the stucco was lined in imitation of blocks of stone, and "promiscuously touched with rich tints of umber".528 Very occasionally, the effect of lichen or weather staining could then be superimposed using the technique of splashing, using blood, milk, or oil as a medium. However, this form of deceit tended to be reserved for "Gothic buildings of a considerable size",529 or cottages, suggesting it saw little use on the town house.

The kinds of colours most suitable for exterior walls should generally be such as belong to the stones or bricks of the county in which the dwelling stands. These are chiefly whites, browns, yellows, reds and greys. Yellow, red and brown ochres are among the cheapest of colours; and from these, with whiting, charcoal, and bistre (or soot, from which bistre is made), all the colouring desirable for the outsides of cottages may be produced.530

Perhaps it was the combination of the pressure applied by Pugin531 and the blackening caused by the atmospheric pollution of a smoky city that led to oil paint gradually replacing the ferruginous washes. Although the intention was no longer to deceive the eye by suggesting blocks of unevenly coloured stone, the stucco facades of town houses tended still to be jointed, whilst painted in a uniform stone colour. Mid-nineteenth century leases and painting schedules

525 (Repton 1840, 264).526 (Donaldson 1859, 523,547).527 (Wyatt ca.1860, 3).528 (Nicholson 1823, 379).529 (Loudon 1846, 264).530 (ibid., 263).531 Augustus Welby Pugin, a vociferous critic of artificiality. The following quote from Alec Clifton Taylor, in his The Pattern of English Building, illustrates the reaction to that which was considered artificial:

The Victorians...always seem to have had misgivings about it [stucco]...they regarded it as dishonest. Pugin of course was in the vanguard, stigmatizing 'all the mechanical contrivances and inventions of the day, such as plastering, composition, papier maché, and a host of other deceptions' which 'only serve to degrade design' [Contrasts, 1836: 35] (Clifton Taylor 1972, 369).

86

indicate that, with the appearance of Portland cement, the cooler grey of Portland stone coloured paint came to be seen alongside that of the warmer Bath variety.532

References to the practice of sanding appear at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and can still be found in sources from the middle of the next century. Alfred Bartholomew's second edition of his Specifications for Practical Architecture, of 1846, intriguingly refers to the painting of rain-water pipes "to imitate stone"533 presumably not just in the ubiquitous stone colour that he usually referred to. Could this have implied the painterly application of multi-coloured washes, or the texturing of the smooth iron by the casting of dry sand onto wet paint?

Whilst in the early years, protection of the substrate seems to have provided by the strewing of powdered stone, or more usually, fine white, or writing, sand, it appears to have been superseded by the use of certain proprietary paints in the early nineteenth century. Loudon referred to the Anti-corrosion or Lithic paint being prepared from ground glass bottles, the slag from lead-works, or even burnt oyster-shells, and mixed with colouring matter and linseed oil. Vanherman was even suggesting road dust, grandly called crotia, and with it made a variety of greens, chocolate, black, lead colour, stone colour and a browny red. Such was its durability that when applied to iron, well-seasoned timber, or masonry, it rarely required renewal during a man's lifetime, painters, as a result, "seldom recommend[ed] it".534

532 (Wyatt 1865).533 (Bartholomew 1846, para. 2332).534 (Loudon 1846, 265).

87

PART III

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

AESTHETIC CONSIDERATIONS

The Range of Colours in Use

The availability of particular colours did not change very much during the earlier part of the period, although the use of colour did. In general, the colours used between 1660 and 1740 tended to be rather drab. Rooms at this time were generally wainscotted; in the earlier years being panelled from floor to ceiling, and later on from floor to chair-rail, giving way eventually to a plaster wall, with or without chair-rail.

Usually, every element of the wainscot would be painted in the same colour, including the doors, cornice and skirting.535 Occasionally chocolate or mahogany colour was used on skirtings and more often on the doors, though rarely on the architraves. Sometimes, shutters would also be painted in this deeper brown colour, and the skirting fascia might be painted black.536 Graining (q.v.), was practised at this time, but it must be remembered that this would have been rather more expensive than plain painting, and its use therefore limited. During the eighteenth century, the woods imitated were mainly oak, walnut, cedar and mahogany. There appears to have been a decline in its use by the middle of the century. Marbling (q.v.), if carried out, would have been reserved for the parlour, or a similar room.

The use of colour in the early eighteenth century was much more straightforward and austere than many people believe. It is unlikely that the mouldings of a panelled room would have been picked out as a matter of general practice, this would have been done where cost was not a major consideration.537 If the cheaper, or Common colours, were being applied, the extra cost of the labour would have been disproportionate. Colour was used to unify the major architectural elements rather than sub-divide them. A panelled wall surface will be seen to be divided into three main horizontal elements; at the top an entablature, consisting of architrave, frieze and cornice; at the bottom a dado whose upper limit is indicated by a chair rail; and the columns and main wall area which lie between the two.538 The cornice, forming part of the joinery, was therefore painted in the same colour as the walls.

Typical colours of the middle of the eighteenth century included:

535 (Bristow 1986, 77).536 (Pincot ca.1811, 17).537 Smith did mention the practice of picking out the panelling (Smith 1676, 69), however, my observation is made from a close study of many paintings of the period, the belief that such a treatment would alter the architectural appearance of the wall, and the added cost. Writing some 150 years later, Smeaton indicated that picking out had become more common:

The pannelling of wainscot, and other similar parts of inside work, will give you frequent occasion to employ very small brushes or pencils. (Gilder's ca.1827, 116).

538 (Bristow 1986, 77).88

Cheapest (The so-called Common Colours)

These were available, ground in oil, at 4d or 5d per pound.

Cream colour, Lead colour, Pearl colour, Stone colour, Wainscot / Oak colour, White lead

Less cheap

These were available, ground in oil, at 6d per pound.

Chocolate colour, Mahogany, Cedar and Walnut tree.

More expensive

These ranged in price between 8d and 12d.

Gold colour, Olive colour, Pea colour, Fine sky blue.

Still more expensive

All of these were available at 12d per pound.

Orange, Lemon, Straw, Pink, and Blossom.

Very expensive

At 2s 6d per pound

Fine deep green.539

The prices listed above, which were published in William Salmon's Palladio Londinensis, in 1734, remained unchanged for a number of years, and appear verbatim in a price book of 1770. The only difference was that the "Fine deep green" had now gone up to 2s 8d per pound.540

A move towards paler colours developed towards the middle of the century, reflecting the influence of Palladian thought, and to a certain extent, French taste. Wainscotting, or at least the older form began to give way to plaster, and this stone-like surface was often painted with one of the many variants of stone colour. This could mean anything from a grey Portland to the more yellow Bath stone, and mention of it occurs often in painting accounts of the period.

539 In view of the price, this was probably made with verdigris (Bristow 1977b, 248).[This colour was analysed by the author some years later and the information can be found elsewhere].540 (Leadbeater 1770, 44).

89

White, although not the stark colour used now, and pale greys, also saw a lot of use.

The last forty years, or so, of the century saw an increasing elaboration in the use of colour. This was evident on ceilings, which until then had invariably been white. In 1759, Sir William Chambers in his Treatise on Civil Architecture wrote of ceilings in a room with gilded ornament, that the usual method was to leave the grounds white, pearl, light blue, or any "other tint proper to set off the gilding to advantage".541 In his third edition, of 1791, straw colour was added to the list.

At this time, the area of wall between the chair rail and cornice was often coloured, either with paint, fabric or wallpaper, which was becoming increasingly fashionable. The chair rail, skirting fascia and frieze, too, could be coloured, though more often they were white.

The colours used at this time were influenced by such writers as Edmund Burke, in whose Philosophical Enquiry, first published in 1757, soft tints were associated with beauty. He said that:

First, the colours of beautiful bodies must not be dusky or muddy, but clean and fair. Secondly, they must not be of the strongest kind. Those which seem most appropriated to beauty, are the milder of every sort; light greens; soft blues; weak whites; pink reds; and violets.542

If stronger colours were to be used:

they are always diversified and the object is never of one strong colour; there are almost always such a number of them as in variegated flowers that the strength and glare of each is considerably abated.543

The framework of the room was invariably white, with doors, windows, and mouldings painted in that colour.

The use of white diminished in the early nineteenth century. In 1829, it was remarked that it had "been of late years universally disused".544

Colour was inevitably linked with technology. Until the early nineteenth century there were few significant developments in the pigments used in house-painting. It was not until the 1820s, for example, that a reliable bright yellow became viable in an oil paint. Bright yellow pigments certainly existed previously, but they had their problems. The short-lived patent yellow, which was used in a varnish medium on coach bodies from the 1770s on, was very fugitive in oil- and water-based media, and therefore not practical. Some of the earlier yellows, such as orpiment, were notoriously poisonous and difficult to work with. However, although toxic, chrome yellow filled a much needed space on the house-painters' palette. What is more, the newly introduced artificial ultramarine when mixed with chrome produced a number of bright greens. Obviously, as these new colours became cheaper to produce, their use increased, though in their

541 (Chambers 1759, 84).542 (Burke 1990, 106).543 (ibid.).544 (Vanherman 1829, 39).

90

early days they tended to be expensive, and therefore sought after.

Conventions Relating to colour

The use of specific colours was largely tied up with cost. The more expensive pigments and finishes being generally reserved for the main reception rooms, and the cheaper ones for other areas. However, throughout the period there were also conventions that guided the treatment of rooms, although these were rarely expressed in print until the early years of the nineteenth century. J.C. Loudon said in 1833:

The colouring of rooms should be an echo to their uses. The colour of a library ought to be comparatively severe; that of a dining-room grave; and that of a drawing-room gay. Light colours are most suitable for bed rooms (italics mine).545

From the 1720s, Palladian taste dictated that the hall be treated in a manner reminiscent of stone. In the larger houses this was emphasised by the architectural treatment of the hall, as at Davenport House in Shropshire, where the walls are heavily rusticated. In the smaller house this impression would have been created by the use of pale-greys and stone coloured paint. This was fortunate from the point of view of economics, as convention decreed that the largest expanse of wall area was covered with the cheapest paint colour.

In the 1820s, an "excellent colour for entrance halls" was still regarded as "a warm stone colour. Its appearance is cheerful, and texture solid". The staircase "may be of the same tint, but two shades lighter".546

Stone colour saw wide use throughout the house during the whole of the period. In a letter written in 1807 by a house-painter to his prospective client:

The most fashionable colours for Plaster walls are The Stone and Gray Colours, for wood work and Cornices White, doors Mahogany and Wainscot Colour.547

In the much-quoted letter, of 1770, from Chambers to Gilbert Meason, stone colour is suggested for parlours:

if they are for common use [as it] will last best548 and is cheapest, [but] if you mean them to be very neat pea green and white, buff colour and white or pearl or what is called paris gray and white are the handsomest.549

Pea green seems to have been considered a special colour, for in the following year, Chambers said to a client, for whom he was building a house in Berners Street:

545 (Loudon 1833, para. 2013).546 (Vanherman 1829, 39).547 (Ross 1807).548 A stone colour could survive daily handling and traffic rather better than white.549 (Chambers 1770, quoted in Bristow 1983a, 11).

91

If you have any particular fancy about the painting [of] your principal rooms be pleased to let me know. My intention is to finish the whole in fine stone colour as usual excepting the Eating parlour which I propose to finish pea green with white mouldings and ornaments.550

In 1810, Goethe wrote that green gives:

a distinctly grateful impression...the beholder has neither the wish nor the power to imagine a state beyond it. Hence for rooms to live in constantly, the green colour is most generally selected.551

There are few clues to the use of colours in particular rooms until the end of this period. In 1829 one reads that for libraries, crimson is recommended, being "a colour that agrees with books and their bindings...Some gentlemen prefer having the colour subdued, by the addition of a small portion of black".552

Perhaps not a room found in most houses, but for a picture gallery a dark blotting-paper colour553 was considered suitable.554

An elegant tint for a drawing room in the early nineteenth century would have been Lavender colour, which was a variant of Blossom colour.555

Although not specific as to the room, we might conclude that he was referring to the drawing room, Vanherman indicated that it was on the first floor that:

the skill and taste of the painter must be exerted, and the contents of his pallet consulted, and applied to give due effect without affectation, or overloading; but by a just combination, the eye may be pleasingly surprised, yet not dazzled by too many glaring lights. This...should be the most splendid, but of a mellow and calm tone, brilliant, but not gaudy; magnificent, but not heavy.556

Moving further up the stairs, Vanherman adds:

As we advance higher we should adopt the aerial tint; this gives a feeling of lightness that beguiles the labour as we mount - just as a traveller, rising a hill, is not sensible of the toil, being surrounded by enlivening objects.557

Indications of what colour to use in the bedroom are scarce, however, in 1836, for bedrooms in

550 (Chambers 1771, quoted in Bristow 1983a, 11).551 (Goethe 1840, para. 802).552 (Vanherman 1829, 38).553 This would have been a deep rose colour, produced from Venetian red, white and black.554 (ibid., 38).555 (ibid., 39).556 (ibid., 40).557 (ibid.).

92

"summer residences" lighted from the south, either white or blue were considered pleasing.558 In a later, and much altered, edition of the same work, "a light, clearly, and cheerful style of colouring is the most appropriate".559

In the early years of the same century, a London colourman was selling a cheap copper green colour for use in attics and common rooms.560

The Selection of Colour Schemes

In newly built houses, the choice of colour in a particular room was regarded as an important part of the architect's job. Sir Roger Pratt, writing in the 1660s, stipulated in a memorandum that:

"Leaves [were] to be brought to the architect whereof to make his choice as to the colour."

He added that the:

colours for rooms ought not to be taken at random but to be chosen according to the much or little light, or space of the places etc..561

The letters from Sir William Chambers, already referred to, confirm that a hundred years later the architect was still involved with the selection of colour, at least on the larger, or more important projects.

The house-painter might offer his client a selection of colour samples from which to make his choice, in the way colours are often chosen from a paint colour card today. During research in this field, the author has located the earliest surviving example of such an object, a collection of hand-painted cards, prepared by two separate house-painters for a client in 1807.562

558 (Hay 1836, 30, 46).559 (Hay 1847, 68).560 (Pincot ca.1811, 21).561 (Gunther 1928, 282).562 See Clason, and Ross. A reproduction of their colours can be found at Appendix Three.

93

WORKS CITED

All works were published in London unless otherwise stated.

Acts of Parliament:

Logwood and Blockwood shall not be used in Dying of Cloth, etc.. 1597. Statutes of the Realm. 39 Eliz. 1, c.9.

An Act For Preventing Frauds and Abuses in the Dyeing Trade, 1726. Statutes of the Realm. 13 Geo. 1, c.24.

Armstrong, Francis. 1774. An Account of a Newly Invented Beautiful Green Paint.

Bartholomew, Alfred. 1846. Specifications for Practical Architecture. 2nd edn..

Bath Chronicle, 6 March 1788.

Baty, Patrick. 1992a. "Comment." [On the new restrictions on the use of lead paint] Country Life, 30 April: 44.

________. 1992b. "Palette of the Past." Country Life, 3 September: 44-47.

Beard, Geoffrey. 1981. Craftsmen and Interior Decoration in England, 1660-1820. John Bartholomew.

Bemiss, Elijah. 1815. The Dyer's Companion. 2nd edn. New York.

Bristow, Ian C.. 1977. "Cost Constraints on Historical Colour." The Architect, (March): 40 & 55.

________. 1977b. "Ready-Mixed Paint in the Eighteenth Century." Architectural Review, 963 (April): 246-48.

________. 1979. "The Balcony Room at Dyrham." National Trust Studies. 1980: 140-46.

________. 1983a. "The Architect's Handmaid." Exhibition Handlist. RIBA Heinz Gallery, 9 November - 17 December.

________. 1986. "The Role of Taste." Traditional Interior Decoration. vol. i, no. 1 (Spring): 76-85.

________. 1989a. "Historic Town-Houses: The Use of Paint and Colour." In The Saving of Spitalfields, ed, Mark Girouard, Ch. 4. The Spitalfields Historic Buildings Trust: 80-86.

94

________. 1989b. "[The Queen's House, Greenwich] Research into and Reconstruction of the Historic Paint Colours." ASCHB Transactions 1989. (Association for Studies in the Conservation of Historic Buildings, vol. 14): 68-73.

The Builder's Dictionary or Gentleman's and Architect's Companion. 1734.

Burke, Edmund. 1757. A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful. Oxford University Press, 1990.

Butcher, William. 1821. Smith's Art of House Painting.

Cadet-de-Vaux, Antoine Alexis. 1801. "Memoir on a Method of Painting with Milk." The Repertory of Arts and Manufactures, vol. xv.

Campbell, Robert. 1747. The London Tradesman.

Candee, Richard. 1968. "The Rediscovery of Milk-based House Paints and the Myth of "Brickdust and Buttermilk" Paints." Old-Time New England. vol. lviii, No. 3, winter: 79-81.

Chambers, William. 1759. A Treatise on the Decorative Part of Civil Architecture. Also 3d ed. 1791.

Church, A.H.. 1901. The Chemistry of Paints & Painting. 3rd edn. Seeley and Co..

Clifton-Taylor, Alec. 1972. The Pattern of English Building. Faber & Faber.

"Colourwashes (including Paints) on External Walls." Building Research Establishment Digest, No.17, April 1950.

Crease, James. 1808. Hints for the Preservation of Wood Work Exposed to the Weather.

Crosland, Maurice. 1962. Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry. Heinemann.

Darling, John. 1658. The Carpenters Rule Made Easie. Worcester.

Dayes, Edward. 1805. The Works of the Late Edward Dayes.

Donaldson, Thomas Leverton. 1859. Handbook of Specifications. 2 vols.

Dossie, Robert. 1796. The Handmaid to the Arts. 2 vols. Rev. edn..

Esterly, David. 1990. "A Case of Dutch Iris." The Spectator, 6 October: 34-35.

Feller, Robert L., ed.. 1986. Artists' Pigments a Handbook of their History and Characteristics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Field, George. 1850. Rudiments of the Painters' Art, or a Grammar of Colouring.

94

Fougeroux de Bondaroy. 1766. "Sur le giallino ou jaune de Naples." Histoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences. Paris: 60-64, 303-14.

Gerbier, Balthazar. 1663. Counsel and Advise to all Builders.

Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von. 1840. Goethe's Theory of Colours. Trans. of Zur Farbenlehre by C.L. Eastlake.

Gotch, J. Alfred. 1928. The Growth of the English House. 2nd edn. Batsford.

Gunther, R.T.. 1928. The Architecture of Sir Roger Pratt. Oxford, Clarendon Press.

Guyton de Morveau, L.B.. 1782. "Recherches pour perfectionner la préparation des couleurs employées dans la peinture." Nouveaux mémoires de l'Académie de Dijon. Vol. 1. Dijon. 1-24.

Harley, R.D.. 1982. Artists' Pigments c.1600-1835. 2nd edn. Butterworths.

Harris, Eileen. 1990. British Architectural Books and Writers 1556-1785. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Harrison, William. 1577. The Description of England.

Hay, D.[avid] R.[amsay]. 1836. The Laws of Harmonious Colouring Adapted to Interior Decorations, Manufactures, and other Useful Purposes. 3rd edn.. Edinburgh and London.

________. 1847. The Laws of Harmonious Colouring Adapted to Interior Decorations, with Observations on the Practice of House Painting. 6th edn.. Edinburgh and London.

Hess, Manfred. 1951. Paint Film Defects, Their Causes and Cures. 1st English edn. Chapman & Hall.

Holley, Clifford. 1909. The Lead and Zinc Pigments. Chapman & Hall.

Hurry, J.B.. 1930. The Woad Plant and its Dye. Oxford University Press.

Hurst, George H.. 1913. A Manual of Painters' Colours, Oils, and Varnishes. 5th edn. rev. Noel Heaton.

Journal of Arts, vol. xii: 288.

Lairesse, Gerard de. 1738. The Art Of Painting. Translated by John Fritsch.

Laugier, Marc-Antoine. 1977. Essai sur l'Architecture. [An Essay on Architecture]. Paris, 1753. Translated by Wolfgang and Anni Herrmann, Los Angeles.

Laxton, W.R.. 1818. The Improved Builders' Price Book. 2nd edn.

Leadbeater, J.. 1770. The Gentleman and Tradesman's Compleat Assistant. 3rd edn.95

Leybourn, William. 1668. A Platform for Purchasers, Guide for Builders, Mate for Measurers.

Loudon, J.C.. 1833. Encyclopaedia of Cottage, Farm and Villa. Also 1846 edn..

Merret, Christopher. 1662. The Art of Glass, wherein are shown the wayes to make and colour Glass, Pastes, Enamels, lakes, and other Curiosities.

Morisot, M.R.J.. 1823. Tableaux détaillés des prix de tous les ouvrages de batiment. 2nd edn. 3 vols. 1820-23.

Neve, Richard. 1703. The City and Countrey Purchaser, and Builder's Dictionary. Also 2nd edn. 1726.

Nicholson, Peter. 1819. An Architectural Dictionary. S.v. "Painting." 2 vols.

________. 1823. The New Practical Builder. Appended is The Practical Builder's Perpetual Price Book.

________. 1825. The Mechanic's Companion.

"Notitia coerulei Berlinensis nuper inventi." Miscellanea Berlinensia. Berlin, i (1710): 377-78.

Pain, William, & James Pain. 1786. British Palladio.

The Paint, Oil and Chemical Review, Chicago. 101, No.23, 15-16, November 1939.

Papworth, Wyatt. 1857-8. "An Attempt to Determine the Periods in England, when Fir, Deal & House Painting were First Introduced." Transactions of the RIBA. 1st series, vol. viii: 1-13.

Parissien, Steven. 1992. Regency Style. Phaidon Press.

Pearce, Walter J.. 1898. Painting and Decorating.

Pincot, John. ca.1811. Pincot's Treatise on the Practical Part of Coach and House Painting.

Plot, Robert. 1677. Natural History of Oxfordshire. Oxford and London.

Primatt, Stephen. 1667. The City & Country Purchaser & Builder.

Pugin, Augustus Welby. 1836. Contrasts.

Repton, Humphry. 1840. Observations on the Theory and Practice of Landscape Gardening. Rev. ed..

Salmon, William. 1734. Palladio Londinensis: or, The London Art of Building.

[Smeaton, G.A.]. 1825. The Painter's and Varnisher's Pocket Manual.

96

________. ca.1827. The Painter's, Gilder's, and Varnisher's Manual.

Smith, John. 1676. The Art of Painting. (The Art of Painting in Oyl.) 2nd edn. 1687, 9th edn. 1788.

The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary. 1986. 3rd edn., rev., Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Southey, Robert ('Don Manuel Espriella'). 1807. Letters from England.

Sutermeister, Edwin. 1927. Casein and its Industrial Applications. New York: The Chemical Catalogue Co..

Taylor, I.. 1813. Builder's Price Book. Edition corrected by J.Taylor.

Thornton, Peter. 1978. Seventeenth-Century Interior Decoration in England, France and Holland. Yale University Press.

Tingry, P.F.. 1803. Traité théoretique et pratique sur l'art de faire et d'appliquer les vernis. Geneva.

________. 1804. The Painter's and Varnisher's Guide.

________. 1830. Painter's and Colourman's Complete Guide.

Valuable Secrets Concerning Arts and Trades. 1780.

Vanherman, T.H.. 1829. Every Man his own House-Painter and Colourman. (Originally published as: The Painter's Cabinet, and Colourman's Repository. 1828.)

Ware, Isaac. 1756. A Complete Body of Architecture.

Watin, Jean Felix. 1778. L'art du peintre, doreur et vernisseur. [The Art of the Painter, Gilder and Varnisher]. New ed. Liege.

Whittock, Nathaniel. 1827. The Decorative Painters', and Glaziers' Guide.

Willich, Anthony Florian Madinger. 1802. The Domestic Encyclopaedia: or a dictionary of facts and useful knowledge chiefly applicable to rural and domestic economy... 4 vols.

Woodward, John. "Praeparatio Caerulei Prussiaei." Philosophical Transactions, xxxiii (1724): 15-17.

Manuscripts and Unpublished Sources

Baty, Patrick. 1993a. "A Documented Review of the House-Painting Trade in London: 1660-1850." Diss., University of East London, May.

97

________. 1993b. "The Methods and Materials of the House-Painter in England: 1660-1850. An Annotated Bibliography." Diss., University of East London, May.

Bristow, Ian C.. 1990. "Exterior Colour." Lecture to the Georgian Group, given at the Artworkers Guild, London. September.

________. 1983b. "Interior House-Painting from the Restoration to the Regency." Ph.D. diss., University of York. 2 Vols.

Chambers, William. 1770. Letter to Gilbert Meason, 5 May. British Library. MS. Add. 41133, f.52r.

________. 1771. Letter to Robert Gregory, 31 August. British Library. MS. Add. 41133, f.51v.

Clason, Andrew. 1807. Letter from Glasgow, to Robert Vans Agnew, Barnbarroch, 15 July. Stenhouse Conservation Centre, Edinburgh.

Ross, M.. 1807. Letter from Edinburgh, to Robert Vans Agnew, Barnbarroch, 21 April. Stenhouse Conservation Centre, Edinburgh.

Smith, Marshall. 1718. Patent of Invention, 23 May 1718, No.421. Patent Office, London

Winde, William. 1770. Letter to Lady Mary Bridgeman, 3 August. Staffs CRO, Earl of Bradford's Archives, 18/4.

Wood. 1992. Catalogue 79, part II. Charles B. Wood III Inc., Antiquarian Bookseller. Massachusetts, USA.

Wyatt, Thomas Henry. ca.1860. Specification of External Repairs, Painting, &c., to be done at the Athenæum Club.

________. 1865. Specification of External Repairs, Painting, &c., to be done at the Athenæum Club.

98