An Allegorical Reading of Han Yö's(l] "Mao-Ying Chuan"[2 ] (Biography of Fur' Point)*

by William H. Nienbauser, Jr. (University of Wisconsin)

Every allusion . . . has som~what the character of an iq ide joke.

But where T'ang times are concemed, we are all mote or les outsiders. David Lattimore 1

Introduction In the millennium since Han Yü {A. D. 768-824) wrote hisMao-ying-chuan (here­

after MYC) there have been numerous discussions of the work2 • Mo t of the traditional notices, however concemed themselves primarily with the morality of the piece and its author's Iack of propriety. We hall try rather to determine an aesthetic reading of this biography3 . In so doing we will perhaps be forced back upon this question of morality, but it shall not be our major concern.

• I would like to express my gratitude to Professors Liu Mau-Tsai, Chow Tse-tsung, and Kar! Kao for their suggestions. I am al o grateful to the Alexander on Humboldt Foundation and the Graduate School of the University of Wiscon in under whose auspices thi tudy wa written.

1 See LATilMORE, ' 'Allu ion and Tang Poetry' ' , in Perspectives on the T'ang, Arthur F. WRtGHT and Denis TwrTCHETT, eds. (New Haven and London : Yale Universir Pre • 1973) p. 405.

2 Aside from Y. W. MA·s listingoftraditional reference toMYC in hi " Prose WritingsofHan Yü and Ch'uan-ch 'i Literature' , Journal of Griental Studies, 7 ( 1969) p. 203, one might mention the passages in Ch'en Hung-ch'ih's(3] (/1 . A . D . 1805-1 34) Ch'üan T'ang-wen chi-shih(4 ) (Pe­king: Chung-hua shu-chü, 1959), p. 34 (where MYC i termed a '' pseudo' ' or "appropriated" chuan [chia-chuan(5] ] , Ch'u Chia' {6 ] Chien-hu chiu-chi(1], eh . 16, fol. 6b (Pi-chi hsiao-shuo ta-kuan hsü-pien ed. [Taipei : H in-hsing shu-chü, 1962] p. 1397), and Chang Shih-chao' [8]

recent discussion in Liu-wen chih-yao(9 ) (Second printing ; Peking: Chung-hua hu-chü , 1972), pp. 644-650.

The idea that MYC i a pseudo-chuan is a1 o discu ed in ome detail by Herbert FRA KE in hi " Literary Parody in Traditiona1 Chinese Literature: Descriptive Pseudeo-Biographie " ,Griens Extremus, 21 {1974 ), pp. 23-31 . FRA KE feels that MYC i " a kind of literary riddle ... written originally with no other purpo ein mind but to amu e the educated reader .. :·, and that allego­rical interpretations of the work are ''quite in harmony with the age-old tendency of Chine e lite­rati toreadamoral or political meaning into normal poetic productions ... (p. 24]." He cite the Book of Gdes as an example of thi tendency. Yet the allegorical interpretations of this anthology were often quite pecific and thu differ from our reading of MYC. Moreo er, the example of thi genre {the pseudo-biography) provided by FRA KE. Kao Ming' (10) (A. D. 1310-1380) " Wu­pao chuan" (1 1

} (Biography of Mr. Black Treasure) [ ee pp. 27-31] ha " a definite morali ticand socio-critical tendency." This study attempts to point out a imilar tendency in MYC.

<?~ the date of the MYC see MA, "Pro e Writings" pp. 202-203, n. 30. MA cites traditional opm10n , but feels the piece was written at the beginning of the Yüan-ho reign period (A. D. 806-820). The information from Liu Tsung-yüan's po tface and the conclusions of this study upport Ma s dating.

3 Therefore allowing us to overlook uch que tion as whether Chang Chi' (1 2) (A. D . 766-829) comments conceming Han Yü's ' ' h brid and unfounded" (1 3J writing actually refer to the MYC; cf. MA, ' 'Pro e Writings", pp. 200-202 and Cbuen-tang CHOW, "Chang Chi the Poet" (Unpublished ~h . D. dissertation, Uni ersit of Washington, 196 ) , pp. 68-84.

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When one attempts a close reading of MYC it becomes obvious that Han Yü, a one early critic, Liu Tsung-yüan(14] (A. D. 773-819), has already pointed out in his defen e of the work entitled "Tu Han Yü so-chu 'Mao-ying chuan' hou-t'i' (1 5] (A Postface on Having Read the "Biography of Fur Point" Written by Han Yü)4 , took great care in writing the piece. It is filled with allusions, allusions in a sequence which tend to produce several matrices of meaning. In this way the initial metaphor of

Mao Ying (Fur Point) = Rabbit/Brush = Minister = ? may be traced fairly consistently througbout the biography.

Such a consistent metaphor is commonly termed "allegory"5 • Moreover, not forget­ting Professor Lattimore's warning (cited as epigraph above) that we are all outside.rs, weshall proceed to suggest that there are topical references ofthe allegory (the "?"in the equation above). It will become evident, one hopes, that many of the passages la­beled "hybrid and unfounded"6 by contemporaries of Han Yü were intentional and necessary to maintain the allegory. The cover or screen story of Mao Ying (the tenor) had tobe shaped to fit the facts of the writing brush ( a first vehicle ), and, perhaps, even these facts were edited to allow a deeper and more central topical message (a second vehicle). But such subjects are best discussed after one has read the text itself. Let us, therefore, turn to a translation of the work. Since numerous notes will be nece sary to understand completely the narrative and subsequent critique, commentaries in­dicating the major allusion and figures are infixed throughout the translation.

The Biography of Fur Poinf1 Paragraph I - Fur Point was a native of Central Mountain. His patriarch, Bright

Sight, aided Yü in bringing order to the Iands of the East, and he had some success in nourishing nature. Therefore, he was enfeoffed with the Iands of Mao. When he died, he became one of the twelve immortals. He once said "My descendants will be the posterity of a spirit-illuminate and cannot be the same as normal beings. They will be born by being vomited.'' And, indeed, that is how it was!

4 See Liu Ho-tung chi(1 6] (3rd printing; Peking: Chung-hua hu-chü, 1961), eh. 21, pp. 366-367. For further bibliographical details see the translation of MYC below.

5 The understanding of allegory in this study is similar tothat of David LATTIMORE in his "Al­lu ion", p. 43 : ' ' . .. a consistently maintained metaphor, in which the 'more real' depiction mu t as a whole be een through the transparent screen of a moreimmediate but less real' depiction." The .ke~ ccncepts are consistency, for it di tinguishes allegory from mere metap,hor allusion or ambtgUJty and depiction, ince an allegory i by definition an extension of the text intended to de­pict ome e ent idea, or phenomena; cf. Northrop Frye, "Allegory" , in Prineeton Encydapedia of Poetry and Poetics, Alex PREMJ GER, ed. (Princeton : Princeton Univer ity Pres, 1972), p. 12.

~ See Chang Chi's "Ta Han Yü hu"(17) (Reply to Han Yü), in Chang Chi shih-chi(l 8] (Shang­hat : Chung-hua hu-chü, 1959), pp. 107-108 and footnote 3 above.

7 MA T'ung-po's(1 9] anootated edition Han Ch'ang-li wen-chi ehiao-chu (20] (Peking: Chung­hua shu-chü, 1957) , eh . , pp. 325-327, will serve a the ba ic text for thi study. Beside con ul­ting other standard ource SHJMIZU Shigeru' [2 1] tran lation in Tö Sö hakkabun [22] (4th printing; Tok o: A ahi himbunsha, 1969), . I , pp. 169-188, KAO Pu-ying' (23) note in T'ang-Sung wen chü-yao[24

] (Peking: Chung-hua hu-chü, 1963), . I, pp. 26{}.-9, and Ho HJKA A Kiyotaka' (25]

r ndering in Tö So hachidaikabun tokuhon(26] (Tokyo: Meiji boten, 1976), pp. 414-422, ha e proved ery in tructi e.

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Tbi passage is almost a formulaic beginning to a genealogy. However, not only the content but also the syntax call to mind a pecific chapter of a pecific work. The en­tence conceming the aid to 'Yü in bringing order to the land of the East ' (i. e. in .draining the flood waters wbich covered the eastem lands8) parallels S u-ma Cb'ien' (135-ca. 93 B. C.)9 operring lines to bis 'Ch'i T 3.1-kung shih-chia' [30] (Genealogy of tbe Grand Duke .of Ch' i), Shih-chi (Records of the Grand Historian) (2nd printing· Peking: Chung-hua shu-chü, 1962), vol. 5 eh. 32 p. 1477.

Aside from this allusion tbere are several other important developments in these opening lines. The first is, of course, tbe initiation of the ba ic allegory: Mao Ying, the subject of tbe biograpby on the basic Ievel of significance, and the writing brusb ( clearly explicated by tbe name Mao Ying itself). Tbe relationsbips of tbe bare in the co mological system of wu-hsing (five e!ements) control the structure of the first severallines: the direction ea t tbe econd lunar month during which plant begin to prout again ("success in nourishing nature"), and tbe fourth of the twelve terre tial

stems mao[31 ) (' twelve immortals" and ' Iands of Mao '), are all o associated. Thi allegorical tie is further bighligbted semantically, for "Brigbt Sigbt' (ming-shih[ 32])

is a literary metonomy for tbe rabbit. ln tbe Li-chi, eh. 1, fol. 25 a (SPTK) one find the gloss: "The rabbit is called 'Brigbt Sigbt' ."[33] The Erh-ya i[34) lWings of the Erh-ya], eh. 21, fol. 6a (Hsüeb-chin t'ao-yüan ed.) provides the Jogical source of tbi epithet: "When a rabbit gazes at the moon, it will have off pring. Its eyes are exceedingly keen. Therefore, it ha been named 'Bright Sight' ."10 [35]

Another semantic suggestion is provided by feng, translated here as "enfeoffed' which can also mean to "heap up eartb" as a rabbit rnight in digging its warren , aUow­ing tbe line to also be read: "Therefore, be built a mound in the mao earth." Mau • , moreover isahomonym for tbe surname [Mau*][36) of the protagonist Mao Ying11 .

Fora locus classicus ofthebelief involving the unusual birth of rabbits see Lun-heng:

8 For Yü' efforts in taming the flood see T'ai-p'ing yü-lan, eh. 82, fol. 1 a-7 a (SPTK) . 9 Although S u-ma Ch'ien was certainly one of Han Yü's models ( ee inter alia MA, " Pro e

Writings'', pp. 218-219, n. 90), it is intere ting to note that Ssu-ma rejected tbe u e of " empt tales" as bases for allegories, see Burton WATSO , Ssu-ma Ch'ien, Grand Historion of China ( ew York : Columbia University Press, 1958), pp. 138-139.

On S u-ma Ch 'i n' date see K o Mo-jo[27] , " 'Tai-shih-kung h ing-nien-k'ao' yu wen­t' i' [28] (On Problem in " A Study of the Grand Hi torian 's Curriculum Vitae'') in Chung-kuo ku-tien san-wen yen-chiu fun-wen chi[29] (Peking: Jen-min wen-h üeh ch ' u-pan he, 1959). pp. 7fr-80.

10 I am not suresuch excellent vi ion i related to the brightness of tbe eyes a in the early We tern concept of ight as a projection of a beam of light) . Joseph N EEDHAM finds no uch t~eory in the history of Chinese scientism, but pointsout that Paul DEMJEVILLE has referre'd to a

t ual ray emi sion· ee NEEDHAM Science and Civilization in China (London : Cambridge Univer­ity Pres , 1962), vol. 4 , p. 86.

11 Where recon tructed T'ang glo es are u ed, they are based upon Hugh M. STIMSO , THE ]ONGYUAN IN YUNN: A Guide to Old Mandarin Pronunciation (New Haven: Far Eastern Publi­cation , 1966).

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" Hares conceive by licking the pubescence of plants. When the leveret is born, it issues from the mouth of the hare." 12 [37]

Finally, one finds first here the setting of much oftbe piece, Chung-sban[41 ) (Central Mountain) . It is Mao Ying's bome place, the site of the subsequent bunt, and, accor­ding to the epilogue, the home of one of the Mao clan-lines. In the Standard reference works, however, one finds that there are several "Central Mountains". One, in mo­dern P' iao-shui County[42), Kiangsu (about thirty miles southeast of Nanking), was, according to the commentaries, a place well known for producing rabbits whose fur was especially suited for writing-brush tips13. The Central Mountain located near mo-' dem Ting Country[45) in Hopei ( northeast of the city of Shih-chia-chuang[46) is, how­ever, more likely that which Han Yü intended here. lt , too, has been mentioned as a supplier of rabbit hair for writing-brush tips14. A later passagein MYC, which asserts that Mao Kung[50) and Mao Sui[51] were both " of the Central Mountain line", sup­ports this hypothe is, since both of these actual historical figures came from the War­ring States land of Chao[52) in modern Hopei . Paragraph 11- The eighth generation descendant of Bright Sight was Bunny, who, so

popular tradition has maintained for ages, lived in Central Mountain during the Yin dynasty and leamed the artifices of the spirit immortals so that he was able to hide in a bright light and bring other beings under his control. He stole Heng 0 and rode a toad to the moon. His posterity, therefore, withdrew from go­vemment service, so it is said.

This paragraph, ostensibly penned to explain the paucity of ancestors in Fur Point's genealogy, is structured about the story of Heng 0[53) in the Huai-nan tzu (eh. 6, fol. 10 a [SPTK]). Nevertheless, tbe events are somewhat at variance with the original .pas­sage. Shimizu Shigeru feels that these changes were the creation of Han Yü15 himself. But Shimizu does not speculate as to why Han Yü might have altered the story.

12 Wang Ch'ung (A. D. 27-100), Lun-heng, eh . 3, fol. 23 b (SPTK) · the tran lation isthat of Alfred FORKE, Lun-heng (Leipzig: Harra owitz, 1907), Part I, p. 319.

The a sociation of rabbit thui•[38] and vomiting thui•[39] originated in the phonetic similaritie of the words. In the Po-wu ehih, eh. 4, fol. 1 a, Chang Hua repeats the association in the form of the ' 'old story" that rabbits disgorge their young through their mouths. The characters stand along ide one another in the Kuang-yün(~OJ (eh . 4, fol. 18a [SPTK]) and arestill today used a phonet:ic glo se for each other (see their respective Tz'u-hai entries for example).

13 CH'E Ching-yün's(43J (A. D. 1670-174 7) discussion of this problern reveal that early geographical work , and even Po Chü-i , mentioned the Centrat Mountain in P'iao-shui County as a ource of writing-qru h fur; see Han Ch'ang-li ehi["~l (Peking: Shang-wu yin-shu-kuan, 19 ). pp. 88- 9.

1 ~ See Wang Hsi-chih[~7] (A. D. 321-3?9),Pi-ehing("8] in Shuo-fu , ("9] eh. 98, fol. l a (Wan-chi shan-t'ang ed.). The extent of Han Yü's debt to such works remains conjectural.

15 SHJMlZU p. 172. Edward H. SCHAFER, in his " A Trip to the Moon ', Journal of the American Griental Society, 96.1 (January-March 1976), p. 35, pointsout that tbe legend of Heng O's flight to the moon ha everal ariants and de erves further research. lt would seem however, that Han Yü is following the HUili-nan tzu version. There in Hsü Shen's[s•] note one reads: "Heng 0 stole and ate it, attained the tatus of a spirit-immortal, and fled to the moon .. ,'! Te-hsien, [55] here rendered "attained the tatus of a pirit-immortal", could also be read "found/encountered a pirit-immortal" (i . e., Bunny).

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The generat ass~ciation of rabbit, toad, and moon is found already in the "T'ien wen"[56] (Heaven Questioned)16. The translation is tentative here. Whether "ni kuang" [51] means "to hide one's light (the light of the rabbit's ' bright eyes" ) or " to hide in a bright light" (i. e., to live in the dark part of the moon, or perhaps, even to cause t~moon' fo turn dark) is uncertain. The "being" controlled here may be either Heng 0 or the toad. It is apparent, however, that Bunny's talents are related to Taoist " pirit-immortal" magical practices. Paragraph III- One of them named Wiley, who lived near the eastern city-wall, was

crafty and a skilled runner. He put bis talents to a test against Han Lu. Lu could not catch him. Since he was angry, he plotted with Sung Ch'üeh to kill Wiley and then tore his family to ribbons.

The story of Chün[58] or "WiJey" and Han Lu[59] or "Blackie" Han is taken from the Chan-kuo ts'e (eh . 4, fol. 11 a [SPTK] ; James J. Crump, Jr., translation, from Chan-Kuo Ts'e [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970] pp. 159-160):

" Ch' i wished to attack Wei so Ch'un-yü K un said to the kingofCh'i: 'Han-tzu Lu was the swiftest hound in all the world and Tung-kuo Chün tbe wilest bare on earth. Han-tzu Lu once started Tung-kuo Chün. Around the mountain he chased him five times the bare straini11g in the Iead, the hound stretched to follow him, until both hound and bare dropped dead in their tracks from exhaustion. Then an old peasant came by and with no effort at all appropriated them both for his dinner.

"'Today Ch'i and Wei can stand each other off for a long time. They will tire their troops and weaken their citizenry until I fear that mighty Ch'in or mctssive Ch 'u will come behind them and profit as did the old peasant. ' "

"The king of Ch'i was frightened. He dismissed his generals and rested his troops."

Han Lu appears in various other classical texts17, but is mentioned together with Sung Ch'üeh(60] ("Magpie Sung' ?) in Chang Hua's(61] (A. D. 232-300) Po-wu chih[62] ,

eh. 6, fol. 4a (Tzu-shu pai-chia ed.; Hupei: Tsung-wen shu-chü, 1875): " In the country of Han there was a black dog named Blackie, in Sung tbere was a swift dog named Magpie. '' [63]

Han Yü employs here again the familiar aHegorical device of interpreting proper names literally. The passage seems generally intended to further ground MYC in histo­rical reliability by alluding to severaJ well-known classical works.

·Paragraph IV- During the time of the First Emperor of Ch 'in (246-210 B. C. ), Gene­ral MengT'ien (d. 210 B.C.) led an expedition south against Ch' u and camped at Central Mountain, intending to undertake a great hunt to intimidate Ch' u.

16 Ch'u tz'u, eh . 3, fol. 5 a (SPTK) ; cf. also Oavid HAWKES, Ch'u Tz'u, The Songs of the South (Oxford : Clarendon Press, p. 47, Iines 17-18· A. Co RADY,DasältesteDolcumentzurchinesischen Kunstgeschichte. T'ienwen, die Himmelsfragen des K'üh Yüan (Leipzig: Asia Major, 1931); E. ERKES, ' 'Zu Ch'ü Yüan's T'ien-wen", MS, VI (1941), pp. 273-339; Achilles FA G, " On the T'ien-wen ' Reconstruction ' by Prof. Erkes" MS, VII (1942) pp. 285-187; and Helmut WILHELM, "Bemerkungen zur T' ien-wen Frage ', MS, X (1945), pp. 427-432.

17 For similar versions of th1s-anecdote, all in the " rhetorical tradition" which Han Yü follow in this piece, see Lois FUSEK, "Thel<JZO-t'angfu", Monumenta Seriaz, 30 (1972-1973) p. 393, n. 3 and 4.

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Se eral threads of tbe allegory are wound together in this paragraph. Leaving the late Warring States period, the narrative now enters the reign of the First Emperor of Ch 'in. The ancestry of Fur Point completed, it remains only for Han Yü to bave him captured by General Meng T'ien[64] the reputed inventor of the writing brush 18• The scenealso shifts. The reader is retumed to Central Mountain with General Meng's ex­peditionary force. This has again caused the commentators anguish, for the Centrat Mountain in Hopei pro ince lies northeast of Cb 'in, and thus not at all in the direction of Ch'u, whereas the Central Mountain in Kiangsu lies far beyond the extent of the Ch'in realm and one hundred or more miles to the southeast ofthe then Ch'u capital of Shou-ch un[70] in modern Anhwei . Moreover, one finds the first mention of a com­mand forMeng in 221 B. C. (vs. the state of Ch'i[1 1]), whereas Cb'u bad been annexed by Ch'in two year earlier19. However tbe Shih-chi also records Meng's conquests of territory south of the Yellow River in a single year (214 B. C.)20 , and, if one insists on an accurate historical basi for tbis event (it wa undoubtedly more important to Han Yü that MengT ien be introduced and that he go to Central Mountam), is should be fixed ca. 214 B.C. Again, however, tbe allusion seems to dominate and structure tbe event of this pas age for the entire divination-hunt-discovery of an advisor equence bringsoneback to Lü Shang[73) and his genealogy (Shih-chi, eh. 32) with wbicbMYC began. There one read 21 that once before a bunt King Wen (fqunder of the Cbou dy­oa ty) divined and leamed that his catcb wouJd include no dragons tigers or bears but a great advisor. lndeed, during the hunt he came upon Lü Sbang fishing and took him into hi retinue. Lü tben guided the overthrow of the tyrant Cbou Hsin[74) and his Yin dyna ty as weil as the reigns of the first two king of Chou. Paragraph V- He summoned his stewards of the left and right and his staff to divine

[conceming the prospect of the hunt) witb the Lien-shan. He obtained the oracle " heaven will gi e man culture".

18 According to Ts'ui Pao[65] (fl . A . D. 290-306) in the Ku-chin chu [66], eh. 3 fol. 8a (SPTK) Meng Tien con tructed a type of bru h calle the eh'in-pi[67 ) (Ch' in (- tyle} brush). The handle wa made of dried wood and the tip of deer and goat hair, in contrast to the rabbit-bamboo bru h of MYC. See als Thoma Francis CARTER and L. Carrington GoooRICH , The Invention of Printingin Chinaandlts SpreadWeshvard (2nd ed .; NewYork: Ronald Pre s, 1955), pp. 8-9, n. S· T uen-h uin T IE , Written on Bambooand Silk (Chicago: University ofChicago Pres, 1962) pp. I 8-16 ; and Kao Ch'eng[68] (Jl . 1078-10 5), Shih-wu ehi-yüan chi-lei[69J (Taipei : H in-h ing hu-chü , 1969), pp. 56 7- 56 .

19 According to the Shih-chi (Peking: Chung-hua shu-chü, 1962), eh. 88, p . 2565, Ch' u was conquered b Meng Tien's father, Meng Wu[72] in a campaign from 224-223 B. C.; see Derk BoooE, China'sfirst Unifier, A Studyof theCh'in Dynasty as Seen in the LifeofLi Ssu (Leiden: E. J. Brill , 193 ) , p. 7.

20 See BoooE, Statesman , Patriot and General in An den t China (New Haven : American Grien­tal Societ , 1940), p. 66· Edouard CHAVA ES, tran ., Les memoires historiques de Se-ma Ts'ien, 5 o l . (Pari : Ernest Leroux 1895-1905 [hereafter MH]) , vol. II , pp. 167-169; and Shih-chi, eh.

6. p. 253. 21 Shih-chi, pp. 1477-1478 · MH, ol. lV p. 35.

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The di iner congratulated him: In today's catch, no homs or fangs to match, but a fellow dressed in coarse clothe with a haretip and long. whiskers 'neath hi no e. With eigbt holes itting leg in flat you ll only take the hai r from his head, and with it on bamboo and wooden lat unify the empire's scripts to be read; And thus Ch ' in will unite the feudal Iord in tead22•

This enigmatic pa sage continues to be dominated by the allu ion discu e.d above. The Lien-shan[78 ] was an ancient method of divination (and also pre umably a book explicating the method) o named becau e it took the hexagram ken(19 ] (a sodated with the character shan [80] "mountain") a primary. It suggests, therefore, both Cen­tral Mountain and a natural environment in which to find Fur Point. Moreover ince the work was lo t long before Han Yü wrote, it proved as an unknown all the more malleable in the "cover story". The oracle could also be read "heaven will give man writing" but wen[81 ] seems to be used bere in the sense of civilization or culture ( cf. con:tmentary appended to the final ection of Liu Tsung-yüan' postface below). The 'eight holes" is a seemingly les important allusion to theChuang-tzu, eh. 22 (Peking: HYISIS, 194 7), p. 58, which simply refer back to the rabbit giving birth by vomiting and thus having no need of the ninth normal bodily aperture (i. e., the vagina). To take the " hair from the head" (mau'''[82]) refers paronomastically to the capture of Mao (Mau*) Ying. The unifying of the writing system under the First Emperor is, of cour e, weil known (see Shih-chi, eh. 6, p. 239). Paragraph VI- Tben the hunt began. The surrounded all of Mao's clan picked out

their chieftains, and, taking up Point, returned. Meng Tien pre ented him as a captive at the Platform for Essays Palace. His clansmen were gathered together and bound. The Emperor of Ch'in erdered that he be granted a hot cleansing bath and invested him in Tube City, naming him "Master of Tube City". Daily he gained favor and was employed in more and more posts.

In this passage se erallevels of meaning continue to operate, tying tagether Fur Point the 'man' and servant of the emperor to Fur Point the rabbit turned writing brush. The word for "chieftains", hau*[83 ], for example, mu t certainly refer to hau*[84], "hair", a commonly used epithet for brush or brush tip23 •

Platform for Essays Palace was an actual palace24, but here seems to bave been used because of the Iitera! meaning of the semantic components of its name. "Tube City"

22 Commentators have pointed out that " old- ryle rhyme " were u ed in this oracle. The rhyme categorie are hua•ps] , niui"(16] and hiiu•[77] , and the rhyme scheme a-a-b-b-b-c-b-b-c.

23 Cf. for example, Wang H i-chih Pi-ching (note 14). 24 The Chang-t'ai Palace[B5) was undoubtedly employed here becau e of it Iitera I meaning. It

wa al o however, a plea ure paJace and it would have been somewhat of an insult to receive o­meone there, see Frank Algerton KIERMA , Jr.'s comments conceming the reception of l:.in Hsiang- ju[86] by the J(jng of Ch ' in in his Ssu-11Ul Ch'ien's Historiographical Attitude as Refleded in

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refers, of course, to the bamboo stem of the writing brush but also to the custom of assigning each feudal Iord or regional chief a city within the imperial domain in which he could bathe and wash his hair when he came to court25•

Paragraph VII- Point was the sort of man who bad a strong memory and an easy un­derstanding of things. From the 'era of rope knots"26 down to the events of Ch'in ['s rise to power], there was nothing he did not compile. The works ofthe yin-yang school , of the diviners, of the physiognomists, of physicians and pharrnacists, ge­nealogists, geographers, local historians, calligraphers, painters, of the nine schools, the one hundred philosophers, the gods, and even the theories of Budd­ha Lao-tzu, and other foreigners were all among those things he knew in detail. He was also versed in contemporary affairs, administrative records, accounts and records of market transactions, and whenever the emperor wanted to take note of something, he always stood at his service. From the Ch ' in emperor hirnself to the Crown Princes Fu-su and Hu-hai, the Grand Councillor Li Ssu, the Keeper of the Chariots Chao Kao27, and on down to the people, everyone loved and respec­ted him. He was, moreover, expert at following a man's intent andin demonstra­ting uprightness or deflection, skillfulness or clumsiness, always taking the cue from the other. Even if forsaken by someone, he would not allow even an in kling of anything to leak out. Soldiers alone he did not like, but, if invited, he would also go to them from time to time. His ranks rose until he was made " Officer Fit for Composition" . He became even more iritimate with the ernperor, so that the lat­ter took to calling him "Lord Fit for Composition". The emperor personally deci­ded all matters and weigbed everything hirnself with a scale and weights. Even his personal staff was not permitted to stand in attendance. Only Fur Point and Candle Holder served him always, put out only when the emperor retired.

This passage provides a consistent extension of the parallels between Fur Point as protagenist and as writing brush . The ridiculously hyperbolic description of Fur Point's polyhistorical knowledge (itself a parody of standard historical topoi) is per­fectly accurate when applied to the writing brush. And if one were to search through Chinese Iiterature for a description of a modelimperial advisor, Fur Point would cer­tainly rank high on any listing. By playing upon this paradoxical dichotomy- vastly overstated on one Ievel of meaning, yet quite proper on another- Han Yü is able to develop a portrait of a oearly perfect ruler-advisor relationship based upon an advisor who eem independent of ideological (he was fimiliar with Confucian, Taoist, and even Buddhist thought) or political (he was admired by courtiers of various factions)

Four Late Warring States Biographies (Wie baden: Harras owitz, 1962), p. 83, n. 7. The allusion to Lin Hsiang-ju, therefore, fore badows Fur Point's shabby treatment at the hands of alater Ch'in ruler ( cf. Ibid., pp. 25-29).

25 Li-chi, eh. 4 fol. 17 a (SPTK) ; ee also James LEGGE, Li Ki (Oxford: Clarendon Press 5), ol. I, p. 247.

26 A general term u ed to describe the period prior to the development of writing wben variou method of knotting ropes were used as records. ·

27 1t houJd be noted that individuals representing everal oppo ing factions are mentioned here to empha ize Fur Poi nt's universal popularity.

160

ties. But, as a proper bureauerat (to Han Yü's mind at least)2B, he has his difficulties with the military. The title "Fit for Composition' (Chung-shu Iing[B7]) is also that of the President of the Secretariat, an important post during the Tang which, since it wa created during the Han, is used anachronistically here. Toward the end of this section the mention of the emperor's attention to establishing uniform weights and measures and bis assiduity to all bureaucratic matters is taken from actual historical records of the First Emperor and serves to support the verisimilitude29. Descriptions of Fur Point's submissive bebavior (" uprightne or deflection ' ) and bis refusal to ' allow even an inkling ... leak out" are certainly artistically plea ing, but such irreverent passages may have been those which most displeased Han 's critics.

The introduction of one other allegorical figure, Candle Holder foreshadows the description of the personified figures of the subsequent paragraph. Paragraph VIII- Fur Point was a close fried of Spread-out Black from Chiang Porce­

lain Pool from Hung-nung, and Mulberry Tree from Kuei-chi . They recommen­ded one another, and when one would go out or stay in, the others bad to go along. If the emperor ummoned Fur Point, tbe otber three did not wait for a command, but came directly together and the emperor never reprimanded them for it.

This passage, although perhaps in accordance with the required standard biographi­cal descriptions of a man's colleagues, functions primarily on the metaphoricallevel. "Spread-out Black" or Ch'en Hsüan[88) is, of course, the ink stick and Chiang[89] (modern Shansi) was known during tbe Tang dynasty for its ink. Ch'en, like the first characters of all these personifications of the 'Wen-fang ssu-yu '[90) (Four Friends of the Study) , is also a common surname. Tao Hung[91) (" Porcelain Pool- ink stone) , and Mr. Ch 'u[92) (" Mulberry Tree" - paper) are similarly employed30. The tension between the Ievels of meaning is continued here: although it shocks a readertothink of three courtiers reporting to the emperor without summons, it is quite natural to think of brush, ink, stone, and paper as constant companions, even in the emperor's presence.

Paragraph IX- Later during an audience, the emperor who had a task he wanted Fur Point to undertake, tried to rub up to him. Therefore, he removed his cap to ex­press his gratitude. The emperor saw hisbald spot, and, since in his copying of paintings he was no Ionger able to reach the standiud desired by the emperor, the latter chided him: " Lord Fit for Composition" you are old and balding and can no Ionger perform useful service. I have called you 'Fit for Compo ition'. Can it be

28 Whether the comments regarding Fur Point's problems witb the military were meant in fun i difficult to deterrnine. In some ways, though, Han Yü and his generation mark another change- this a ocial rather than literary development- for they seem to have been the precur­sors of the specialized bureaucracy of the Sung dynasty (A. D. 960-1278) which no Ionger fu nctioned as scholars- oldiers-statesmen as had their Six Dynasty and early T'ang counterparts. This bifurcation was undoubtedly predicated in part by the increasing reliance on foreign and eunuch military Ieaders in the Jate eighth and early ninth centuries.

29 See Shih-chi, eh. 6, p. 258; MH_ vol. n, p. 180 . •

3° Cf. Herbert FRA KE"S discu ion of th is passage in bis Kulturgeschichtliches über die chine­SISche Tusche (München: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften 1962) p. 21.

(87) 'fl 34l (88) ~~ (89) ** (90) XU}I!!L~ (91 ) ffi;JL

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161

that you are now 'Not Fit?' "Fur Point replied, ' I am one who has 'Worn out his heart' for you.' Thu he was called for no more but returned to the city ofhis fief and came to hisend there in Tube City.

Thi paragraph describes simply and straightfowardly the emperor's discovery that an old trusted brush/servant is too worn out to prove of further service. The passage contains only one allusion and is perhaps, the easiest section ofMYC to understand. It is, however, the climax of Fur Point's " life' and, as will be seen in the discussion below, the mostvital pa sage with regard to the allegoricallevels of meaning, for here, though the story of the writing brush remains constant, the fortunes of Fur Pointchange radi­cally. The emperor's callous dismissal of his ancient advisor is underlined by the soli­tary allu ion- to Meng-tzu: "Mencius said 'When one wears out his heart, you can Jearn hi nature. When you have learned bis nature, then you can understand heaven.' ' 31 (93]

The ironic implication in MYC being that by "wearing out his heart" Fur Point should have been able to demoostrate his excellent character to the emperor and have been retained rather than dismissed. The reader's heretofore amusement with the allegory is exchanged for a sudden empathy for Fur Point. The passage ends in accordance with the biographical formulae by recording the death (and location ofthe demise) of Fur Point. Paragraph X- His descendants were very numerous. They spread out through the em­

pire and into barbarian Iands all taking the title of Tube City for themselves. But only those who lived in Central Mountain were able to continue their ancestor s profes ion.

The description of Fur Point's posterity, again following standard biographical re­quirements, needs little comment. The final sentence, however is somewhat of an enigma on the primary Ievel of meaning. Perhaps only fur from Central Mountain was used in bru he at court (tribute) or perhaps some topical meaning is intended. Paragraph XI- The Grand Historian comments: in the Mao clan there were two line-

~ges. The first took the surnarne Chi32 and was enfeoffed by the son of King Wen (i. e. King Wu) in Mao- the Mao of the expression "Lu, Wei, Mao and Tan"33 .

During the Warring States period (403-221 B.C.) Mao Kung34 and Mao Sui35

were of the Central Mountain line, but the origin of their Jineage is not known.

31 Meng-tzu chu-shu[94J eh . 13A, fol. la-lb [p. 547-548] (SPPY; Peking: Chung-hua hu-chü, 1957). ·

32 Regarding the u e of two urname by aristocrats in ancient China, ee Herrlee G. CREEL, The Origins of Statecraft in China, vol. I , The Western Chou Empire (Chicago and London: Uni er­it of Chicago. 1970), pp. 333-334, n. 56. Under thi ystem each man had a hsing[95] surname

derived from his earlie tclan al)cestor, and ashih[96J surname taken from the rank or fief of some ne ly ennobled member of the clan ( uch as Fur Point's patriarch, Bright Sight).

33 See Tso-chuan , eh . 6, fol. 13a (SPTK). · 34 Mao Kung was a reclu e in and a native of·the tate of hao. On hi advice the Lord of

H in-ling[97] ended hi ojourn in Chaoand returned to a e hi country, Wei from Ch' in armie ; ee Shih chi, eh. 77, pp. 23 2-2383. Ho HIKA A's note (p. 422) identifies Mao Kung with the

Han dyna ty Shih-ehing commentator clan, but thi would be anachroni tic (''They all came to an end with Confucius") in this context.

35 Mao Sui, another citizen of Chao is famous for recommending hirnself to the Lord of P'i n~-y.üan[98] for indu ion in a diplomatic mi sion to convince Ch'u to all it elf with Chao

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Their descendants were most numerou , but with the completion of the Spring and Autumn they all came to an end with Confucius through oo fault of their own36 •

When General Meng pulled out their heir on Central Mountain and the First Em­peror iostalled him in Tube City tbe oame at last came back to the world. But as to the line named Chi-Mao, nothing can be leamed.

The commentary is yet another required component oftbe traditional biography. It i only here (although the discerning reader would no doubt have suspected a much from the style and structure of the preceding37) that one leams the text i o tensibly the work of none other than Ssu-ma Ch'ien.

After some discussion of a legitimate and historical branch of the Mao clan (verifia­ble in the Tso-chuan 38 ) the narrative return to Central Mountain and two further historical personages: Mao Kung and Mao Sui. Both served in the state of Chao (which, as mentioned above, supports the interpretation that Central Mountain i in Hopei) , and both were able men whose abilitie were perceived, albeit not without some difficulties, by their sovereigns.

The temporary end of the family came about when Confucius suppo edly broke his brush and ceased to work upon the Ch'un-ch'iu with the discovery of a unicorn in 481 B.C. Paragraph XII- Fur Point wa first presented as a captive and finally became a trusted

servant. When Ch'in annihilated the feudal Iords, he played a role in the ucce . But his rewards did not requite his toil and because of hi age he was estranged. Cb in was truly wanting of gratitude! [Tbe original text appears below as Appendix I].

This concluding passage is again quite without allusion . lt should, however, be noted that it echoes paragraph IX for while it would be a great disappointment and an unjust fate for a personification ( or an actual minister) to be Iet go from ervice after year of loyal toil for a writing brush it would only be normal and would not require one to question Ch'in's magnanimity.

again t Ch'in. Although at fir t reluctant to include a man with no guarantor other than himself, the Lord of P'ing-yüan finally a sented to take him . When the Kingof Ch u acillated and held up the di cussions, Mao Sui won him over by "reason" of his naked sword ; ee Shih-chi, eh . 76, pp. 2366-2368.

36 See Tu Yü(99] (A. D. 222-284), Ch'un-ch 'iu ching-chuan chi-chieh[i00], eh. 30, f I. I a (SPTK). This pa age shows dearly that Han Yü wa aware that the writing brush had not in fact, been invented by Meng Tien but such contradiction do not play a ignificant roJe with regard to the " meaning" of thi piece.

37 Although FRA KE (Tusche, p. 21) claim a reader would only discover after ome line that Mao Ying actually referred to a brush and not a real person he is undoubtedly peaking of a contemporary reader. ~

1t i interesting to note that Han Yü has not (whether or not he intended to) written in a tyle imilarto that ofSsu-ma Ch'ien. Amongother tyli ticelements rarely u ed bySsu-ma Ch'ien but

employed in MYC are: chu(101] (for chih yü(l02] as in feng chu Kuan-ch'eng[ 103] "in talled him in

!ube City" [paragraph VI] and chien (1<14) u ed as a passive marker (a insui chien fei-ch'i(1°5] even

~~ ~ors~ken" and chien-ch'ing(106] ' if invited' (both paragraph VII]) . Cf. Bernhard ~LGRE , Stdehghts on Si-Ma T ien' Language", BMFEA, 42 (1970), pp. 297-310, e pectall PP·

300-301 (chien) an p. 303 (chu). 38 See Ch'un-ch'iu, eh. 6, fol. 13 a.

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163

In cantrast to this final paragraph it should be apparent that most of the piece is laden heavily with allusions. lt was written for fellow literati ( or perhaps for their classical prototypes39), and only for the more discerning of them - nothing to be understood by Po Chü-i s old peasant woman. Forthis reason a contemporary reader is likely to remain an outsider in his reading of some passages, but, nevertheless can still sense some aspects of the " inside joke".

The structure, a mentioned repeatedly above, is based upon the classical prototype of tt'ie biography, the lieh-chuan section of the Shih-chi40

:

Section Description Paragraph(s) I Introduction I 11 Ancestry 1-111 III " Education" and " Presentation" IV-VI IV Career VII-IX V Death' and Posterity IX-X VI Commentary XI-XII

Aside from this primary structure based upon the content, however, there is also a structure or system to the allusions. One finds first of all a "divergent" series of allu-ion , all tied to a single subject in the text , but referring to many secondary supportive

texts. The allusions to rabbit Iore in the Erh-ya i, Li-chi, Lun-heng, Po-wu shih, Huai­nan tzu and Chan-kuo ts'e provide an example. They are intended to indicate the gene­rat validity and historicity of their subject, and, in this piece, to provide verisimiHtude. The allusions concerning the writing brush itself (the reception at the Platform for E ays Palace, the inventor Meng.T'ien, the ritual bath , etc.) form a second divergent erie . lt is primarily these two consistent series which (along with numerous instances

of paronomasia or other types of word play) establish the basic allegory: Mao Ying/ Fur Point = the writing brush. The allu ions in a body are so manifest that either the then contemporary reader or his modern counterpart could discover the allegory without recognizing each and every allusion- indeed, they become obvious even in Mao Ying's name, in the five-element-theory-based first paragraph and in the numerous

epithets for rabbit employed in paragraphs I-ID (ming-shih(107], nou[108], chün[1091 pa-ch'iao[110]) .

" Convergent" allusions, those which have no fixed referent in the text itself, but al­ways refer to a particular locus classicus or ubject in tbeir aBusive references, though not pre ent a often in the individual semantic aspects of the narrative, are consistently present in each structural unit.

Tbere are two such series of allusions interwoven into our text, intended to illustrate the widespread validity of the facts upon which this biography is based. The firstbegins with a near quotation from the " Genealogy of tbe Grand Duke of Ch 'i" (Lü Shang) in

39 Cf. note 54. 40 Peter ÜLBRI CHT in hi ''Die Biographie in China' ', Saeculum, 8 (1957), pp. 224-235. has

extracted the mo t important structural component of a traditional Chinese biography.

(107)~ ~ ( 108) ~ (109){t (110)/\ll

164

tbe initial section of MYC. It is reconvened in paragraphs V-VI (hunt-divination). In the 'Genealogy ' King Wen of Chou also divines prior to a bunt and learns he will

encounter an advisor. During the hunt he indeed come upon an old man Lü Shang, who becomes ' ' the preceptor of Kings Wen and Wu"41 • Thi theme, of an elder advi or who is unemployed or unappreciated becoming the mentor of a dyna tic founder. is reflected in the relationship between Fur Point and the Fir t Emperor of Ch'in (which is also based upon passages from the Shih-chi) and i po sibly the ba is for a topical reference to Han Yü' personal ituation a he wrote thi piece.

The other continuou convergent allusive references are to the area around the modern county of Ting. Thi area was known at variou times a Centrat Mountain and belonged to the ancient tate of Chao. Theseries can be traced from Mao Ying' native place througb the hunt to the two historical Mao's of the epilogue.

From the above summary of allusive serie in MYC one can ee the care Han Yü applied to the writing of this work. One can al o determine the allegoriealle els and their bases: 1. The biography of Fur Point- fiction. 2. The 'history" of the rabbit-writing brush - divergent allu ion . 3. A story of a Ieader from Centrat Mountain who surrenders to a ruler, helps him

establish order, and is nevertheless abandoned in his old age- con ergent allu­sions.

All three Ievels lend themselves easily to generat allegorical .understanding. Yet there are some textual clues a ide from those involved in these series which point to a fourtb system of allusions, one with both explicit and topical references. The e clue were also apparently noticed by Liu Tsung-yüan and used as apart of his defen e of MYC. ln order to incorporate Liu's arguments concerning the allegorical nature of MYC, a translation of his postface is provided (again such commentary and note essential for a understanding of the translation are inserted inter-textually) :

A Postface on Having Read the "Biography of Fur Point" by Han Yü 42

Since I have lived among the barbarians I have not corresponded with people in the capital area. Ofthose who have come south, now and then one would mention that Han Yü bad written a "Biography ofFur Point' . They were not able to produce the text, but only Iaughed as they felt it to be strange. Thus I was not able to see it for a Jong time. When Yang's [Yang P'ing's] son Hui-chih came,43 he first brought the piece. I asked. him for it and read it through.

This first passage introduces the author, Liu Tsung-yüan, as a man in disfavor serving in the privinces (at Yung-chou[1 13] in modern soutbwest Hunan) and relates

41 See MH, vol. IV, p. 36, and Sarah ·ALLEN1 "Taigong Wang(111} in Zbou and Han Litera­ture' Monumenta Serica, 30 (1972-1973), pp. 57-99. The discussion of the founding-minister motif, pp. 89-99, is especially relevant. The Shih-chi pa sage wbicb is paralleled in MYC is trans­Iated on pp. 83-84.

42 Liu Ho-tung chi, eh . 21 , pp. 366-367. 43 Yang P'ing[' 12) (al . A. D. 750-817) was Liu' father-in-law, see William H. N IE HAUSER

Jr., et. al. , Liu Tsung-yüan (New York : Twayne Publi hers 1973), p. 31 and pp. 116-117, n. 1.

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how he obtain MYC from his brother-in-law Yang Hui-chih[1 14] who visited him ca.

808 A.D.44

It was like catching a dragon or a snake,45 going against a tiger or a Ieopard ­I wrestled with it with all my strength and did not dare to ease up. I have come to believe in Master Han's sense of the strange in writing.

This passage suggest in quite visual images that Liu found the text of MYC most dif­ficult and yet ignificant. It also hints that Han Yü may have already at this time earned the reputation for the " st range" (kuai[1 11]) in his compositions by which hi poetry has also achieved notoriety.

That those contemporarie who have imitated and plagiarised, taken a black and matched it to a white, laid thick skin and fat meat on weak sinews and brittle bones and considered this elegant, read it and laughed was indeed natural.

Here Liu attack tho e contemporary writers (and presumably critics of Han Yü46)

who till wrote p'ien-wen[11 9] euphuistic works and bad not et "joined" the ku­wen(120] (neo-das ical) movement.

But have not [other] contemporaries who have laughed at it done so because of its port? And spart was not at all rejected by the sages of old. The Book of Odes ays [55]: " He is clever at jokes and chaffs, but he doe not chafe. " 47 In the Book of

the Grand Historian 48 there is the 'Biography of the Wits". Bothofthese are taken from tho e writings which have benefitted the world.

The ji t of thi paragraph is simply that the da ics, specifically the Book of Odes, which was to erve as a basis for facile and learned speech, and the Shih-chi, which was de igned a a guide to polite and proper behavior, contain humor.

Therefore a student spent the entire day discussing and interrogating, chanting and reviewing, making proper replies and learning how to approach and with­draw taking water and prinkling the floors , until he was weary and wasted.

Thi i the cla ical de cription of the duties of a student ( cf. inter alia the Lun-yü, eh. 19.12 [Peking: HYISIS, 1940], pp. 39-40).

44 This postface has played an important roJe in helping to dateMYC. For further details on it compo ition, ee Liu' Ietter to Yang Hui-chih, Liu Ho-tung ehi, eh. 33 pp. 524-525 : "I truly marvel at the writing in Mr. Han' " Biography of Fur Point" which you brought. Fearing that contemporarie ha e oppo ed it, I ha e now put tagether a few hundred words in the know­ledge that ages of fo'rmer times did not condemn port."[11S]

45 At about this ame time Liu wrote a atirical piece entitled ''P'u- he-ehe hui " [116] (Persua­ion of a Snake Catcher)· Liu Ho-tung-chi, eh . 16, pp. 294-296. There is no apparent connection,

howe er between that work and thi pas age. 46 Unfortunatel it is impossible to know precisely who these critics are. Although both Chang

Chi and P'ei Tu[1 18] (A. D . 765-839) berated Han Yü for certain tendencies in hi writing ( ee MA, " Pro e Writing ' ' , pp. 202 ff.), they do not pecifically mention MYC.

47 The tran lation i mine, but ba ed upon Bernbard KARLGRE , Book of Odes (Goteborg: Eland r Boktryckerei, 1950) p. 37 . . 48 The Shih-chi wa original ly known a the T'ai-shih-kung chi[121] (Book of the Grand Hi .t~

nan) eeWATSO Ssu-maCh'ien, p.l99, n. l.HanYü title eem tobeavariationofthi ongl­naJ title, altbough it is not one commonly u ed.

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166

( 116) M!E1f~

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For thi rea on there is the theory of " re ting upon' and' taking plea ure in a ubject". " lf one has not tudied the ariou fingering of modulation one cannot

ea il play a stringed instrument. ' Th re are tho e [ tring ] which mu t be held firml . . and tho e which mu t be more lax .

There are two allu ions in this passage to the 'H üeh-chi (1 22) chapter oftheLi-chi. The ection referred to reads as follow : "lf one has not studied the various fingerings of modulation, one cannot easily play a stringed instrument; if one ha not tudied how to ex­tend a imile, one cannot easily make poetry ... Therefore, when a gentleman tudie omething, he fir t collect hi material then cultivate them then rests upon them

and finally takes pleasure in them.' (1 23] 49 The uggest tbat Liu feit many o~ Han Yü critics bad not mastered the ba ics of study, and were therefore incapable of either compo ing or appreciating literature.

The grand broth and the dark wine or b dy-and- joint repast are the ultimate in flavor. And one could also set out a curio itie tiny insect eaweed , our haw­berrie , citrus fruits. The bitter, the alty sour or acrid, though they ting the mouth and split the no e hrivel the tongue and mangle the teeth there are tho e who will bite into them with incere fondne s: King Wen irise , Ch 'ü Tao s water-chestnuts, Tseng H i s heep-date . Only having eaten them ha one exhausted the flavors of all under heaven and satisfied one s ta te . How is Iiterature alone different?50

In thi pa sage Liu mo es hi defense away the critic and their incomplete under-tanding, to the que tion of ta te. " Grand broth and dark wine", an allu ion to the

''Yüeh-chi" [125] Chapter of the Li-chi, 51 are two example of bland foods which are compared to mu ic in which "there wa much flavor left unde eloped ' [1 26]. ' Bod -and-joint repast ' refer to a Tso-chuan pas age in which meat were erved not pro­perly (i. e. not according to ritual) cut52 . Thi may reflect back upon the Li-chi citation abo e, and uggest that here, in the methods of ··reading' MYC, thing have not been properly carried out ( ee the pa age beginning If one ha not studied ... ", abo e). Following the Ii t of exotic foods and flavor are three more allu ion . The fir t i to the Lü-shih ch'un-ch'iu (eh. 14 fol. 20a [SPTK]) anecdote of Confuciu trying to eat iri es in emulation of King Wen. For tbree years he wrinkled hi brow to wallow them before he finally overcame the taste. This uggest not only that Confuciu too, had ( even though acquired) a ta te for the exotic, but al o that ome ta te mu t be learned.

49 My translation having consulted the follo ing text :Li-chi, eh . 11 , fol. 2 b· Seraphin Co . RE R, Li Ki, 2 ols. (Ho Kien Fou: lmprimerie de Ia Mi ion Catholique, 1 99), vol. II , p. 33; Ja­me LEGGE, Li Ki, vol. II, p. 85 ; and Chung-kuo che-hsüeh-shih tzu-liao hsüan-chi, 3 vol ·. (Peking: Chung-hua hu-chü, 1964) ol. 3, p. 1056, n. 5 and p. 105 .

50 Did this pas age perhap in pire S u-k' ung T'u' (1 24 ] (A. 0 . 37-90 ) critical u e of ··na­vor "; cf. Maureen A. ROBERTSO , " .. .'To Conve What I Preciou ': Ssu-K' ung T'u's Poetics and the Erh-shih-ssu Shih-p'in", in David C. B BAUM and Frederick W. MOTE, eds. Transition and Permanence: Chinese History and Culture (Hong Kong: Cathay Pre s. 1972), p. 330.

51 Li-chi, eh. 11, fol. 7a ; Cou reur vol. 11, pp. 51-52; Legge vol. 11, pp. 95-96. 52 Ch'un-ch'iu, eh . 11 fol. 13b-14a.

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167

The implicit comparison ofHan Yü to King Wen would also not have escaped thecare­ful reader. Ch 'ü Tao's predilection for water-chestnut (Kuo-yü, eh. 17 fol. 3 a [SPTK])53 and Tseng Hsi's filia l avoidance of the sheep-dates his father had loved (Meng-tzu, eh. 14B fol. 4a-4 a [SPPY]) are more instances of palates inclined toward the fantastic. This passage stresses that even refined and elegant flavors such as those of tbe classics can tend to dull the senses when taken in excess and that more pikant di bes such as MYC are required to complete one's frame of reference.

In what Master Han has written, didn't he relax in it and yet not chafe? Didn't he take plea ure in it andin places indulge? Didn 't he exhaust the flavors of the ix classics in order to satisfy his tastes? If this is not so, then it is as if the words of Master Han were a !arge river dammed up. They must be broken open and Jet got into the Iands they have to be propagated:

Han Yü is here measured against previously cited classical passages or allusions. The exhau tion of the six classics54 is evident in the rich allusiveness of MYC. The image of Han Yü' language resembling a dammed-up river alludes to the Kuo-yü (eh. 1, fol. 5 a-5 b ), where it is said that stopping the mouths of the people is like trying to damn up a river.

Besides, that all things old or new, pro or contra, from the six classics or the one hundred schools whether general or detailed, tbreading through or boring into arestill being employed and have not lapsed is due to the merit of Fur Point.55

Master Han is steeped in the writings of old. He was fond of this Iiterature and admired Point s ability to exhaust its intent. Therefore, be was roused to write a biography for him to Iet out his pent-up emotions. Since those students who obtain it are encouraged, is it not beneficial to the world? Indeed, tbe theme certainly speaks to those of a different era.56 Thus for those who covet the norm and cherish the petty to still vulgarly move their snouts, have they not burdened them elve unnecessarily? [See Appendix II for the original text.]

Thi final ection, although practically free from allusion, is a difficult one. After a defense centered primarily around allusion Liu Tsung-yüan bere enters into Han Yü s

53 Cf. Liu T ung-yüan's apology for Ch ' ü Tao' request that water-che tnuts be sacrificed to him after his death "Fei Kuo-yü(127) (Contra Conversations of the States), Liu Ho-tung, eh . 45, pp. 7 ~787.

~ 1 he liu-i[ 128] (here rendered as ·· ix cla ics") could also refer to the ix cla ical field . of leaming for the shih cl a : areher , charioteering, ritual. mu ic. riting, and mathemati .

55 This pa age could also be read "i the merit of Mao Ying [chuan]" , impl ing that it i actually the merit of Han Yü.

56 In a Ietter written Cll . A. D. 811 to hi old friend Feng Su[129] (A. D. 76 7-836), who had graduated Iogether with Han in A. 0. 792 Han Yü confes es that often what he con iders tobe hi be t ork are not prized b others, and what he is ashamed of other often praise . He al o confides that ancient-st le pro e ma not be uited to cont mporary (ninth-centur ) taste or co~prehen ion. He then relate , in a pas age remarkably imilar to Liu' postface, how Yang H mng[130) (53 B.C.-A.D. 18) rai-hsüan ching(131) was also met by tbeo contemporary readers with derision and laughter. Yang Hsiung also wrote an aJlegorical piece, the " Cb'ang­yang fu " (1 32] (Wen-hsüan, eh. 9, fol. la-lla [SPTK]), centering upon a fictional dialogue be­tween a personified brush (Han Lin(133]) and bis guest, Master Ink (Tzu-mo(1M]). See Han Ch'ang-li chi, eh. 17, fol. 17b-19a and Han Ch'ang-li wen-chi, eh. 3 p. 115.

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allegory to continue his argument. He no Iongertalks of humor or port but speak of Fur Point's ability to exhaust the significance of the classics. Wherea hi argument above dealt with the personification of tbe writing brush here tbey peak of Fur Point as if he were the legitimate subject of a biography. This last paragraph and its ramifica­tions upon the preceding pleas is one of the strongest evidences for beingable to read MYC allegorically. The power the piece had for Liu can be een in bi comparing it to various wild beasts. His rejection of effu i e writings with "weak sinews 'and 'brittle bone "sugge ts allegorical depth and strength would have been more to his liking, and yet beyond the comprehen ion of critics who produced ucb feeble writings. The allusions to the Li-chi passage, which urge the mastering·of basic technique ( uch as extended simile- i. e., an allegory) before attempting more difficult feats (such a in­terpreting an allegory), anä the suggestion that the best music, food and writings lea e "much flavor undeveloped ', imply the nece sity of a careful and thorough inter­pretation of all fine arts. The comparison of Han Yü's writings to dammed waters and finall the acceptance of the Fur Point-Brush-Neglected Minister extended metapbor in the concluding sentences,leaves little doubt as to Liu Tsung-yüan's o er­all allegorical reading of the piece and his opinion that other contemporaries had failed to understand this aspect.

Furthermore, there is in this postface even the suggestion that Liu Tsung-yüan bim­self an abandoned man like Fur Point, may have und er tood yet a fourth Ievel of igni­ficance in MYC. Aside from tbe Statement that Liu struggled with the work, which sug­gests a degree of difficulty beyond the fairly obvious three primary Ievels of allegory one notices a remarkable resemblance between the accomplishments which Liu attri­buted to Fur Point and those of its author Han Yü. Certainly the transmission of all classical works, the exhau tion of the;ir intent, and the transmission of' this [ancient] literature" or "culture" (ssu-wen51)[13S] could easily apply to either figure. Througb the entire passage, in fact, it is often difficult to determine wbetber Han Yü or Fur Point is the antecedent of a pronoun (the sentence- "Therefore, he was roused to write a biography for him to let out bis pent-up [Whose? Han Yü s? Fur Point's?] emo­tions"[139] - provides an example). Indeed the lines indicating strong ties between Han Yü and bis Iove and deep learning of tbe past and Fur Pointare drawn clearly bere.

But before pur uing such possible topical allusions too far afield, it may be useful for a moment to compare MYC with Lu Hsün's(140) (A. D. 1881-1936) Ku-shih hsin­pien(141] (Old Stories Retold) . In botb work the authors have employed or recreated ancient myth or Iore. Each work maneuvers through allu ions which, although not universally identifiable, are nervertheless evident often enough to create a generat

~7 . An allu ion to the Lun-yü, eh . ~. fol. 2 b (SPTK) . The text concerned reveals Confuciu · optmon tbat the ancient literature. culture. or ·• a .. (wen i oftcn glo ed tao[136] in commenta­ries to this pa age) bad been neglected ( at least in the state of K'uang(137]); ince King Wen's time. The hunt-oracle in MYC which prophe ize · that hea en will gi e man wen (both "culture" and ··writing"- the two are intricately bound in hine e thought i a imilar u age. Han Yü clearly feel Iiterature (and thu Fur Point) can tran mit (or e en revive) ancient culture. Unfortunately. no.comments on thi alluded to pa ·age remain in .Han' Lun-yü pi-chieh['38] (Pai-ch'uan h üeh­hat ed.) .

(135) WT 5C ( 136 ) m (137) OC (138) ~~ M C I39)M:•rm~Z1t, !11.itJte ( 140)t-~ ( 141 )1&$-:tlfiili

169

allegory. Since by taking a previously known legend or myth as a base the syntax or tructure may have been to a largc extent inflexible, both authors were forced beyond tructural variation to semantical or etymological word play (Lu Hsün's farcical ana­

lysis of Ku Chieh-kang's[1 42] name in " Li shui"[ 143] 58 and the name Mao Ying itself pro ide the most alient illu trations) or allusion. 59 Thus some of the problern encountered already in Lu Hsün's work, with regard to identifying obscure topical reference ,a re certain tobe found to agreater extent and frequency inHan Yü' ninth­century effort .60

Moreover, a in Lu Hsün's writing , although there is no definite method of deter­.mining Han Yü's topical targets, one does sensethat they exist. More precisely, there are several tendencies inMYC which point to a topical-allegorical interpretation. First of all, one cannot but be amazed at Han Yü's consistent and yet literate maintajnance of the ba ic Fur Peint-brush-minister relationshi~There are.portions of the text which are integrated upon only two Ievels, but generally through context and aUu ion all three Ievels are continuous and interrelated. Therefore when this relation hip break down, when an allusion (such as Heng O's being kidnapped) does not fit either the fic­tional-biographical meaning (Ievel one) the divergent-aBusive history of the rabbit­brush (le el two) the convergent-allusive depiction of the leader-advisor pair (le el three), or the original tory (in the case of Heng 0 the Huai-nan tzu version) , one i compelled to conclude that some outside force has taken over. There are two explana­tion for uch occurrences. Fir t, that Han Yü was incabable of maintaining the e me­taphoric Ievels consi tently (even Homer nods!). But the very superfluity ofthe events or allu ions which do not fall into the three Ievels of meaning (such as the altering of the Heng 0 allusion, the mention that only those Mao s still at Central Mountain could continue Fur Point's profession , the statement in the epilogue concerning the original Chi hsing of the clan or tbe constant references to the state of Chao, especia11y vis-a­vi Ch'in) argues against this possibility. Any of these di crepencies could easily have been omitt'ed. Their omission moreover would only have tightened the intricate in-

58 Lu Hsün, in a parod of Ku's own et mologicall ha ed attacks on mythical figure , refers to Ku a •· iao-t'ou h ien-sheng".[ 144 ) since the character Ku( 14S) i compo ed of the element "bird" (1 46) and "head"[ 147) ; see Lu Hsün ch'üan-chi (Peking: Jen-min wen-h üeh ch'u-pan- he. 1957), ol. 2. p. 465, n. 12. and Berta KREB OVA, "Lu Hsün and His Collection 'Oid Tale Retold ' ··. Archiv Orientillni, 28 ( 1960). p. 272 and n. 157 .

59 A ide fr m the bviou parallel of retelling ancient stories o r m th in their creative work · the imilarites between Lu H ün and Han Yü are triking. Each \ a · a Jeaderof a va t language ~e ­form (theku-wen and May-4th mo ement ). each had numerous di ciples yet feit di content w1th hi life each became (after his death) the mo t import ant Jiterary figure of rhe age for ome time .. etc. Lu H_ ü_n \ a renown for his use of humor. and he, too. sen ed that humor wa. not easily accepted by bis re~dersbip (see 'Ts'ung feng-tz'u tao Y)J~mo"(148l [From Satire to Humor]. Lu Hsiin ch 'üan-chi, ol. 5. pp. 35-Jo). Finally. Lu H ün ha" also written a atirkal piece on the writing bru h ( ee lbid. vol. 6, pp. 312-314). .

60 • Perhap one can be t sense the importance and the obscurity of Chinese topical allegory lll

the Light of contemporary example . The present . clamor concerning the opera "San- bang T'ao-feng '_(t49

] which is seen as a disguised attack by supporters of Liu Sbao-ch'i a~ t Mao T e-tung h1m elf (cf. 0 kar WEGGEL, "Kia enkampf unter einer Glocke von SymboTismu und e oterischer Kommunikation'' , China Aktuell, April. 1974. pp. 173-174). might prove a ba:e for uch in e tigation.

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terrelation hip of the fir t three Ievels of meaning. But the were not. Therefore, the alternative explanation that another Ievel of meaning, a topicalle el with reference which mu t undoubtedly remain indeterminate was cont~o11ing the te t at certain point , seems likely. It is of interest to note that this fourth topicalle el of meaning (to­gether with the first and third Ievels) became primary at the climax of MYC where the basic Ievel of meaning the life of Fur Point, turned from comic to tragic61 and thereby terminated abruptly the secondary Ievel in a chia tic and tran itory unification of the Ievel of meaning. There is no ignificance for the writing-bru h metaphor in the final exchange between Fur Point and the First Emperor although thi is a powerfully iro­nic cene (e pecially when een in light of the Mendus allu ion) wheo read on any of the other Ievels. Indeed, one might uspect Han Yü sought to empha iz.e for whatever reason the capriciousness of a ruler-mini ter relation hip and feit he could do o most effecti ely by reducing the Ievels of meaning at this point.

Numerou construct!ons could be presented to try to discover thi fourth le el of topical meaning (there are some interesting fact which sugge t an equation between Fur Point and Han Yü himself, for example),62 but without the unlikely di covery of further factual support needed to sustain such argument the e peculations are useful only in suggesting that there may have been topical meanings in this text which Han Yü would not have feit safe in expres ing explicitly. That Liu Tsung-yüan hared this u picion seems likely from his comments in the po tface.

One might conclude that in hi use of tbe chuan(1 53] formulaic tructure, Han Yü voluntarily brought the limitations of a relati ely fixed structure and to some extent, regulated syntax, to bis work. Thus he was forced to vary supra tructural aspects ( e­mantical changes allusions, allegory, etc.) in order to expre s certain ideas. The argument concerning the seriousness or propriety of Han Yü's MYC must, perhap be renewed here, for it seems that the work is a sincere piece (although humor i certainly present , and one of the more carefully written allegories in Chinese lit rary

61 The terms "tragic .. and ··comic .. are used here to indicate i olation from ociet andre on­ciliation to society, re pecti el (cf. Tzvetan ToooRO . The Fantastic, A Structural Approach to Literary Genre (lthica: Cornell niversity Pre s. 1975]. Richard Ho ard , tran lator. p. II ).

62 Certain topical identification would have been o readil, apparent to an earl ninth-c~n­tur reader that they deser e mention. The identification of either Te-t ung (r. A. D. 7 0- 05) or H ien-t ung (r. A. D. 06- 20) with the Fir t Emperor of h'in and the comparison of the pro incial ituation after the rebellion of the mid-eighth centur 10 late Warring St;ne times i · tobe found in variou writing of this period. Other more peculati e relation hip might tho of Central Mountain (Hopei) to the rebel headquarter during e erallate eighth-centur · revult ( ee Jenning Mason GE TZLER.. .. A Literar Biography of Liu Tsung-yüan, 773-819". [ npu­blished Ph . D. di ertation, Columbia University. 1966], pp. 199-211. and Jonathan MIR ,.;y • .. Structure of Rebellion: A Succe ful In urrect:ion during the Tang·•, Journal of the American Griental Sodety, 9 (J 969], pp. 67- 7), the relation hip Mao-Han-Han(1 50] (Mao Ying' surna­me/ bru h - pencii-Han Yü' urname interchangeable with the immediatel preceding). th~ fact that the Han family line' original clan- urname wa a1 o Chi ee Hsin Tang-shu, eh. 73. fol. b [PN]) , and the e eral triking re emblance between the life and career of Han Hui[' 5 ')

(d .A.D.7 1), HanYü' elderbrotherwhohadrai edHan andtho eofFurPoint( eeChiuT'ang­shu, eh. 130, fol. 6a-7a [PN])· Hsin Tang-shu, eh. 150, fol. 4a: Tzu-chih t'ung-ehien (Pek.ing: Ku-chi eh'u-pan- he, 1956), ol. 8, eh. 225, pp. 7241-7242; and Liu T ung-yüan . .. H ien­chün hih-piao-yin hsien-yu chi"[ 152) Liu Ha-tung chi, eh. 12. p. I .

'e erthele , it must be reiterated that allegorical character are be t ident.ified by their

(150) =E . ~ . ~ ( 151) ~it (153)ff

171

history. It is of the same tradition as Liu Tsung-yüan's "Niu fu"[ 154] (Prosepoem on the Ox) or Han Yü's "0-yü wen" (1 55] (The Crocodile). Although it may be im­possible for us to enjoy the "inside joke' within MYC, we sbould at least notice the • laughter" of a contemporary (Liu Tsung-yüan) and acknowledge tbat it exists .

ABBREVIATIONS not noted in the text BMFEA - Bulletin of the Mu eum of Far Eastern Antiquities eh . - ehüan(156) HY1SIS - Harvard-Venehing Institute Sinological Index Series MS - Monumenta Seriea PN - Po-na(l-57]

SPPY - Ssu-pu pei-yao SPTK - Ssu-pu t ' ung-k 'an

~~ti_on and their relationship , and that thi identification may then only be u tained (but not an.nated) by paronoma tie or etymological interpretation of proper name ; ee Geo~~r~. H RTMA , " 'The Nymph Complaining for the Death of Her Faun' : A Brief Alleg.o ry · an Beyond Fonnalism ( ew Ha en and London : Yale ni er i ty Pre . 1971 . pp. 17 3-19 -· ~ P· p. l 0.

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APPENDIX II The Original Text of "Tu Han Yü so-chu 'Mao Ying chuan' hou-t'i" (Liu Ho-tung chi [Peking, 1961] ed.)

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}e~*~o ~-t-b i'J~f~~-1<---~::> **~$}E~~1Wt ~~i:~o~o~:$~ jE:~~~~c ~ ~itt~DIW~~~If}m{~o -Km~t<HE:te~~~o ~~i'l~~o 1#it~-tn~mo ~~i'«o ~!1-Nf&

-~~o ~-}E~i'Jf!to ~~~-~o }E~H~~l~i'Jiio ~~(~~$1~0 liiW~J~Ifi~ o f@~~$J

~lßgo }E.(af:f~fl~~o ~: !fl~~~~ii*« ~o ~~~~~~~~~: ~~~t$\ilK~ o ~#: ~

174