AFRICOM Related News Clips February 4, 2011

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United States Africa CommandPublic Affairs Office7 February 2011

USAFRICOM - related news stories

TOP NEWS RELATED TO U.S. AFRICA COMMAND AND AFRICA

AFRICOM trying to stop violent cycle among African soldiers (Stars and Stripes)(Pan Africa) For more than six months last year, U.S. special forces worked with abattalion of Congolese infantryman at a training camp in Kisangani. The troops workedon a range of military tactics. But in addition to traditional combat arms instruction,

U.S. Africa Command developed a program aimed at bolstering awareness aboutsexual violence in a region where rape is frequently used as a weapon of war.

Tanzanian Medical Personnel Visit Camp Lemonnier (DVIDS)(Tanzania) Six medical representatives from the Tanzanian Peoples Defense Forcevisited with representatives from Camp Lemonnier and the Combined Joint Task Force- Horn of Africa in Djibouti, Jan. 31 and Feb. 1, 2011 to engage in discussions on how theU.S. military manages their medical operations in a forward deployed clinic.

The United States and China vie for influence in the Horn of Africa (Daily Caller)(East Africa) While often under the mainstream media radar, East Africa is a nationalsecurity and foreign policy hot spot for the United States.

U.S., U.K., France Seek UN Sanctions on Ivory Coast·s Gbagbo (Bloomberg)(Ivory Coast) The U.S., Britain and France are seeking to increase pressure on LaurentGbagbo to give up the presidency of Ivory Coast by imposing United Nations sanctionson Gbagbo, his wife and three top aides.

Diplomatic climate demands collaboration, coordination (Federal Times)(Pan Africa) The State Department's first Quadrennial Diplomacy and DevelopmentReview (QDDR), released in December, portends more possibility for progress than

critics argue.

Special forces to help fight al-Qaeda in Africa (Ottowa Citizen)(Senegal) Canadian special forces troops from Petawawa will be soon heading overseasto train soldiers from countries in North Africa who are fighting al-Qaeda insurgents.The U.S.-led training exercise, dubbed Flintlock, will see troops from the CanadianSpecial Operations Regiment heading to Senegal.



Lessons in Participatory Decision Making for Africans (Ghana Web)(Pan Africa) The inferno of political uprisings that are rapidly spreading in the Arabworld has re-ignited international debate over the role of the amorphous body calledthe ´international communityµ in ensuring effective citizen participation in decision

making.

Sierra Leone becomes a model for democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa (NewstimeAfrica)(Sierra Leone) It is surprising that the quiet democratic revolution taking place in SierraLeone has gone unnoticed by the international media.

Somali militants may use army truck for Uganda blasts (Sunatimes)(Somalia) As Somalia·s extremist group of Alshabaab are trying to repeatedly Ugandaafter the recent tragic world cup events by using a car colored like the Ugandan military

carriers, reliable sources say.

Clashes in Sudan as southerners in army refuse to withdraw to north (McClatchy-Tribune)(Sudan) Clashes spread across a key border region in southern Sudan on Saturday aftera wave of mutinies among southerners in the northern army, leaving at least 41 peopledead as Sudan begins to separate into two nations following a southern referendum onindependence last month.

UN News Service Africa Briefs

Full Articles on UN Websitey Countries ready to reinforce UN peacekeepers in Côte d·Ivoire amid tense

impasse

y UN disappointed by three-year extension of Somalia·s transitional parliament

-------------------------------------------------------------------------UPCOMING EVENTS OF INTEREST:

WHEN/WHERE: Tuesday and Wednesday, February 8-9, 2011; National DefenseIndustrial Association, Marriott Wardman Park Hotel, Washington, DCWHAT: Defense, Diplomacy, and Development: Translating Policy into OperationalCapabilityWHO: Keynote Speakers include ADM Michael Mullen, USN, Chairman, Joint Chiefsof Staff; BG Simon Hutchinson, GBR, Deputy Commander, NATO Special OperationsForces Headquarters; ADM Eric T. Olson, USN, Commander, U.S. Special OperationsCommand; Gen Norton A. Schwartz, USAF, Chief of Staff, U.S. Air ForceInfo: http://www.ndia.org/meetings/1880/Pages/default.aspx



WHEN/WHERE: Wednesday, February 9, 2011; Johns Hopkins School of AdvancedInternational StudiesWHAT: Elections, Society and State in Guinea After 2011WHO: Siba N'Zatioula Grovogui, director of the Department of Political Science'sInternational Studies Program at Johns Hopkins University

Info: http://www.sais-jhu.edu/calendar/index.htm ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------FULL ARTICLE TEXT

AFRICOM trying to stop violent cycle among African soldiers (Stars and Stripes)

For more than six months last year, U.S. special forces worked with a battalion ofCongolese infantryman at a training camp in Kisangani. The troops worked on a rangeof military tactics. But in addition to traditional combat arms instruction, U.S. AfricaCommand developed a program aimed at bolstering awareness about sexual violence

in a region where rape is frequently used as a weapon of war. All too often, soldiers inthe Democratic Republic of the Congo are the perpetrators of such crimes.

There was no field manual to consult, no military doctrine to guide the way.

When Michele Wagner, an academic with U.S. Africa Command·s social scienceresearch center, deployed to a Congolese military camp in 2010, the goal was to get theCongolese soldiers to open up dark chapters of their past. The goal was to help themtake the first step toward breaking an ugly cycle of sexual violence and rape, which haslong been used as a tactic of intimidation by soldiers and militias in remote parts of the

Democratic Republic of the Congo.

For the United States, creating a professional military in the DRC is seen as the bestchance at bolstering security and stability in a resource-rich country where more than adecade of conflict has left millions dead.

While U.S. Special Forces worked with the soldiers on their infantry skills at the campin Kisangani as part of a six-month effort to train an elite rapid response battalion,Wagner tried to get soldiers talking.

´There I was in the middle of a training camp with people marching and chanting andbeing conditioned, and I·m sitting in a tent with crying soldiers,µ said Wagner, whodeveloped an instructional program that more closely resembled group therapy thanthe typical military PowerPoint approach to training.

As she talked with the soldiers, Wagner knew she was in the midst of soldiers whowere both perpetrators of rape and survivors of the violence.



´We talked a lot about their experiences as soldiers, what they saw, what they heard,different days that they remembered,µ Wagner said during a recent discussion withAFRICOM leaders about the problem.

´As soldiers expressed it in interview after interview, they themselves felt so

constrained and disempowered and humiliated ³ they felt that they had beensacrificed by being in the military ³ that they emphasized that rape was their revenge,µshe said. ´That rape was a form of establishing power and domination.µ

AdvertisementIn the DRC, rape has been wielded as a weapon of war for years, andthere are no signs that the problem is going away.

Just two weeks ago, several DRC commanders were arrested in connection with a seriesof assaults, in which at least 67 women were assaulted during separate rape spreesduring the New Year period, according to a United Nations investigation released on

Tuesday.

But such atrocities ³ the government·s army is responsible for about 6 percent of theattacks ³ are just a fraction of the overall problem. Militia and rebel groups arebelieved to be the worst perpetrators, and America·s ability to reach those groups islimited.

Some experts in the region doubt the U.S. government·s military programs can makemuch difference.

In the DRC, corruption and lawlessness within the ranks is so widespread thatinstruction on morality is unlikely to make much difference, according to ThierryVircoulon, project director for the International Crisis Group·s efforts in Central Africa.

´You can do moral lessons, but the problem goes much deeper. In my view, there is noway to train the Congolese military because it is not actually an army. It·s just somepeople with guns,µ Vircoulon said. ´There have been many attempts by many peopleover many years. It doesn·t work.µ

Still, for the U.S., finding ways to break the cycle of sexual violence has emerged as atop foreign policy priority.

Since 2009, the U.S. government has dedicated more than $32 million for programsaimed at curbing sexual violence in the DRC.

It·s new territory for AFRICOM and the U.S. military, whose troops are moreaccustomed to instructing foreign militaries on combat-arms skills, not delving intosensitive emotional territory.



Operation Olympic Chase in Kisangani ³ a six-month AFRICOM training initiativethat ended in October ³ focused mainly on various infantry skills required to prepare a700-strong Congolese battalion for rapid-response deployments. The battalion isintended to serve as a model for the rest of the force.

But to make the training complete, AFRICOM needed to find a way to deal with theproblem of rape in the ranks. Enter Wagner, a social scientist who tried to convey theimportance of group therapy techniques to hardened American infantrymen doing theday-to-day training.

´That didn·t go all that smoothly,µ said one AFRICOM military official involved withthe research center·s work who requested anonymity to discuss the inner workings ofthe program. ´There·s a lot of learning we have to do to be receptive (to these new typesof training techniques). We·re talking about a big cultural shift for a lot of guys.µ

While it was understood that one-time rapists could be in the ranks, it was harder tograsp that there also were men who had suffered themselves from that kind of violenceand had the psychological scars to show for it, Wagner said.

´Telling Special Forces people that some [of the soldiers they were training] had beenraped ³ that was culturally a leap for them,µ Wagner said. ´For me to say some of yourtrainees who you·re toughening up are rape survivors, that·s just a bit shocking.µ

Still, commanders at AFRICOM headquarters in Stuttgart are zeroing in on the issue of

sexual violence in places like the DRC and grappling with ways to best instruct foreignmilitary forces.

Wagner·s program was an attempt to sensitize soldiers by talking about something thatoften goes unspoken. The course included four, two-hour classroom sessions andseparate evening sessions where skits and plays were performed that educated soldiersabout the law against sex crimes.

Congolese soldiers conducted the training in their local languages of Lingala andSwahili and it was designed to get troops talk to each other with the aim of deterringfuture acts of rape.

´I think what we are beginning to understand is that our old paradigm, that you take aPowerPoint, you add a coda, train key peacekeepers for 10 minutes on SGBV (sex andgender based violence) and prevention of SGVB, doesn·t work anymore,µ said DianaPutnam, chief of AFRICOM·s humanitarian and health activities branch during a recentroundtable discussion among command leaders.



´We·ve begun to understand the complexity and subtleties of this.µ

Despite the complexity, AFRICOM is looking for ways to engage in the region.

Last month, AFRICOM leadership consulted with Wagner and another Defense

Department researcher, Lynn Lawry, whose work is causing the military to rethinkassumptions about the nature of sexual violence in the region and prompting discussionabout the need for more strategies to break the cycle.

In a study co-funded by AFRICOM, Lawry, a researcher from the Office of the AssistantSecretary of Defense ³ Health Affairs, found that most of the sexual violence in easternparts of the DRC is combat related. The research, which was conducted in 46 villages inSouth Kivu, North Kivu, and Ituri District, showed that men also can be victims of rapeand that women can sometimes be the perpetrators of the crime. The survey covered 19territories and represented a population of 5.2 million adults.

The study, published in the Journal of the American Medical Association in August,showed that 40 percent of the women and 23 percent of the men in the region havesurvived sexual violence, 70 percent of which is combat-related. In addition, 39 percentof female victims reported female perpetrators and 15 percent of male victims reportedfemale perpetrators.

´We know that it existed. We just didn·t know at what rate and at what prevalence wecould find this to be happening,µ Lawry said.

For Wagner, Lawry·s findings matched some of the things she was hearing in the fieldback in May as she worked with DRC troops and conducted her own research at thecamp in Kisangani.

´I tried to design training in which officers and soldiers were talking with each other,µWagner said. ´To develop ways to acknowledge and talk about the issue within theunits they were training in, to develop a precedent for talking with each other.µ

But if the command is going to address sexual violence more broadly in the DRC, it alsowill need to find a way to reach the various militias in the country.

Currently, legal restrictions require AFRICOM to limit its engagements to directmilitary-to-military activities.

´So how do you do awareness with the rebel groups?µ Lawry asked. ´USAID can·t dealwith it. State Department can deal with it but doesn·t have the capacity to actually be onthe ground to do that type of awareness. AFRICOM is poised to be able to do that.µ--------------------



Tanzanian Medical Personnel Visit Camp Lemonnier (DVIDS)

DJIBOUTI - Six medical representatives from the Tanzanian Peoples Defense Forcevisited with representatives from Camp Lemonnier and the Combined Joint Task Force- Horn of Africa in Djibouti, Jan. 31 and Feb. 1, 2011 to engage in discussions on how the

U.S. military manages their medical operations in a forward deployed clinic.

The TPDF is increasing their participation in peacekeeping operations and enlargingtheir role in assisting civilians during natural disasters.

´We are also deploying in the U.N. missions,µ said Col. Juma Mwinula, TPDF directorof medical services. Ín our country, we accept a number of civilians to our [military]medical services.µ

He added that it is a fragile relationship because if every civilian seeks out military

medical treatment in times of need, the capabilities of those facilities would diminish tothe point of being ineffective in supporting military operations.

The TPDF requested assistance from the U.S. government to spearhead this concern toincrease their caliber of medical care to effectively partner with global colleagues ininternational operations.

Discussions focused on best practices in handling patient administration, treatment,staffing issues, equipment and supply issues, and human resource organization.

The intent of the exchange was not the actual treatment methods of patients, but ratherto discuss the day-to-day management of a medical facility.

Í think it was time well spent,µ Mwinula said. ´We came here to see how a hospitalwas run, the equipment and the personnel. [U.S. medical personnel] have been verykind to let us see your facilities.µ

U.S. Navy Cmdr. David Brenner, officer in charge of the Expeditionary Medical Facilityat Camp Lemonnier, said that one crucial factor in designing a hospital isunderstanding your capabilities to effectively treat patients.

´We need to know and make quick decisions on how and where to treat [patients],µBrenner said. Íf we make the wrong decisions, hours of delay can really hurt them.µ

He added that when the TPDF medical staff returns to Tanzania, they need to examinetheir medical facilities and diagnose what type of care they can provide. That way, thepatients can either be treated at that facility or be moved to another that can providemore specialized medical care.



One method to manage these expectations of quality care is to proactively engage inhumanitarian missions, Brenner said. The U.S. Navy is undertaking more such missionseach year to being medical care to people in need rather than having them travel to thefacilities.

´We would not be able to open our doors to all civilians. What we do instead are[veterinary or medical civil affairs projects] where we will go to areas and give specificlevels of care,µ Brenner said.

U.S. Navy Lt. Cmdr. Mike Grande, deputy force surgeon for CJTF - HOA, cited severalrecent humanitarian missions in South America, South Pacific and Caribbean, where theU.S. Navy traveled to thousands of people in need of medical care. Including missionsthat provide emergency medical relief, such as after the Haitian earthquake in January2010, the U.S. Navy provides care in areas such as dermatology, optometry and other

basic medical services.

When asked if the Tanzanians found the visit to be helpful, Mwinula replied, ´Thelearning session has been very interesting and we have learned a lot of things, seen a lotof things and it·s very encouraging. We are very curious to see if we can make ahospital like yours. Mission is accomplished.µ--------------------The United States and China vie for influence in the Horn of Africa (Daily Caller)

While often under the mainstream media radar, East Africa is a national security and

foreign policy hot spot for the United States.

African Union forces are fighting the militant Islamist insurgency Al Shabab inMogadishu, Somalia, where the US and UN-backed Transitional Federal Government isattempting to establish itself. Al Shabab has responded with suicide bombings inUganda and has threatened other countries in the region. Combined Naval Task Force151, led by the EU, patrols the Indian Ocean attempting to stem Somali piracy, some ofwhich is sponsored by Islamic terrorist groups. Yet the pirates continue to brazenlycapture ships, including American vessels, as far away as the Seychelles andMozambique. Terrorism experts report that all of East Africa is at high risk of Al Qaedaterrorist activity, with Kenya and Uganda being the leading targets.

After a week of voting in the Sudan, African Christians in the South are expected tohave overwhelmingly cast their ballots for freedom from the Arab-dominated Norththat currently governs the country. Despite recent hopeful signals from SudanesePresident Omar Bashir, few believe that Khartoum will allow the oil-rich South to leaveSudan without bloodshed.



Sudan·s extensive oil reserves, new oil finds in Somalia and Uganda and the region·srich mineral deposits also make East Africa a key strategic region for the globaleconomy. As a commodities treasure chest, the region is of interest to China.

America·s key ally with respect to all of these issues is Kenya. It is from Nairobi that the

UN supports the Transitional Federal Government in Somalia. Somali pirates capturedon the high seas are turned over to Kenyan courts for trial. Kenya has been animportant supporter of the South Sudanese government and has reportedly trained itsdefense forces. The Kenyan National Security Intelligence Service (NSIS), which wasformed in the aftermath of the 1998 bombing of the US Embassy in Nairobi, has assistedAmerican law enforcement agencies in arresting a number of terrorists in the country.As a member of the British Commonwealth and a parliamentary democracy, Kenya hastraditionally been an ally of the West and wary of Russian or Chinese initiatives inAfrica.

Consequently, it was not helpful last month when Kenyan daily newspapers splashedclassified US State Department cables disclosed by WikiLeaks on their front pages.Papers touting the ´The Secret Filesµ and ´Revealed: [US] Envoy·s Road Map for¶Regime Change·µ were hawked by newsboys and snapped up by Kenyans on busyNairobi traffic circles. One cable from Embassy Nairobi reportedly stated that ´most ofthe political and economic elite compose the vested interests that benefit from andsupport impunity and the lack of accountability with respect to governance, stateresources, and the rule of law. This includes President Kibaki and Prime MinisterOdinga«µ

According to the Daily Nation, just prior to the release of the cables by WikiLeaks, U.S.Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Johnny Carson called the Kenyan prime ministerto warn him about the leaked cables and to apologize for some of the commentscontained therein. Putting aside the merits of the Embassy·s reporting from Kenya, theeffect of the leaked cables could seriously damage American relations with itsimportant partner in East Africa at a critical time. Fortunately for the United States, fornow, the Kenyan government has publicly brushed the matter aside. Assistant SecretaryCarson·s telephone diplomacy may have averted a freeze in relations.

A second major story from the leaked cables describing China·s adventures in Kenyaalso received significant press coverage. Although denied by the Kenyan government,the cables alleged that China was paying Kenyan security service agents for influenceand had provided the Kenyan intelligence agency with computers andtelecommunications monitoring equipment, which were being serviced by Chinesetechnicians working on site.

The Daily Nation also reported that the Kenyan Wildlife Service claims 90% of the ivorypoachers it detains are Chinese and that poaching increases whenever a Chinese labor



camp is established in Kenya. By exposing the dark side of China·s incursion intoKenya, the leaks confirmed to ordinary Kenyans that China·s interest in the region isnot entirely benevolent.

China·s long-time support of Sudan·s war crimes-indicted leader Omar Bashir in

exchange for easy access to Sudanese oil and close association with other strongmen inAfrica demonstrates a lack of regard for human rights and democracy on the continent.Even its motives for involvement in anti-piracy naval efforts off Somalia have beencalled into question by Western naval officers, who report that China seems moreinterested in learning Western naval tactics than fighting pirates.

At a time when so many key Western interests are affected by events in East Africa, it iscritically important that the United States remains fully engaged in the region andsupports our African allies. It is clear that China has recognized the importance of theregion and is looking to supplant the United States as superpower-in-residence. Should

this occur, America and Africa will be worse off.--------------------U.S., U.K., France Seek UN Sanctions on Ivory Coast·s Gbagbo (Bloomberg)

The U.S., Britain and France are seeking to increase pressure on Laurent Gbagbo to giveup the presidency of Ivory Coast by imposing United Nations sanctions on Gbagbo, hiswife and three top aides.

The initiative, which requires the unanimous consent of all 15 member governments ofthe UN Security Council, has met resistance from Russia, Ambassador Vitaly Churkin

said.

´We didn·t say no, but maybe we are not prepared to accept them,µ Churkin said.´With this mediation effort by the African Union, my immediate reaction is that it is notvery timely. Maybe we will wait a few days, then we will assess the situation and makea decision. Now our priority is this mission of the AU.µ

The African Union on Jan. 31 appointed the presidents of Mauritania, Burkina Faso,Chad, Tanzania and South Africa to persuade Gbagbo to relinquish the presidency,after Ivory Coast·s Electoral Commission said he lost the presidential election on Nov.28 to Alassane Ouattara. Gbagbo had refused to cooperate with the AU·s previousmediator, Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga, accusing him of bias.

The U.S., Britain and France have targeted Gbagbo, his wife, Simone, Chief of StaffDesire Tagro, Foreign Minister Ilahiri Djedje and Pascal Affi N·Guessan, head of theIvorian Popular Front. They would be subject to an asset freeze and travel ban.



The U.S. Treasury Department last month barred Americans from conducting financialor commercial transactions with the same five people.

Holed Up

Ouattara, the internationally recognized winner of the November election, remainsholed up in the Golf Hotel in Abidjan, protected by UN troops. At least 271 people havebeen killed in clashes since the election, according to the UN, which has a peacekeepingmission in the country.

The UN peacekeeping mission in Ivory Coast ´may be the first peacekeeping missionthat stays put despite the de facto military authority asking us to leave,µ Young-jinChoi, head of the UN mission, told reporters after briefing the Security Council today.

Choi said that, while ´humanitarian and human rights conditions are worsening,µ

momentum in the crisis was swinging Ouatarra·s way due to financial pressures onGbagbo.

Financial sanctions are ´beginning to biteµ and pressure is growing to force Gbagbo tostep down, U.S. Ambassador Phillip Carter said today in Washington.

Gbagbo has been seizing bank assets, stealing money from corporations and extortinglocal businesses to fund his regime in an effort to maintain power, Carter told reportersat the State Department.

Feeling Pressure

´Gbagbo is beginning to feel the pressure,µ Carter said. ´Trade is slowing down.µ

Calling Gbagbo ´a pretender,µ Carter said the president depends for his politicalsurvival on the loyalty of his security forces. Economic sanctions, Carter said, arebeginning to weaken Gbagbo·s grip.

´He has security forces backing him up,µ Carter said. ´If he can·t pay them, what arethey going to do? How loyal are they going to be?µ

Cocoa, used in chocolate, has climbed about 14 percent since the election. Cocoa forMarch delivery fell 2.4 percent to 2,139 pounds ($3,444) a ton on NYSE Liffe today.

Ivory Coast failed to pay interest due at the end of January, after a 30-day grace period,on $2.3 billion of Eurobonds.--------------------Diplomatic climate demands collaboration, coordination (Federal Times)



The State Department's first Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review(QDDR), released in December, portends more possibility for progress than criticsargue.

Modeled after the Defense Department's Quadrennial Defense Review, the QDDR laysout State's strategies and priorities. More importantly, it outlines the intersectingagendas of the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development, aswell as that of DoD.

It sends a strong signal: Collaboration and coordination anchor a successful 21st centurynational security strategy.

Some say the QDDR will add to the complexity of labyrinthine organizational chartsthat misdirect interagency work. They allege that, absent current budget authority,

Cabinet-level secretaries will not be able to accomplish much. And on the heels ofWikiLeaks' release of State Department cables, we hear collaboration comes with toomany risks.

These are mischaracterizations. The QDDR provides strategic vision; now is the time toenact the organizational change across government that is critical to fostering authenticcollaboration and coordination central to meeting U.S. national security objectives.

And that's before budgets are locked in.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Defense Secretary Robert Gates, among others,describe applying the collective forces of defense, diplomacy and development totoday's geopolitical challenges as Smart Power. One example is the Global Alliance forClean Cookstoves.

The program draws on the strengths of federal agencies, from the State Department tothe Environmental Protection Agency, as well as nonprofits, industry and others, tomitigate the harmful effects of dirty cookstoves on health, the environment andwomen's safety. As the alliance reaches out to DoD counterparts, such as U.S. AfricaCommand, and foreign governments, the potential to translate Smart Power conceptsinto strategic planning and action grows.

What can be done to overcome obstacles to greater interagency collaboration?

First, we must extend understanding of how solving problems collectively can help thegovernment function more effectively. Clinton, Gates, Treasury Secretary TimothyGeithner and USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah are among those at the highest levelswho have embraced collaboration and coordination across agency boundaries under the



banner of Smart Power. Junior staff also should be empowered to coordinate with theircounterparts.

Second, we must acknowledge that the "civilian power" Clinton describes in the QDDRlooks much different than it did at the height of the Cold War.

Today's younger diplomats are comfortable with a collective approach to problem-solving. The model of reaching out to solicit the best ideas, solutions and power of thecollective ³ modeled in much of today's social networking tools ³ should not be lost.Finally, we must establish simpler policies on interagency coordination and cleardirectives on reaching beyond the government to channel the skills, capabilities andinsights of civil society and the private sector.

In Iraq and Afghanistan, military and State Department personnel regularly step out oftheir traditional roles to work with agency counterparts at all levels. Transitioning back

from these missions can be difficult ³ and results in a loss of collaboration andcoordination due to organizational charts that do not quite line up.

We should look to foster these relationships and establish a more fluid yet definedsystem that capitalizes on them.

The QDDR validates that no agency can promote national security objectives inisolation. We must open communication and implement clear policies that improvecross-agency effectiveness and enhance partnerships with nongovernmentalorganizations and industry.

Only then can we use the QDDR's strategic vision as the guidepost, building thecoordination needed to execute Smart Power and reaping the rewards: efficiencies athome and improved mission effectiveness abroad.--------------------Special forces to help fight al-Qaeda in Africa (Ottowa Citizen)

Canadian special forces troops from Petawawa will be soon heading overseas to trainsoldiers from countries in North Africa who are fighting al-Qaeda insurgents.

The U.S.-led training exercise, dubbed Flintlock, will see troops from the CanadianSpecial Operations Regiment heading to Senegal.

Other countries besides the U.S. and Canada involved in the exercise include Spain,France, The Netherlands and Germany, as well as soldiers from Burkina Faso, Chad,Mali, Mauritania, Nigeria and Senegal, according to a statement released Thursday byU.S. Africa Command.



This is the first time that Canada has participated in Flintlock, an annual special forcestraining exercise held in Africa. Governments in North Africa have been fighting agroup that calls itself al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb or AQIM.

The organization traces its roots back to Islamist insurgents fighting the Algerian

government.

But insurgents have since become associated with al-Qaeda and have branched out toconduct attacks in other countries in the region, as well as kidnapping westerners.

Canadian diplomats Robert Fowler and Louis Guay were held by AQIM after beingkidnapped in December 2008. They were released 130 days later amid claims bygovernment officials in Mali that four AQIM detainees were set free in return. TheCanadian government has said it played no part in any such deal and did not pay anyransom for the release of the two diplomats.

On Wednesday, the Mauritanian army announced it had killed three AQIM insurgentswho had planned to assassinate Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz. Inearly January, AQIM was in the news after two Frenchmen were executed during anattempted rescue mission by troops from France and Niger. The two had beenkidnapped by gunmen in Niamey, Niger.

The Flintlock exercise runs from Feb. 21 to March 11.

The contingent of Canadian trainers will number around 15. The African troops will be

taught small-unit tactics.

In addition, the exercise will focus on improving the sharing of information andincreasing co-ordination between the various countries.

Participants in Flintlock will also help the indigenous population by providing medicaland veterinary programs. In total, around 800 military personnel will take part in theexercise, according to Africa Command.

The Canadian Special Operations Regiment, or CSOR, was created in 2006. Its soldiershave conducted operations in Afghanistan, but the details are secret.

In 2008, the Citizen reported that CSOR helped train the Jamaican counter-terrorismteam that stormed a hijacked CanJet airliner in Montego Bay and captured a mentallytroubled gunman without firing a shot. The hijacker had earlier allowed 159 Canadianpassengers and two crew members to leave the chartered aircraft. CSOR members didnot take part in the raid. In a previous interview with the Citizen, special forces



commander Brig-Gen. Mike Day said CSOR will continue to send small training teamsto Jamaica and that missions to additional countries could be organized.

Countries that could qualify for such training would be selected based on Canadiangovernment policy needs and economic and various other ties between Canada and the

nation in question, said Day, head of the Canadian Special Operations ForcesCommand, also known as CANSOFCOM.

CANSOFCOM was created in 2006 to oversee Joint Task Force 2, the special forces andcounter-terrorism unit based at Dwyer Hill, CSOR and the 427 Special OperationsAviation Squadron, both at Canadian Forces Base Petawawa and the Canadian JointIncident Response Unit at CFB Trenton. The response unit deals with weapons of massdestruction.

CSOR has around 450 people. It is slowly growing with a goal of having 690 personnel

in its ranks, but the military does not have a set timetable on when that number wouldbe reached--------------------Lessons in Participatory Decision Making for Africans (Ghana Web)

The inferno of political uprisings that are rapidly spreading in the Arab world has re-ignited international debate over the role of the amorphous body called the´international communityµ in ensuring effective citizen participation in decisionmaking. Not since the end of the Cold War have there been so much citizen uprisingsagainst regimes that were hitherto thought to be invincible. Watching television these

days leaves no one in doubt about the wave of anger and resentment that are only nowbeing fearlessly expressed on the streets of Tunis, Cairo, Amman and Algiers.

A seemingly harmless self-immolation of a young Tunisian frustrated at his inability toget a job and his subsequent death exploded into a popular uprising, leading to theoverthrow of President Ben Ali, in power since 1987. The repercussions of the Tunisianpopular uprising have been phenomenal. In nearby Egypt, three people set themselvesablaze, in an apparent warning to the government of impending danger. At this stage,most international commentators doubted the potency of this action and its potential tocause a regime change in Egypt. They cite the strong influence of the army and thesupport of the United States for the regime of President Hosni Mubarak who has beenin power since 1981. But later events have proven that no matter how strong or wellequipped an army is they cannot withstand the force of a group of determined peopledesirous of change.Interestingly, the Arab world was transfixed on events in Egypt with trepidation togauge the direction of these popular uprisings. Once President Mubarak addressed thenation and appointed a Vice-President for the first time since 1981 and went ahead topromise political reforms, the stage was then set for a massive shake-up within the



ruling political elite in the Arab world. Jordan·s King Abdullah bowed to popularpressure and appointed a new Prime Minister. In Yemen, President Ali Abdullah Saleh,in power for the past 34 years gave in to protesters· demands and went ahead toannounce that he would not seek re-election after 2013. He also appointed a new PrimeMinister. Though unsatisfactory to protestors who are calling for nothing less than his

resignation, they mark a significant shift in the response of the regime to populardemands.The response of the international community to these waves of protests has beeninteresting. French and American leaders called for ´restraintµ in Tunisia, and urgedthe government to ´respect the rights of the Tunisian peopleµ. In Egypt, PresidentObama, in a telephone call to his Egyptian counterpart, called for a ´smooth transitionµ.A careful analysis of all the countries currently undergoing these revolutions indicates acommonality that cannot be ignored.Let us start from President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. He came to power in 1987 on theback of popular agitations against then President Habib Bourguiba who was accused of

being mentally unsound to rule. For the next 23 years President Ben Ali ruled Tunisiawith an iron fist, clamping down on popular protests and imprisoning politicalopponents. Basic human rights like freedom of speech and assembly were denied theordinary Tunisian. Whiles all these human rights abuses were going on, the Westlooked on quietly, because of President Ben Ali·s clampdown on Islamist extremists.After the September 11th attacks, Ben Ali became a pawn of the West, receiving massiveassistance to flush out suspected militants. So while the ordinary Tunisian was beingsuffocated under a repressive regime, the US, France, UK, UN all kept quiet, loudlysending a message that the fight against terrorist was more paramount than the rightsand freedoms of the individual.

In the case of Egypt, President Hosni Mubarak came to power in 1981 following theassassination of President Anwar Sadat. Sadat had become the first Arab leader to signa peace agreement with Israel, under the aegis of the United States. Whiles the Westapplauded this agreement as being progressive, for President Sadat, it became a bananapeel, eventually leading to his assassination. Vice-President Hosni Mubarak was thensworn in as President, vowing to deal with Islamist militants and improving relationswith the West. True to his word, political groups like the Muslim Brotherhood werebanned for almost his entire Presidency. Political opposition was stifled, press freedomswere curtailed and the country was ruled like a military dictatorship. All thesehappened under the watchful eyes of the United States which continued to providemilitary assistance to this repressive regime. With time, Egypt became the third largestrecipient of American foreign aid and largest in Africa. It became apparent that theAmerican government kept propping up this regime.Yemen became significant to the international community after the September 11thterrorist attacks. Once reviled for its oppressive regime, the Bush administrationprovided military assistance to the country due to concerns that militants that had beenflushed out in nearby Saudi Arabia had found refuge in that country. For the fightagainst terrorism to be successful, President Ali Abdullah Saleh needed to be supported



at all cost, even it meant the Yemeni leader using the foreign assistance he received tosuppress his own people.Clearly the West cannot deny complicity in the gross misrule that has becomecharacteristic of regimes in the Arab world and parts of Africa. In pursuit of veryparochial political agenda, despotic regimes have been imposed on Africans. On the

back of halting the spread of Communism, Prime Minister Patrice Lumuba was brutallymurdered by President Mobutu Sese Seko at the instigation of Belgium. For more thantwo decades, this dictator impoverished his people whiles becoming a darling boy ofthe West. President John F. Kennedy referred to this man as á great friend of theAmerican peopleµ. In Belgium, President Mobutu was a regular guest of King Leopold.In Ivory Coast President Houphouet Boigny made himself life President and imposed aone party state on the country. Throughout his life, he was a friend of the French andAmericans. Interestingly enough, next door, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)overthrew Kwame Nkrumah for making himself life president and creating a one partystate. Down south in Angola, the American CIA provided support for rebels fighting

the regime of Eduardo dos Santos because he was deemed to be communist. Thatsupport led to one of Africa·s most intractable civil wars, ending only with the death ofrebel leader Jonas Savimbi. Why were the Bush and Obama administrations prepared tocope with the political and religious intolerance in countries like Saudi Arabia, Egyptand Tunisia but were quick to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe for the same óffencesµ?Why has the Obama administration been quick to condemn the attack on gays andlesbians in Uganda and Zimbabwe but continue to remain silent over the repression ofChristians, gays and lesbians in Saudi Arabia?Unfortunately, Africa has never learnt its lessons as evidenced by the approach thatECOWAS and AU have adopted to deal with the Ivorian crisis. The need for an African

response is an absolute imperative. Africans do not need France, the US and Britain,under the guise of international assistance, to dictate any response planned by theAfrican Union to deal with the Ivorian crisis. It is disappointing that already aPresidential delegation has gone to Europe to ćonferµ with the ínternationalcommunityµ. The obvious question is: what interest does the West have in the Ivoriancrisis?

The inferno in the Arab world is a clear statement to the west to back off Arabianaffairs. The people are clearly making a case for participatory decision-making innational affairs. They have shown that they are more than capable of punishing regimesthat ignore their interests in favour of Western powers. The next destination of thiswave of revolution is unknown. But what is certain is that by now despotic regimes inAfrica are watching and listening with baited breath.--------------------Sierra Leone becomes a model for democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa (NewstimeAfrica)



On the streets of Freetown, the capital of Sierra Leone, it will be difficult for visitors toignore the newspaper headlines as vendors showcase attention grabbing front pagesmostly from the disgruntled opposition media, with venomous attacks on the presidentand top government officials. Some newspaper publishers even break away completelyfrom the tenets of the profession and engage in personal attacks on the Head of State.

Since the quiet and somewhat unpredictable figure of Ernest Bai Koroma assumed thepresidency, the political climate has completely changed in Sierra Leone. It is surprisingthat the quiet democratic revolution taking place in Sierra Leone has gone unnoticed bythe international media. It would have been exciting to read classified information filedto the State Department in Washington, by June Carter-Perry, former U.S. Ambassador,describing the current political tolerance that has been the highlight of the Koromaadministration. Looking through recent Wikileaks revelations, it seems the former U.S.Ambassador had other priorities. She was more concerned about presenting a distortedpicture of what the true reality was on the ground. And these acts of blatant abuse ofdiplomatic privilege must have cost Sierra Leone much needed financial assistance.

Sierra Leone·s democratic initiatives should be nurtured and supported. It can providea model the west can use in promoting its own foreign policy interests within theAfrican context, and by lending a hand to the Sierra Leone president to achieve hisgovernment·s aspirations, such success can be exported across the region and helpestablish much needed change in Africa. But misguided diplomatic cables are nothelping. They threaten to destabilize and derail the on-going efforts to bring an end tothe misery of a people who have already suffered a terrible experience in the hands ofbarbaric rebel warlords who tore apart and dismantled the country·s infrastructure. Thechanges happening around Sierra Leone are visible, only unpatriotic individuals with

self-serving interests would make you believe otherwise. But for a country that hasalways been taken for granted by its leaders, the potential to rise once more is evermore apparent.

Sierra Leone under President Ernest Bai Koroma has transformed itself from anautocratic State to one where democracy defines the political moment. NewspaperEditors who have suffered brutal experiences in the hands of the previous SLPPgovernment, will tell you that the APC-led administration has set the pace forestablishing democratic institutions, maintaining the rule of law and protecting pressfreedom. It seems there has become a thriving realisation that Sierra Leone would soonbecome the beacon of hope in a region that has often seen only tyrants and dictators atthe helm of government. President Ernest Bai Koroma has employed an extremely widetolerant atmosphere that has not hindered human rights and that has given the printand broadcast media the free will to operate with little or no interference.

This is indeed remarkable, and should be encouraged and commended. It showsstatesmanship at the very top of government and it demonstrates maturity sodesperately needed in how Africa governs its people. Tony Blair, the former British



Prime Minister was quick to recognise the amazing will and character the Sierra Leonepresident has shown in the way he governs his people and endorsed the remarkableleadership qualities of the Head of State by offering to get involved in providing atransparent corridor to enhance government functioning by introducing his AfricaGovernance Initiative, offering first hand assistance with presence of a team on the

ground at the very seat of government.

The challenges facing Sierra Leone are no more democratic in nature. They are moreabout how a government can harness the country·s new found resources and mineralwealth to create a working and productively responsive economy. It is not even abouthow it can be achieved, because the Koroma-led administration has put all themechanisms in place, with an agenda for change at the very heart of it, to institutechanges much needed across the development and economic spectrum of the country.The priorities of the government have been well documented to be, Agriculture,Education, tackling corruption and health. The government has indeed not failed in all

these areas. And the country has never seen such a hardworking Head of State, whowith every passing week shuttles from one region to another in the country, ensuringthat the implementation of the development agenda Is well on target and that no regionis left out in the well managed process of lifting the country out of poverty. Hiscolleagues in the African Union and ECOWAS have clearly recognised and endorsedhis amazing credentials by recently appointing him to lead mediation efforts in tryingto bring an end to the political impasse in Ivory Coast, where a dictator is belligerent inhanding over power to a democratically elected president

Diplomats and representatives of world organisations on the ground in Sierra Leone,

are urged to be mindful of the efforts of the government in its strive to promote andsustain a democratic atmosphere, and support the Head of State by engaging theirhome governments and stakeholders, to provide more in financial assistance and directsupport as an incentive to a government that has already demonstrated the will andhave so clearly shown its credentials as a government of the people and for the people.--------------------Somali militants may use army truck for Uganda blasts (Sunatimes)

KAMPALA ² As Somalia·s extremist group of Alshabaab are trying to repeatedlyUganda after the recent tragic world cup events by using a car colored like the Ugandanmilitary carriers, reliable sources say.

Uganda, one of East Africa·s growing economy countries have deployed powerfulpeacekeeping forces in Somalian as parts of AU peacekeepers· mission known as(AMISOM) which denied the Somali militants from seizing whole Somali capital.



Some intelligence information being received by us, say that the car (truck) which wasrecently bought by a Somali trader in Kampala will be decorated like the Ugandanmilitary cars· uniform and will be used for rampage attack soon.

Asked about the information, a senior Ugandan military has rejected the report saying

they are watching closely any attempt to hit Uganda by ¶terrorists.

Ugandan officials have assured that they will thwart any attack, as the veteran armyintelligence keep vigilant eyes on any possible attacks in the country.

For Ugandans, we ought to keep our country safe and watch the terrorists trying todestroy our country like Somalia! We must stay attentative.--------------------Clashes in Sudan as southerners in army refuse to withdraw to north (McClatchy-Tribune)

JUBA, SUDAN - Clashes spread across a key border region in southern Sudan onSaturday after a wave of mutinies among southerners in the northern army, leaving atleast 41 people dead as Sudan begins to separate into two nations following a southernreferendum on independence last month.

Official results show that 99 percent of southerners who voted backed forming theirown country, and full independence is set to take effect in July. The referendum was thecore provision of a U.S.-brokered 2005 peace deal between Sudan's Arab and Muslimnorth and the rebellious African and largely Christian south, ending a 22-year war that

led to the deaths of 2 million people.

The recent violence broke out Thursday in Malakal, the capital of Upper Nile state, asthe northern army, the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), began withdrawing its remainingcontingents in the south.

Former southern militiamen in the northern army mutinied against other southernsoldiers and northern commanders, refusing to relocate to the north with all theirweaponry. The fighting continued throughout the day Friday. At least 22 are confirmeddead, mostly soldiers, according to a U.N. official, who said the fighting had mostlystopped by Saturday. The official spoke on the condition of anonymity because he is notauthorized to speak to the media on the matter.

Similar uprisings within the SAF ranks erupted Saturday in the Upper Nile towns ofMelut, Paloich and Maban, said Malaak Ayuen, head of information in southernSudan's army, the former rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA).



"The fighting has spread across Upper Nile," said Ayuen, who said he could not yetgive total casualty figures. The SPLA has stepped in to try to quell the fighting but wasnot part of the original clashes, according to officials.

On Saturday, the uprising began at Paloich, the base of Sudan's most productive oil

fields, before spreading 20 miles to the SAF base in the town of Melut. There, at least 18soldiers were killed, said Akuoc Teng Diing, the Melut County commissioner.

"The bodies are still being collected, and the number is rising," said Akuoc, speaking byphone from the clash site midday Saturday.

Although part of the northern army, the vast majority of the SAF soldiers in these basesare southerners. Many are longtime veterans who fought in the national army againstthe southern rebels.

But others only officially integrated into the SAF after the peace deal. During the war,they were part of a patchwork of tribal militias that controlled most of Upper Nile,supported by the northern Sudanese government in Khartoum to wage a proxy waragainst the SPLA and keep the key border region open for oil exploration.

According to officials, it is these former militiamen who are behind the uprisings.

With all SAF forces now required to withdraw to the north and the southerners in itsranks disarmed and discharged back to the south, the ex-militia elements are resistingthe move.

The mutineers also are fighting to keep some of the heavy weaponry in the south - andin their hands. "SAF is saying 'No, this is ours. We can take it if we want,' " the U.N.official said.

In Melut County, the mutineers have grabbed the upper hand.

"The pro-north group of 100 to 120 men has been evicted from the barracks, they are atlarge, they are armed," the U.N. official said.

SAF bases are spread across the south in major towns and oil fields, and the troopsstationed there must all have withdrawn to the north by April.

Large contingents of the SPLA remain in the north, as well, especially in the flashpointborder states of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile. The SPLA says it has no plans toimmediately withdraw from those areas.--------------------UN News Service Africa Briefs



Full Articles on UN WebsiteCountries ready to reinforce UN peacekeepers in Côte d·Ivoire amid tense impasse4 February ² Several countries are ready to provide reinforcements for the 9,000-strongUnited Nations peacekeeping mission in Côte d·Ivoire, where the former president·srefusal to step down despite his electoral defeat has led to violence and the

displacement of tens of thousands of people, a top UN official said today.

UN disappointed by three-year extension of Somalia·s transitional parliament 4 February ² The top United Nations official for Somalia voiced disappointment todayat the transitional parliament·s extension of its mandate by three years beyond theAugust deadline by which it was to enact a new constitution and hold general electionsin the war-torn country.

AFRICOM Related News Clips February 4, 2011

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