African-American Aesthetic of DressCurrent Manifestations

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http://ctr.sagepub.com/ Journal Clothing and Textiles Research http://ctr.sagepub.com/content/16/4/167 The online version of this article can be found at: DOI: 10.1177/0887302X9801600403 1998 16: 167 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal Gwendolyn S. O'Neal African-American Aesthetic of Dress: Current Manifestations Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: International Textile and Apparel Association can be found at: Clothing and Textiles Research Journal Additional services and information for http://ctr.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Email Alerts: http://ctr.sagepub.com/subscriptions Subscriptions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Permissions: http://ctr.sagepub.com/content/16/4/167.refs.html Citations: What is This? - Jan 1, 1998 Version of Record >> by Marija Stankovic on December 7, 2011 ctr.sagepub.com Downloaded from

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Clothing and Textiles Research

http://ctr.sagepub.com/content/16/4/167The online version of this article can be found at:

 DOI: 10.1177/0887302X9801600403

1998 16: 167Clothing and Textiles Research JournalGwendolyn S. O'Neal

African-American Aesthetic of Dress: Current Manifestations  

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African-American Aesthetic of Dress:

Current Manifestations

Gwendolyn S. O’Neal

Author’s Address: Department of Consumer and Textile Sciences,Columbus, Ohio 43210-1295, e-mail oneal.1 @ osu.edu.

AbstractThis paper presents support for an African-American aesthetic of dress that has its roots in West African cul-

ture. The objectives were to determine (a) how an African-American aesthetic of dress is currently manifested and(b) the values and attitudes relative to that aesthetic. An afrocentric methodology that employs an interpretativeparadigm was used in the study. This methodology assumes a culturally centered analysis of discourse in whichhuman actions, emotions, and attitudes are interpreted and understood within the context of the culture of thespeaker and listener. Protocol resulting from in-depth interviews with 45 female and male informants was inter-preted in order to obtain an understanding of an African-American aesthetic of dress. The aesthetic consists of fourelements: The affinity for "high affect" colors; "style" or individual expression; improvisations and exotic fea-tures; and the tendency to dress up. These elements are supported by metaphysical beliefs congruent with theAfrican ethos of unity and oneness.

Key Words: aesthetic, African-American dress, culture, ethnicity.O’Neal, G. S. (1998). African-American aesthetic of dress: Current manifestations. Clothing and Textiles Re-search Journal, 16(4), 167-175.

Apparel retailers have recently begun to target theAfrican-American consumer by offering clothing and ac-cessory items that do not fit the traditional European-Ameri-can notion of aesthetic taste, suggesting that aesthetic pref-erences in dress of African-Americans differ sufficiently towarrant special merchandise assortments.’ Offering specialmerchandise assortments implies that African Americanshave a different aesthetic of dress than the dominant cul-ture. Only a very limited amount of research was foundregarding preferences in dress of African Americans, andnone was found on the dress of African Americans from the

perspective of aesthetic appreciation. When preferenceshave been researched, little agreement is found (e.g., Kaiser1990; Liebman, 1987; Reeder & Drake, 1980; Williams,Arbaugh & Rucker, 1980).

Prior to 1994 there had been no attempt to develop thenotion of an African-American aesthetic of dress. Schol-

arly writings on the aesthetic of African Americans in areassuch as the verbal and visual arts, story telling, singing, dance,and music such as jazz and blues have existed for decades(Blassingame, 1979; Gayle, 1971; Herskovits, 1966; Neal,1971; Semmes, 1992). Although no coherent theory ofAfrican-American or Black aesthetic seems to exist, evidenceof the influence of African Americans on popular culture iswell documented.

I have argued for the need to articulate an African-

American aesthetic of dress given that aesthetic judgmentsand values in America are centered in European philoso-phy, values, and ideas with standards of beauty that cannever be attained by African Americans. &dquo;Thus, AfricanAmericans are socialized to perceive beauty in ways thatmay conflict with basic natural inclinations&dquo; (O’Neal, 1994,p. 213). Although enslaved Africans were not allowed toretain their own cultural artifacts, the conditions of sla-very did not eradicate their aesthetic memory. Therefore,I developed a theoretical argument for an African-Ameri-can aesthetic of dress that has its roots in African cultureand noted,

This aesthetic of dress is shaped by the particulari-ties of the unique &dquo;cultural&dquo; experiences of beingof African decent and survival as a disenfranchised

people in a Eurocentric culture for centuries... [and]has its foundation in several cultural and philosophi-cal premises shared by peoples of West Africa andthe Congo. (O’Neal, 1994, p. 212)

’Around 1993, Spiegel Catalog and Ebony magazine began targetingAfrican-American women in a specialty catalog called E-Style. J. C.Penney also publishes a similar catalog called Influences and carriesthe Diahann Carrol signature line in 159 stores as it has begun adaptingthe merchandise assortment in its stores to the demographics of thecommunity where the store is located. More recently, Sears has begunto target African Americans with its Mosaic line by Alvin Bell andAnthony Mark Hankins. However, all minorities do not seem to betargeted. See WWD and DNR, Thursday, July 18, 1996.

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This aesthetic, however, is neither African nor American,but a hybrid consisting of elements of each.

The purpose of this research was to determine if those&dquo;aberrations&dquo; in dress (e.g., combining equal amounts ofintense colors), historically used to stereotype African Ameri-cans, constitute an aesthetic of dress that has its roots in WestAfrican culture. To achieve this purpose it was importantthat the voice of African Americans shape the outcome. Theassumption is that articulating an African-American aestheticof dress will serve an emancipation function for AfricanAmericans by releasing them from negative stereotypessurrounding preferences in dress. The specific objectiveswere to determine from an emic perspective (a) how anAfrican-American aesthetic of dress is manifested and (b)the values and attitudes relative to that aesthetic of dress.

Theoretical Foundation

Theoretical writings and definitions suggest that whatis beautiful to the eye, the ear, and the touch; what is valu-able, desirable, and sensuous; or what is physically satisfy-ing, gratifying, or pleasing to the individual or the commu-nity is an aesthetic (Beardsley, 1958; Fiore, Moreno, &Kimle, 1996; Hume, 1965; Merriam, 1973). Dress is con-sidered a gestalt that includes the body and all three dimen-sional supplements added to it (Eicher & Roach-Higgins,1992). Therefore, an African-American aesthetic of dressincludes notions of not only the product (e.g., clothing ob-jects), but also the composite of artifacts that encompassdress and appearance.

In the discipline of textiles and clothing, dress is seenas a carrier of a philosophical orientation in the sense that itis a symbolic system of nonverbal communication that aidshuman interaction (Eicher, 1995). Dress is understood withinthe context of culture. Records of slavery indicate thatenslaved Africans were not allowed to bring with them theirclothing or other important symbols of African culture(Blassingame, 1979; Genovese, 1972; Starke, 1990; Warner& Parker, 1990). Despite this fact, some African Ameri-cans’ choices of adornment have not conformed to the normsof &dquo;good taste&dquo; in the dominant culture and have been ridi-culed historically, as being the result of an uncivilized people(Kemble, 1961; King, 1875; Leigh, 1883; Peterkin, 1933).Such notions have formed the basis for negative stereotypes.Yet researchers (Gayle, 1971; Herskovits, 1966; Semmes,1992) have shown for decades that inconsistencies in theverbal and visual arts, music, and dance result from theretention of African cultural orientations. Such is possiblythe case for African-American dress. With respect to theaesthetic of quiltmaking (Chase, 1978; Ferris, 1983; Lamb,1975; Sieber, 1972; Vlach, 1978; Wahlman & Scully, 1983),the African-American quiltmaking model might serve as aguide for viewing an African-American aesthetic of dress.In the quiltmaking model, visual balance created betweenprecision and random variation (i.e., improvisations or off-beat pattern), strong intensity or &dquo;high affect&dquo; (loud) col-ors, and large scale designs and multiple rhythms appear tobe elements adaptable to an African-American aesthetic of

dress. Although strips of fabric found in quilts are not com-monly used today in apparel, their similitude is seen in theuse of colors and patterns to form stripes in many variations(O’Neal, 1994). Thus, the question in this research was willsuch elements be articulated by African Americans whendescribing their own aesthetic of dress?

Method

Asante (1987), the primary exponent of Afrocentricthought, contends that, .

An analysis of African-American culture that is notbased on Afrocentric premises is bound to lead toincorrect conclusions. In a similar manner, the in-

terpretation of historical data from a strictlyEurocentric perspective can lead to serious inter-cultural conflict, based on wrong premises. (p. 10)

Therefore, an Afrocentric methodology was used in thestudy. This methodology considers the fact that all analysisis culturally centered and assumes the successful presenta-tion of at least one of three themes: (a) human relations, (b)human relationship to the supernatural, and (c) humans’relationship to their own being. These themes are often

presented in the context of resistance to oppression, libera-tion from stereotypes, and action in anticipation of reaction(Asante, 1987). In addition, the discourse is assumed toconform to certain &dquo;elementary materials of the corpus&dquo; ofthe African-American culture and will have certain adjust-ment features to various audiences (p. 169). Asante also

proposes an emic approach to interpreting the discourse: theperspective taken is that of the insider [of the culture] whois &dquo;capable of speaking to the discourse in the language ofthe culture &dquo; (p. 172). There is the need for an internalunderstanding, but not the need for universality of view asfound in positivist social sciences. This methodology em-ploys a poststructuralist interpretative paradigm. The pri-mary goal is understanding behavior, not predicting it.

,

Understanding (i.e., verstehen) is viewed as a process inwhich what is interpreted influences future interpretation andwhat was interpreted enters into current interpretation.Verstehen seeks to grasp the shared meanings within a cul-ture, focusing on the primacy of concrete lived experience,the use of dialogue in assessing knowledge claims, and anunderstanding of the cultural and historical bases of thediscourse. The researcher is not an objective, authoritative,politically neutral observer (Bruner, 1993). Instead, anempathic engagement is maintained that allows participa-tion in the event as well as an opportunity to assess it. Thescientist is a member of the social reality and does not holda privileged vantage point, but has the advantage of research-ing one’s own culture where a high degree of verstehenalready exists (Asante, 1987; Collins, 1990; Denzin, 1994;Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Hutson & Ozanne, 1988; Krieger,1991; Richardson, 1992; Thomas, 1993).

Participants. Considering Asante’s (1987) assumptionsof an Afrocentric methodology, I deemed it important for

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African Americans to give voice to their own aesthetic.Fifteen African-American women between the ages 35-60who have integrated &dquo;cultural&dquo; attire2 into their wardrobeserved as initial participants in the study. To be includedinitially, one had to have been observed wearing such attireat various times in the work place, church, and/or duringsocial and cultural functions other than special African-American celebrations during Black History month. Thesepersons were chosen because of my belief that the incorpo-ration of cultural attire into their wardrobe suggests a levelof cultural sensitivity beyond that of the average AfricanAmerican, as well as the potential to articulate one’s ownaesthetic values using the language of the culture. After theinitial interviews were analyzed, 30 additional African-American male and female teenagers, college students, andyoung adults were interviewed.

Data Collection. As an African American, I chose toconduct an in-depth interview with each of the fifteen womenfor the first phase of the study. Having maintained intimateconnections and roots in the African-American community,I surmised that through open and candid discussion I couldelicit thoughtful and honest opinions on the subject of dress.In addition, I could converse in the language of the culturewith some degree of certainty of being understood. Usingsemi-structured questions, I probed for their reasons forincorporating &dquo;cultural&dquo; attire into their wardrobes, as wellas whether or not there is an African-American aesthetic ofdress and how it is currently manifested. I was curiousabout whether these &dquo;sisters&dquo; would articulate the reality Iperceived.3 In this phase of the interview I continuouslyshaped and reshaped questions to elicit the informants’ ideas,feelings and attitudes about the dress of African Americanswithout putting my words and thoughts into their mouths.The interviews were audio taped and lasted approximatelyone hour. In phase II, teenagers, college students, and youngadults were solicited for participation through a process ofreferral. This process included asking a teenage girl I knowto find friends (both male and female) to talk about theirdress. I interviewed the teenagers in my home. In addition,two African-American college seniors enrolled in an un-dergraduate research methods class were asked to find col-lege male and female students and young adults to talk abouttheir clothing. I trained the two seniors to conduct the in-terviews. College students were interviewed in variouslocations on the campus, whereas the young adults wereinterviewed in their own homes. Those participating in phaseII were asked only about an African-American aesthetic andits manifestations. These tape recorded interviews lastedapproximately 40 minutes and were transcribed by graduateresearch associates.

Interpretation. Using a hermeneutic approach (Lincoln& Denzin, 1994; Geertz, 1973; Honey, 1987), data wereinterpreted within the context of the interview narrative.Each transcript was read multiple times and decisions weremade about theoretical representations, conceptual labels,and related concepts. Notes were made on the transcripts assense was made of the narratives. In all cases more thanone example of aesthetic elements was present. Quotesincluded in the manuscript were selected primarily for clar-ity of expression (from an emic point of view). In addition,I chose to include the voice of a cross-section of informants

(i.e., young, old, male, female).’Interpretations and meanings were clarified as I wrote

and as I further interacted with the text, and relived andreinscribed my own experiences in bringing newly discov-ered understanding to myself and the reader. Thus, as Iread and re-read the narratives, pieces began to fit and melttogether, narrowing the scope and decreasing the size ofthe &dquo;puzzle.&dquo;5

Manifestations

Analysis and interpretation of the transcribed protocol6suggest that African Americans have aesthetic orientationsthat differ from those of the dominant culture. These orien-tations encompass various values and attitudes. Women whohad incorporated cultural dress into their wardrobe articu-lated the aesthetic as having various artistic elements that

2Cultural attire is defined as traditional styled garments imported fromvarious African countries, made of fabrics constructed and finished inthose countries, or replicas of such garments.

3Questions concerning the motivation and incorporation of cultural attirein their wardrobes were not deemed to be central to this study; there-fore, interpretation of responses to these questions are not included inthis paper. The questions were used primarily to initiate the conversa-tion of dress that ultimately led to questions concerning an African-American aesthetic of dress.

4Thomas (1993) stated that barriers to understanding exist for "outsid-ers" of the culture because preexisting cultural meanings hinder theirability to adequately interpret "common sense knowledge" (p. 14). Asan insider, I had the advantage of an empathic engagement with theparticipants I interviewed. My attempt, however, was to. not allowmyself to dominate the work. To avoid such, I chose not to be the onlycollector of the data but to train others to ask questions and probe foranswers. Also, I have attempted to allow the informants to speak byusing "thick descriptions," (i.e., arriving at an interpretation of theaesthetic by descriptions cast in terms of constructions the informantsused to define it) (Geertz, 1973). The questions of importance, how-ever, are (a) is this text faithful to the context and the individuals it issupposed to represent, and (b) does the text have the right to assert thatit is a report to the larger world that addresses not only my interest butthe interests of those studied (Lincoln & Denzin, 1994:578)? I believethat I can answer "Yes" to each of the questions but realize that whilepresenting the voice of the Other in the text, one is always presentinga version of the self.

’See Denzin (1994) and Carver (1989) for discussion of the interrela-tion between the experience, interpreting, and writing. After complet-ing an initial draft, the paper was presented to two African-Americanaudiences and the positive feedback obtained suggested legitimacy ofthe text. To note the legitimacy of this text does not suggest an essen-tial aesthetic that is timeless and context free. The authority of a textcan always be challenged (See Anderson, 1983; Hudson & Ozanne,1988; Lincoln & Denzin, 1994; and Peter & Olson ,1983). It doessuggests that persons who reacted to the text believed it to represent thecontext and interest of the informants.

6Protocol by definition is an original draft or record from which adocument is prepared. In this case, it refers to the original transcriptsof the in-depth interviews. Although I agree with Honey (1987) thatinterview data meet the criteria for discourse, this term was choseninstead of text or discourse to avoid debate.

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are supported by metaphysical beliefs. These elements werealso noted by other participants. Generally, preferencesand use of colors and patterns in apparel and forms of adorn-ment, as well as how these forms are used, were interpretedas the discussion of artistic elements. Informants’ connec-tion’of dress to the nature of being, reality, or the spiritualrealm was interpreted as metaphysical beliefs. In addition,aesthetic orientations encompass various values and attitudes.This section of the paper is divided into three parts: aes-thetic elements, metaphysical beliefs, and attitudes and val-ues. &dquo;Thick&dquo; descriptions (Geertz, 1973) are used to de-scribe and illustrate significant points.

Artistic ElementsInformants agreed emphatically that an African-Ameri-

can aesthetic of dress exists and is manifested a number ofobservable ways-the most recognizable being the choiceof styles, colors, and patterns worn in attire. Comments onthe manifest nature of the aesthetic of dress were catego-rized into four elements: the affinity for &dquo;high affect&dquo; or&dquo;loud&dquo; colors, &dquo;style&dquo; or individual expression, improvisa-tions and exotic features, and the tendency to dress up.

The affinityfor &dquo;loud&dquo; or high affect colors. Most infor-mants noted the use of bold or &dquo;high affect&dquo; colors in theAfrican American community, although all did not indicate apreference for these colors. High affect colors are those withhigh intensities. Included in this element are also patternswith colors of high intensities or colors commonly referred toas bold, vibrant, or loud. In articulating how an African-American aesthetic of dress is manifested, one person stated,

... purple, red, gold, bright vibrant colors. I likethe fact that we are people of many colors.

A college student stated, ..... African Americans are more colorful, vibrant,trendy, expressive. They will take risks.

Another student stated,Bold colors and bold ideas, as far as what they wear,... it’s just a different style.

An older participant stated,... loud colors ... these are the colors that used tobe called clashing colors ...

Still another said,It is bold, it is subtle. Sophisticated. It makes astatement.

In addition to bold colors, various informants indicated wear-ing bold jewelry or several pieces of jewelry, usually gold.

The element of &dquo;style&dquo; or individual expression. Thesecond most commonly stated element of the aesthetic wasthat of &dquo;style.&dquo; Majors and Billson (1992) define style as &dquo;a

person’s way of acting, creating, and redefining his [or her]self in relation to others&dquo; (p. 71). Style, from the perspectiveof the informants, also includes the integration of the whole-clothes, accessories, how they are worn, and the attitude ofthe wearer. In expressing this element, a person said,

It’s not only just putting the object on, but bring-ing that style to it. You know, it is not just puttingit on but the complete thing ... You have to havepassion to dress the way we do.

Another stated,It’s a matter of style ... you bring a thing of beautyto it. Not just African associations, but culture-

something unique, something different, somethingforeign.

A student stated,... we’ve always had our own ... style. We maywear the same name brands ... as ... everybodyelse but, we style them differently.... yeah,

mainly we style them different depending upon the . _

individual.A young adult male stated,

... I mean, a man can put on a suit, ... and wearit just like a European, but you have to add thatAfrican. Yeah, it’s like singing, you know. We allcan sing, but when you hear an African [Ameri-can] person, you know, he or she is sing:::::ing !7... When a brother is wearing a suit, he’s God’s sgift to the earth! Am I not right?... When a brother... knows he is looking good, you know, it’s al-most like art in the way he walks, and how he talks... It’s not what you wear, it’s how you wear it.

Still another person stated,... Clothing is just not something that covers youup ... but it is something that expresses you...aesthetic of expression is what I think is to be iden-tified as African American.

Another stated,... it’s something about the way a Black womanputs a hat on her head ... It’s not so much whatyou do, but it’s the attitude and the spirit with whichyou do it ... Take for example Flo Jo, when sheran in the Olympics. Now nobody knew what wasup with those fingernails ... she brought style tothe Olympics with her nails. And she designedthose outfits.... I’m just saying it is an attitude.We don’t just bring the hats.... and the suits. Webring the attitude with it.Improvisations and exotic features. This element is

expressed in several ways: in garments made of fabrics withoff-beat patterns and multiple rhythms, in unusual combi-nations in garments, colors, and accessories, and in unusualor exotic features. Combined with style, this element at-tracts attention and demands a response similar to the &dquo;calland response&dquo; in the African-American church, or thenommo.8 One person stated,

7A system of transcription has been developed to provide researchersand readers with information to aid in understanding not only what buthow the person is speaking. The use of a series of colons indicatessounds are stretched (See Psathas, 1995).

8Nommo refers to the creative power and dynamic quality of vocalexpression found both in Africa and African-American communities.In African mythology, nommo is a divine essence from which createdbeings derive and whose symbol is speech (Griaule, 1997). Accordingto Asante (1987), the successful use of nommo occurs when the "forceof the moment is sensual, giving, sharing, generative, productive andultimately creative and full of power" (p. 92). Nommo embodies theproductive energy that is key to the power of the spoken word. It isthrough nommo that energy within the person is activated. Energy isalso found in the midst of persons or by interacting with persons, butthese interactions are always accompanied by words. It is always in thegive and take of nommo that energy is found. (See for example Asante,1987; Griaule, 1997; Harrison, 1972; and Woodson, 1925).

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I think it’s rich combinations, ... not just bold col-ors... it can be very subtle colors, combinationsthat are atypical for this part of the world exceptperhaps, in the African-American community.

Another said,I remember when I was doing art as an undergradu-ate and in high school when we learned aboutpatterning, you always learned that you put a circlehere, and a space; and you put a circle here, and a

space; and there was that consistency of the pat-tern because that was what was acceptable. Nowthese random patterns ... they have a rhythm, butit is a kind of rhythm of its own. Not a consistentrhythm that was taught in the past. Now these ideasof random patterns have been within the Africancontext for aeons, aeons, aeons.

A recent high school graduate stated,Seems like African Americans like this flashy look.Even with their hair styles, they match their clothes.The clothing is like something that no one else has,or they’ll change it up with accessories.

Another person said,There is a preference for certain kinds of patterns... [and] for certain kinds of jewelry, for certainkinds of hair. A lot of these things ... in the store... are marked as exotic ....

A college student stated,It’s the way we can take things from differentdesigners and have a whole different appearance-a whole different look. Like Tommy Hilfiger, ...I’m sure he didn’t design his clothes for AfricanAmericans.... But, I mean, the way we can, youknow, put clothes together and make it work....The tendency to dress &dquo;up. &dquo; This element refers to the

tradition found in the African-American community to makedistinction between categories of apparel and to give spe-cial consideration to dress. Dress is used to signify that whichis set apart, reverenced, or respected, and that which is notto be made common. This reverence or respect might be forself, others, and for both secular and sacred occasions. There-fore, many African Americans give special attention to dressfor many occasions for which European Americans wearcasual attire. In speaking of this tradition a person stated,

I think dressing is something you do! I mean, youdon’t just take it lightly. It’s something you plan,even if you are just going out with your girlfriend... or just going to the barbecue downtown ... Idon’t know if this is different than EuropeanAmericans, but I know we dress for church, and wedress for a lot of situations where they don’t dress.

Another person indicated,African Americans, particularly the middle age andolder group, have always been more &dquo;formal&dquo; intheir dress than the majority of the people.... Yougo to church and, I mean, Ms. Missy is not in churchwithout a hat on and without gloves and traditionaldress ... I can remember as a child the main thingyou had to remember is that you had Sunday go-to-meeting clothes, play clothes, and school clothes,and that is out of our tradition.... I mean it’s justa part of tradition for you to get dressed up.

Another person stated,Our people tend to dress up.... They put on theirbest. When we were growing up, you always hadyour Sunday best.

Still another said,... I know we dress for church, and we dress fora lot of situations where they don’t dress. We dressup to go to the mall. And not just in those bluejeans and things.

Metaphysical BeliefsIn discussing the dress of African Americans, persons

sometimes merged the idea of dress and one’s being, sug-gesting that the two are inseparable. This notion of unityand oneness is seen in two forms:(a) the lack of distinctionbetween the spiritual and the material and (b) the unity ofthe community.9 In the African world, all things are related.One person stated,

It’s a very spiritual thing. It’s who you are.Another person stated,

I think it is not only one’s dress because dress is apart of one’s being. It goes back to this spiritualitywe were talking about so it is in clothes, but it isalso in the way one wears the clothes. It is also inthe way one talks. It’s tied up in my own spiritu-ality. It’s tied to my ancestors. It is sort of myown way of connecting.

Another person asserted,No matter what I have on, usually I try to havesomething on that is African inspired. The mainreason I do it is because I like the aesthetic ... andbecause it keeps me centered, just my mind in theright place and helps keep me equipped.

Relative to unity in the community one person stated,You know that if you come out of the community,if you dressed good and you looked good, that’s anormalizer, because nobody can tell then, whetheryou are poor or whether you are uneducated ...Also, it was a means of control. Don’t stick outlike a sore thumb and bring attention to yourselfand, as a consequence, get hurt. So it was a pro-tective thing.

Values and Attitudes .

As informants articulated elements of African-Ameri-can dress, attitudes and values relative to a cultural aestheticwere apparent. Such values and attitudes related to the vali-dation of the ethnic self and to the valuing of cultural form.

Validation of the ethnic self. Informants expressedfeelings about the current ability to buy clothing suggestiveof an African-American ethnicity. A person stated, &dquo;ThankJ. C. Penney for me. I can now buy clothes that expresses

9Community is used here to indicate people bound by an overridingphilosophical system of guiding beliefs. These beliefs dictate the val-ues and customs which determine the social behaviors expressed incommon (i.e., the culture). In this sense, African Americans are con-sidered members of the same community regardless of where they reside(See Nobles, 1991).

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me.&dquo; Thus, the ability to express the ethnic self is valued.The ethnic self, however, is dichotomous-both Africanand American-as seen in the following excerpt:

And when I see bright colors and when I wear myteeny weeny afro ... it’s because it’s a part of whatI think represents more of who I am: a combina-tion of an African woman and a woman who wasbom in America.

Although some view targeting the African-American con-sumer as recognition and validation of African-Americanaesthetic judgments and definitions of beauty, others havereservations. One person said,

I like the fact that they recognize that our bodiesare different than European bodies.... I am onewho use to starve myself to try to be European.... I am concerned though. I don’t want the

Spiegels of the world and the J.C. Penneys of theworld to wind up &dquo;pimping&dquo; the community so thatI don’t go down to the little shop and buy myclothes.... J.C. Penney and Spiegel found meonly recently and that little shop that I go to in thecommunity saved me long before Penney knewmy money was green.Valuing cultural form. Some informants view elements

of dress common to African Americans as cultural form.Thus, to commercialize aesthetic elements as fashion or fadis seen as exploitation. In reference to merchandise targetedto African Americans one person stated,

It was not about style. It was not about art. It was

just a choice of fabric. You can go into any storeand get that. There was nothing arty or uniqueabout it.

Another indicated,They don’t really care about our culture....It’s all about money. The bad thing about it is thatit really hurts the independent dealer who has beencarrying the thing [i.e., African and African inspiredclothing] for years.

Still another stated,The man is always going to exploit whatever hecan. They have taken advantage of it and they havegained. Whether it is positive or negative, I don’t tknow ... There is a part of me which says this iswhat has always been happening and at some pointwe need to turn the tables around, ... At the otherend of the spectrum, it’s like I’m glad to see themacknowledging us, but at the same time it’s exploi-tation.... There are large Hispanic and Orientalpopulations. They are constantly growing. Yet andstill, the dress of those particular cultures are not

exploited to that extent. You will not go into’

Marshall Field’s and find a section on Oriental dressor a section on Hispanic dress. There seems to bea choice within the economics within the States to

exploit things that belong to African Americans.The commercialization of cultural aesthetic elements

has yet another effect: negating or devaluing cultural sym-bols and relegating a culture’s philosophical orientation tothat of a fad. In a capitalistic economy, a fad is a short-livedfashion; it is generally seen as a momentary craze in whichmoney is made quickly, and it is quickly dismissed. Some

informants perceived African Americans’ acceptance of Af-rican aesthetic elements in dress and wearing cultural attireas simply fad. An informant stated,

I think it’s a fad right now for a lot of people. Ithink it’s an &dquo;in&dquo; thing in our communities....Even J. C. Penney’s has a line, and Mahogany cardsfor Hallmark, and Maybelline, and Revlon havelines for us. We have always existed, but now theyhave African lines. So right now we’re in vogue.(laughter)

Another said,... it is kind of interesting and strange in a way. Ihave heard sisters say, for example, I have to havean African outfit and when you ask them &dquo;why,&dquo;basically the answer is, &dquo;Because it’s in.&dquo; It is the

thing to do ....Interwoven into the discussion of validation and exploi-

tation is loyalty toward the African-American entrepreneurwho historically responded to the aesthetic needs of the com-munity. This attitude suggests that while the African-Ameri-can aesthetic elements are currently fashionable, their pres-ence has historical roots in the community. While fads aremomentary, the historical roots provide assurance that aes-thetic elements will remain long after the cessation of com-mercial interest. The result of validation of the aesthetic,however, might ultimately mean that more African Ameri-cans will concur with the informant who indicated,

It’s an expression of who I am. I feel that I am

expressing a part of my own culture, and the factthat it is different from someone else doesn’t botherme at all.

Discussion

With the exception of the element &dquo;dressing up,&dquo; Af-rican-American women and men articulated elements of anAfrican-American aesthetic of dress with the same essentialcharacteristics as those found in the aesthetic of quiltmaking.Most informants noted high affect colors, as well as styleand exotic features, as essential to an African-Americanaesthetic. The elements expressed were viewed as thosemost commonly seen in the African-American community,although they did not necessarily represent the specific pref-erences of the individual. Thus, for these informants, thereis no essentialist view of African-American dress. One in-formant expressed this idea in the following manner:

The spectrum of African America is going toexplore every possible aesthetic because we areevery possible aesthetic. Just look at us, we are

everything possible.This research suggests the presence of an aesthetic

&dquo;code&dquo; encompassing various values. The African ethos ofunity and oneness was evident. Those who had incorpo-rated cultural dress into their wardrobe were particularlyexpressive about the lack of distinction between dress andthe self. For them dress became a critical link between theself and the spirit realm as well as the self and the commu-nity. Comments guiding this interpretation provide an impor-

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tant link to what Nobles (1991) called the &dquo;collective con-sciousness&dquo; or common ethos of West African countries.The two guiding principles of this ethos are unity and one-ness with nature. To West Africans the individual exists

only as a part of the collective community. Therefore, theview of the self is &dquo;I am because we are, and because we

are, therefore, I am.&dquo; In addition, everything is function-ally connected. They believe in a single whole. There isno distinction between the spiritual and the physical or be-tween mind, body, and soul as purported by European phi-losophers (e.g., Descartes). It is this collective conscious-ness that probably explains dressing up. Dress serves as aconcrete manifestation of the link of the individual to thecollective community.

The aesthetic of dress is dynamic. Asante (1987) andSemmes (1992) contend that beauty is dynamic in theAfrocentric sense. This dynamism is seen in the consensusconcerning the importance of &dquo;style&dquo; or personal expres-sion. Informants generally agreed that even when wearingthe same style of clothing as European Americans, AfricanAmericans wear them differently. Unlike members of thedominant culture who value a kind of stoic sophistication,African Americans tend to be bodily people who, throughrhythmic motion, inject energy and expression into theirdeportment. Style, for the informants, includes passion,uniqueness, attitude, expression, and the creation and re-creation of the self. Thus, &dquo;it’s art in the way he walks,and ... talks.&dquo;

According to Thompson (1983), African art of the high-est order is functional. This aesthetic of dress is also func-tional. As one person stated, &dquo;Dress in the African-Ameri-

,

can community serves as a normalizer. But you are not tobe too different, ... stick out like a sore thumb.&dquo; Dress isalso used to express political and philosophical orientations:

It helps me to let the majority know that I am proudof who I am and where I come from.... I think itis important for African Americans to make thatstatement because where we have come from...has been so shrouded in darkness and negativenessthat it is time for us to step out and say: &dquo;In spiteof the terms that have been used to describe whowe may have been or where I may have come from,I am still proud of me and proud of my heritage.&dquo;The element of style is also functional. According to

Majors and Billson (1992), style includes attitudes, assump-tions, and feelings about self and others as they are expressedin language, dress, and nonverbal behavior. Folb (1980)stated that the word &dquo;style&dquo; in vernacular usage means toshow off what you’ve got. According to Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1983), much expressive behavior such as styleserves as an arena for dramatizing conflicting values. Whenpeople cannot control the image making machinery, &dquo;...they can control the expressive shaping of their immediateand everyday lives. For them, style can be a form of re-fusal&dquo; (p. 221). In this aesthetic, African Americans appearto use style as resistance or refusal. That is, although ob-jects of dress are designed and manufactured by the domi-nant culture, African Americans may use these objects todramatize cultural differences in the manner in which theywear them and in the attitude that supports their expressive-ness. Thus, the object is not complete as purchased but is

reshaped by the wearer to express nonverbal messages ofresistance, conflict, accommodation, rebellion, or even cul-tural identity. Style allows the wearer to don the garb of thedominant culture while refusing to accept that culture’sdefinition of him- or herself.

Within the context of the dominant culture, the use ofhigh affect colors is seen by the informants as risk-takingand different. The notion of risk-taking is probably relatedto the negative stereotypes associated with African Ameri-cans’ wearing &dquo;loud&dquo; colors. In reference to the use of loudcolors, informants mentioned terms such as bold, risk-tak-ing, being expressive, and unique. Such descriptors suggestopposition to the norm or status quo (i.e., resistance).’

Emphasis is placed upon uniqueness, self expression,and being and doing things differently. However, one can-not be so different as to run counter to the community’snotion of appropriate expression. According to Asante(1987), in the African world view there is a commitment toharmony that is at the source of all behavior and dependsupon the integration of the spiritual and the material throughactivating a person’s energy. To express self, to be unique,and to &dquo;bring a thing of beauty to it&dquo; is to seek both indi-vidual and collective harmony. Harmony is found only inthe midst of encountering other persons, and encounteringis always accompanied by some form of communication,creating the give and take of nommo-a collective experi-ence. Although discussed separately, all of the elements-high affect colors, style, improvisations and exotic features,and dressing up-lead to encounters that create the give andtake of nommo. One knows that harmony has been achievedwhen the individual receives consistent or collective posi-tive responses to appearance. Hence, the essence of beingwell-dressed is to activate the orality of nommo.

Ambivalence expressed by participants regarding tar-geting the African-American consumer and the commercial-ization of what is seen as a cultural form suggest the needfor African americans to validate an African-American aes-thetic of dress. The Eurocentric definition of beauty thatgoverns the life of Americans is clearly defined, and thedefinition is one which always places African Americans asthe &dquo;Other.&dquo; Gayle (1971) suggests that African Americanshave been trapped by the definition of beauty of the domi-nant culture, not realizing that the definition was proscribedrather than God-given, &dquo;and so circumscribed by traditionand culture&dquo; (p. 46).

The aesthetic of dress articulated in this research is

shaped by the particularities of being of African descent andsurviving as a disenfranchised people in a Eurocentric cul-ture for centuries. Because tangible manifestations of Af-rican aesthetic could not be brought to North Americanplantations by enslaved Africans, it is likely that conceptualportions of their original heritage were transformed andreinterpreted from memory (Blassingame, 1979). This trans-formation within a European-American context during theprocess of acculturation, enculturation, and adaptation wouldnecessarily have contained a plurality in artistic criteria.Thus, the aesthetic that emerged is neither African norAmerican. Gayle (1971) states, &dquo;... unique experiencesproduce unique cultural artifacts, ... Unique art derivedfrom unique cultural experiences mandates unique criticaltools for evaluation&dquo; (xxiv). Therefore, one should not look

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any further than the African-American community for a defi-nition of aesthetic values and a justification of identity(Asante, 1987; Collins, 1990; Zirimu, 1971). The task to-day is for African Americans to set rules by which an aes-thetic of dress is to be evaluated.

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