Adovasio Et Al Monte Verde and the Antiquity of Humankind in the Americas. (Archaeological Site In

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University Library,University of Illinois Urbana-ChampaignExpanded Academic ASAP Plus

Antiquity, Sept 1997 v71 n273 p573(8)

Monte Verde and the antiquity of humankind in the Americas. (archaeological site in

Chile)J.M. Adovasio; D.M. Pedler.

Abstract: The archaeological open site excavation in Monte Verde, Chile, might very well establish the

timing and mechanisms by which the New World was initially populated through migration before 12,000

b.p. A scientific scrutiny of the site's exceptionally well-preserved artefacts appears to indicate conclusively

that the paleo-Indian Clovis culture was not the New World's pioneering population. The site has many

ramifications, not the least of which is the likely existence of earlier site to the north.

Full Text: COPYRIGHT 1997 Antiquity Publications, Ltd.

Monte Verde and the peopling of the New World

The problem of the timing and mechanism(s) by which the New World was initially peopled has remained

intractable despite at least 70 years of intensive archaeological research and several apparent resolutions of

the problem in this century. Since the validation of the Folsom discovery in 1926-7, which conclusively

demonstrated the coexistence of humans and late Pleistocene megafauna, and the subsequent extension of

the baseline to Clovis, the preponderant view has held that no unequivocal evidence for the peopling of the

New World exists before the Clovis horizon, most recently described by Taylor et al. (1996: 517) as

ranging between 11,200 b.p. and 10,900 b.p. Given this seemingly late date for the arrival of the so-called

'First Americans', conventional wisdom has also maintained that the initial migration through Beringia to

the Americas could not possibly have occurred before c. 12,000 b.p. (e.g. Haynes 1966; Martin 1973;

Willey 1966). The open site of Monte Verde in south-central Chile [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1

OMITTED], on the basis of its exceptionally well preserved organic materials and artefacts from anoccupation with 14C determinations averaging 12,500-13,000 b.p. (Dillehay 1989; 1997), may prove to be

the seminal archaeological site that will finally prevail over the Clovis-first model. It has yet to be seen,

however, whether the findings from Monte Verde will achieve a broad consensus and, ultimately, transform

the New World archaeological community's collective conception of pre-Clovis and Clovis.

Until relatively recent times, the Clovis phenomenon has been seen as a continent-wide,

west-to-east-moving colonizing wave of highly mobile, specialized big-game hunters (e.g. Haynes 1966;

Martin 1973; Mason 1962; West 1983). This perspective owes much to Haynes' (1964; 1966; 1967; 1982;

1987) characterization of Clovis and to Martin's (1973) 'overkill' or 'Blitzkrieg' model, which times the

arrival of human populations at 11,500 b.p. and their spread throughout the entire hemisphere within an

exiguous 1000 years. Within the perspective of this model, the verification of putative pre-Clovis localitieshas involved satisfying not only the archaeological principles of context, stratigraphy and 14C consistency

(see below), but also the somewhat more slippery criteria of high visibility and replicability. Accordingly,

as pre-Clovis peoples failed to leave a highly visible trail of evidence (e.g. 'standardized' and hence readily

recognizable lithic artefacts) with extensive regional or continental analogue, they were deemed not to exist

- until further notice.

That view of Clovis has been challenged by recent research concerning Palaeoindian migration and

colonization processes, a refined understanding of late Pleistocene environments and the fresh questioning

of human adaptation in light of this revised palaeoenvironmental picture, among myriad other approaches.


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Revising considerably the understanding of the environment through which Palaeoindian populations

travelled, for example, Meltzer (1988: 1, 7-8; 1993: 301-2) and Custer (1996: 97-100) have noted that the

late Pleistocene of eastern North America was characterized by successions of both periglacial tundra or

open spruce parkland and extensive, complex boreal deciduous forest, with this mosaic of environmental

conditions playing a role in far more diverse Palaeoindian adaptations than had been previously thought.

Meltzer (1993: 303), in fact, considers

it is most unlikely that [eastern North American] Clovis groups were all specialized big game hunters or

even that all Clovis groups utilized the same adaptive strategy

and instead suspects that these groups were probably generalized foragers. The primacy of Clovis as the

earliest human manifestation in the New World has also been convincingly challenged by the Goshen

cultural complex, first recognized stratigraphically below the Folsom horizon at the Hell Gap site in

southeastern Wyoming (Irwin-Williams et al. 1973) and currently thought to have been present as early as

11,400 years ago (Donohue 1996; Frison 1996).

That the Clovis versus pre-Clovis debate has occasionally strayed from a dispassionate rendering of the

facts to outright acrimony comes as no surprise to anyone familiar with the literature on the subject. To cite

one example close to the authors, the antiquity of the pre-12,000 b.p. component at Meadowcroft

Rockshelter - recognized as the leading pre-Clovis candidate in North America by several authorities (e.g.

Custer 1996; Fagan 1987; 1990; 1995; Frison & Walker 1990) - has been consistently and vehemently

denied by others (e.g. Dincauze 1981; Haynes 1977; 1980; 1991; Tankersley & Munson 1992; West 1991).

The debate over the oldest (i.e. pre-12,000 b.p.) dates at Meadowcroft has become so acrimonious and

technically arcane (cf. Adovasio et al. 1990; 1992; in press; Haynes 1980; Tankersley & Munson 1992)

that, as Meltzer (1993) recently observed, the issue may never be resolved. Given this and the fact that

Monte Verde has also been vigorously (and sometimes virulently) questioned in terms of the reliability of

its dates as well as the anthropogenic 'reality' of its artefacts and cultural features (Dincauze 1991; Grayson

1988; Haynes 1992; Lynch 1990; 1991; Meltzer 1991; 1993; Morlan 1988; West 1993; 1996), it was

proposed that a group of professional archaeologists should visit the site to establish beyond reasonable

doubt whether a pre-Clovis presence exists at this remote South American locality.

The Monte Verde site

The Monte Verde site is an open locality situated on the banks of Chinchihuapi Creek (a tributary of the

Maullin River), 33 km southwest of Puerto Mott in south-central Chile [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2

OMITTED]. Four discrete zones of buried cultural materials containing two components, MV-I (with a

14C determination of 33,370[+ or -]530 b.p. [Beta-6754]) and MV-II (with 14C determinations averaging

12,50013,000 b.p.), were identified in the site deposits. About 450 sq. m of the total estimated site area of

c. 800 sq. m was excavated during the 19761979, 1981, 1983, and 1985 field seasons. The site deposits

contained remains of 12-13 residential structures [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED],

apparently made of poles and/or branches and draped with animal skins (probably mastodon), as well asbraziers and hearths (Dillehay 1989: 11-13). The site also yielded botanical remains and artefacts made of

stone, wood and animal bone, all suggesting a technology characterized by the site's excavators as 'focussed

primarily on the procurement and manipulation of wood and plants' (Dillehay 1989: 17).

The North American participants in the Monte Verde site visit included the primary author of this

contribution (J.M. Adovasio, who also analysed fibre perishable materials recovered from the site), A.W.

Barker, T. Dillehay, D. Dincauze, D.K. Grayson, C.V. Haynes, D.J. Meltzer and D. Stanford. The South

American participants included G. Ardila, F. Mena, L. Nunez and M. Pino. As a participant in the Monte

Verde project itself, Adovasio did not play a role in the independent written evaluation of the site for the


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American archaeological community. All first-hand eye-witness observations reported herein are attributed

to Adovasio, as the secondary author (Pedler) did not accompany the site visitors.

The 1997 Monte Verde site visit

Rather than a Meadowcroft-style debate, with its lack of resolution and surfeit of rancour, the organizers

and sponsors of the Monte Verde site visit hoped to assemble a highly experienced, well-regarded group of

scholars whose amicably reached consensus might conclusively resolve the issue of the site's antiquity. Site

visits, although part-and-parcel of archaeological research since the profoundly influential 1859 visit of

Evans, Prestwich, Flower and Falconer to Boucher de Perthes' excavations at Amiens, have several

potentially serious weaknesses. First, those who are not invited are frequently viewed - or view themselves

- as 'slighted', which is hardly a consensus-builder. Second, there is a tangible 'imperialist' bias inherent in

any such excursion involving English-speaking North Americans and their authentication of vexatious

archaeological sites in other parts of the world. And third, such visits operate under the assumption that

because the visiting group is composed of eminent scholars, its judgement will necessarily sway the

opinions of others in the field at large.

With these factors anticipated, it was hoped that a strict application of the evidentiary criteria formulated by

Hrdlicka and Holmes more than 70 years ago would resolve both the Monte Verde debate and the broader

issue of a pre-Clovis presence in the New World. These widely accepted criteria (e.g. Adovasio 1993: 200;

Fagan 1987; Haynes 1977; Meltzer 1988; 1993: 62, 67-71; Shutler 1985: 121-2), as augmented by modern

dating methods, deserve yet another reiteration. Namely, to verify allegedly early sites in the New World

those sites, like any properly excavated site anywhere in the world, must exhibit:

1 artefacts of indisputable human manufacture recovered in primary depositional contexts;

2 clearly defined, unambiguous stratigraphy accompanied by a precise knowledge of emplacement

mechanisms, site context and associations of recovered artefacts and ecofacts; and

3 multiple radiometric determinations showing indisputable internal consistency.

In the case of Monte Verde, these criteria required the site visit's participants to examine the artefacts

first-hand to determine their validity as objects of human manufacture; to scrutinize what remained of the

site's stratigraphy; and to evaluate its 14C sequence in terms of internal consistency, context, possible

sources of contamination and overall reliability.

The visiting scholars were first asked to familiarize themselves with galleys of the second volume of

Dillehay's (1997) final report, which presents the site's archaeological context. The group chose to

concentrate primarily on the site's allegedly later MV-II occupation (c. 12,500 b.p.), although it was also

agreed to consider the earlier and more controversial MV-I component (c. 33,000 b.p.). Prior to the actual

site visit, the group then made a brief visit to the University of Kentucky in Lexington, where after a broad

synthesis of South American Palaeoindian prehistory presented by Dillehay, participants were permitted toscrutinize most of the diagnostic MV-II and MV-I lithic artefacts, a majority of the fibre artefacts

[ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4 OMITTED] and a minority of the wood and bone specimens.

Contextual and analytical background for the lithic and palaeobotanical materials were provided by M.

Collins and J. Rossen, respectively. The primary author of this contribution discussed the Monte Verde

cordage and knotted fibre assemblage.

Following this preview at the University of Kentucky, the group then travelled to the Universidad Austral

de Chile in Valdivia, where in concert with Latin American scholars they examined additional lithic, wood,

fibre, bone and other specimens from Monte Verde. Notable in this collection of items was the celebrated


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human footprint from the living floor of the MV-II component [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 5

OMITTED]. At the close of this second phase of the Monte Verde examination it was clear that many of

the materials curated at both the University of Kentucky and the Universidad Austral de Chile were in fact

anthropogenic.

The context and age of the Monte Verde artefacts remained to be resolved; as a final prelude to the site visit

the regional geology and palaeoenvironmental site context were detailed by M. Pino, both in lecture format

and in geologic section. While this detailed introduction to the site resolved questions about Monte Verde's

geomorphological position, only a visit to the site itself could alleviate any lingering doubts about the site's

geoarchaeological integrity and antiquity.

The examination of the site, taking the better part of one day, focused on three major issues:

1 confirmation of the overall stratigraphy as reconstructed by Dillehay and Pino from the observed

stratification remaining in the vicinity of the site,

2 validation of the depositional context and, therefore, the anthropogenic reality of MVII's alleged living

surfaces, and

3 validation of Dillehay's claim that no potential sources of 14C contamination exist at or near the site.

Also carefully considered were the depositional circumstances of the older MV-I component as well as

Lynch's (1990: 27) claim that some MVII material derives from a later Archaic occupation presumed to be

located in the immediate vicinity of the site. Following the site visit, the group repaired to a local saloon,

ominously called 'La Caverna', to discuss its findings.

Consensus and consequences

Even before the site visit it was apparent that some, if not most, of the artefact suite from MVII was

indisputably of human manufacture. While the verity of one or another artefact was frequently debated -

particularly when the item was wood or 'cut' bone - all of the site visitors agreed that at least all of thebifacial projectile points, some of the grooved 'bola stones' and all of the knotted cordage specimens were

attributable to human activity. Most also concluded that many of the wooden and other palaeobotanical

specimens, and some less distinctly diagnostic flaked stone artefacts, were also of human manufacture or

modification.

Regarding context, there was agreement that the artefact suite was in a primary depositional situation as

originally described by Dillehay (1989; 1997). Specifically, the MV-II archaeological materials derive from

the upper few centimetres of MV-6, a unit composed of stream-deposited sands and gravels, or from the

surface of MV-7, a unit composed of outwash sands and gravels. In all cases, these strata and their

constituent artefacts are mantled by MV-5, a peat layer, and there is absolutely no indication that the

cultural materials derive from later depositional horizons at the site [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 6OMITTED]. Contrary to Lynch's (1990: 27) assertion, no Archaic component or site exists anywhere in the

immediate vicinity of Monte Verde.

Following acceptance of the archaeological character and stratigraphic position of the MVII component,

consensus was clearly reached on the age of the MV-II assemblage. Eleven internally consistent 14C assays

averaging c. 12,500 b.p. from archaeological unit MV-II are overlain by seven assays ranging c.

10,300-12,000 b.p. (from depositional unit MV-5) and underlain by dates greater than 20,000 b.p. (from

depositional unit MV-7), clearly indicating that the Monte Verde 14C sequence is internally and

stratigraphically consistent. No visitor seriously questioned the anthropogenic disposition of the dated


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materials from MV-II, and the obvious absence of possible contamination mechanisms was readily

apparent even to those previously sceptical of the site's antiquity.

Discussion

The outcome of the Monte Verde site visit and attendant discussion was unanimous: all agreed that the

site's MV-II component represents a genuine human occupation in primary depositional context dated a

minimum of 1000 years before the accepted benchmark for the initial peopling of the Americas. The Clovis

Curtain has fallen. But for some of the visitors, the official validation of Monte Verde's antiquity was

anticlimactic and, ultimately, unnecessary. The first volume and galleys of the forthcoming second volume

on the site's archaeology (Dillehay 1989; 1997) in themselves were sufficient proof that Dillehay and his

colleagues had correctly assessed the site's age. Indeed, this same conclusion had already been reached -

albeit not so ceremoniously - by many independent authorities, both from the Americas and abroad, who

were not on the site visit. While doubts concerning Monte Verde's antiquity will almost certainly continue

to be voiced, and despite whatever twists and turns of disavowal and ego may be taken in this regard,

certain potentially profound consequences nonetheless emerge from the Monte Verde site visit.

First, it must now be fully acknowledged as abundantly clear that humans entered the New World before

the Clovis efflorescence, as many (e.g. Butzer, Bryan, Gruhn and MacNeish) have insisted for decades.

Expressly how many years before Clovis remains conjectural, but it is noteworthy that many of the site

visitors were quite impressed by the anthropogenic aspect of the assemblage from the 33,000-year-old

MV-I component at Monte Verde, despite its diminutive numbers and limited exposure in the excavation.

Second, given that Clovis can no longer be considered the pioneer population in the New World, its origins

and ultimate spread need to be considered in a very different light. Perhaps Stanford (1978) was correct in

viewing Clovis as a technology which moves between preexisting groups rather than as an archaeological

'culture' in a strict sense. If this is true, then the origins of Clovis may be in southeastern or eastern North

America, as Mason (1962) declared over 30 years ago.

Third, if Monte Verde demonstrates a pre-Clovis presence in South America, and if humans came into far

South America from the north, logic dictates that other, even earlier sites must exist to the north. These

authors, among others (e.g. Custer 1996; Fagan 1995; Frison & Walker 1990), insist that such sites already

do exist (e.g. Meadowcroft Rockshelter) or are just becoming known (e.g. the Cactus Hill site in Virginia

(McAvoy 1997) and Caverna de Pedra Pintada in the Brazilian Amazon (Roosevelt et al. 1996)). While

those sites will be judged on their own merits (cf. Meltzer 1993), Monte Verde does not exist in a vacuum.

This is at once the most obvious and profound consequence of the Monte Verde site visit: there must be

other sites like Monte Verde, and that alone will have great implications for archaeologists practising

anywhere in the length and breadth of the Americas.

Acknowledgements. The Monte Verde site visit was made possible by the support of C. Albritton, S.

Albritton, L. Norsworthy, the Dallas Museum of Natural History and the National Geographic Society.

The senior author (JMA) wishes to thank all involved for the opportunity to participate in the site visit.

Thanks are also extended to D.J. Meltzer and D.K. Grayson for providing a draft report of their findings

from the visit. FIGURE 1 was drafted by DP. FIGURES 2 & 6 were photographed by JMA. FIGURES 3-5

were provided by T. Dillehay.

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