A Senator from East Carolina: John P. East, Jesse Helms, and the 1980 United States Senate Election in North Carolina

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A Senator from East Carolina: John P. East, Jesse Helms, and the 1980 United States Senate Election in North Carolina

History 4000

By: Adam Caldwell

April 30, 2015

North Carolina, like its Southern neighbors, was a firm one-party state for much of its twentieth-century history. So firm was the Democratic grip on the state that winning the Democratic primary was tantamount to election from governor all the way down to county commissioner. A respectable showing for a Republican running statewide was 30 percent, with historically pro-Union western counties providing the bulk of Republican support. This narrative began to dramatically change beginning in the late 1960s in large part due to shifting attitudes and effective communicators like Jesse Helms. The movement he espoused and the machine he fostered propelled a relatively unknown East Carolina University professor, John P. East, to the United States Senate, furthering North Carolinas transition from one-party dominance into two-party competitiveness.Democratic dominance of the state had its roots in race, ideology, regionalism, and intense loyalty. In the upheaval of Reconstruction, Republicans, mainly freed slaves and Northern transplants, were competitive with Democrats in the state. They experienced their greatest success during the Fusionist Interlude of the 1890s. Republicans and Populists disagreed on many issues but were united in their support of education and voting rights. In 1894, their combined tickets won a majority in the General Assembly, several statewide posts, and Congressional seats. In 1896, the Fusionists further expanded their control by electing a Republican governor and replacing Democrats in all statewide elected offices. The Fusionist Interlude would not last as Democratic officials, Red Shirts, business officials, and the media merged together for a White Supremacy Campaign which terrorized African-Americans across the state and conducted the only recorded coup dtat on American soil in Wilmington in 1898. The campaign of fear toward Negro rule culminated in disenfranchisement measures which relegated African-Americans to second-class citizenship for generations.[footnoteRef:1] Republican and Fusionist officeholders promised a new future for the South but swiftly became vestiges of a bygone era. [1: Ronnie W. Faulkner, Fusion Politics, North Carolina History Project, (John Locke Foundation, 2015), http://www.northcarolinahistory.org/commentary/58/entry (accessed April 29, 2015).]

Beginning in 1901, Democratic control extended all the way from the Governors Mansion to the local courthouses which dotted all one hundred of North Carolinas counties. Democrats controlled all statewide offices and the vast majority of local political offices. Once flourishing two-party competitiveness appeared dead for the foreseeable future. Noted political scientist V.O. Key Jr. called North Carolina a progressive plutocracy during this time; a state willing to invest in education, infrastructure, and industry but clinging to the social order of Jim Crow.[footnoteRef:2] Nonetheless, a political party that spanned the entire state was bound to experience cracks in the broad faade at some point. [2: Tom Eamon, The Making of a Southern Democracy, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 12.]

The first significant cracks began to appear during the tumultuous 1960s. The question of race for some and the quest for civil rights for others was a leading issue. The longstanding social and political order was being challenged by organized race agitators, as viewed through the lens of the Southern mind. North Carolina was not immune from racial flare-ups and even made headlines for pivotal civil rights events such as the 1960 Greensboro Sit-Ins (which sparked similar sit-in protests nationwide). President Lyndon Johnsons Civil Rights Act of 1964, which ended public segregation and employment discrimination, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which ended Southern voting practices which kept African-Americans from participating in the electoral process, were both opposed by the entire North Carolina congressional delegation.[footnoteRef:3] These Southern politicians were not keen on fundamentally altering their social order and neither was the majority of the White public. Realizing the negative consequences of taking a strong stand in favor of civil rights, upon the signing of the Civil Rights Act President Johnson remarked, We have lost the South for a generation.[footnoteRef:4] [3: GovTrack.us, comp. Keith Poole (Civic Impulse, LLC), https://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/89-1965/h87 (accessed April 27, 2015). ] [4: Barack Obama, Remarks by the President at LBJ Presidential Library Civil Rights Summit (speech, Lyndon B. Johnson Presidential Library, Austin, Texas, April 10, 2014), https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/04/10/remarks-president-lbj-presidential-library-civil-rights-summit (accessed April 29, 2015).]

Disaffected conservative Democrats were becoming increasingly at odds with their national party on race, law and order, and social values. This was a distinct, culturally conservative region and many Southerners were reluctant to embrace a national party that preached more federal intervention. Richard Nixon was ready to use this to his advantage in 1968 when he adopted the Southern Strategy. Coined by Nixon political strategist Kevin Phillips, Republicans realized they could gain support by emphasizing conservative positions on emotional, wedge-based issues such as law and order, states rights, abortion, busing, and feminism.[footnoteRef:5] This strategy, along with segregationist candidate George Wallaces diluting of Democratic strength in the South, paid off for Nixon as he won Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, South Carolina, and Florida. Wallace claimed all of the Deep South states while Humphrey narrowly carried Texas.[footnoteRef:6] That same year, North Carolina experienced its closest gubernatorial election in seventy years with Lieutenant Governor Bob Scott edging out Representative James Gardner with 53 percent of the vote.[footnoteRef:7] Coupled with recent Republican success in two of the states congressional seats, Republican candidates were beginning to show they had the muscle to compete with Democrats. [5: Race, Voting Rights, and Segregation: Racial Realignment of Parties, 1948-1984, (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan), umich.edu/~lawrace/votetour10.htm (accessed April 29, 2015).] [6: John Woolley and Gerhard Peters, Election of 1968, The American Presidency Project (Santa Barbara, CA: UC Santa Barbara, 2015) http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/showelection.php?year=1968 (accessed April 27, 2015).] [7: Eamon, 124.]

The presidential election of 1972 was a national landslide for President Richard Nixon and a harbinger election in North Carolina. Senator B. Everett Jordan, a 75 year old incumbent, was defeated in the Democratic primary by an upstart congressman from Durham, Nick Galifianakis.[footnoteRef:8] On the Republican side, broadcaster Jesse Helms easily won the nomination. Helms was born in 1921 in the small town of Monroe, outside of Charlotte. His father was the local police chief and his mother was a homemaker.[footnoteRef:9] Helms worked as a newsman for both the Raleigh News & Observer and the Raleigh Times. He first cut his teeth in politics as a supporter of Willis Smith in the legendary 1950 United States Senate race in North Carolina. Smith was challenging the appointed former UNC System President Frank Porter Graham in the Democratic Primary. The campaign was notable for its nastiness and racial overtures. After Smith won, Jesse Helms went to Washington to serve as Smiths administrative assistant.[footnoteRef:10] Upon Smiths death in 1953, Helms became the executive director of the North Carolina Bankers Association, making contacts that would serve him well later on in his career. After a stint as a Raleigh city councilman, Helms went into broadcasting full time with WRAL-TV. He made a name for himself across the eastern half of the state an outspoken conservative commentator. His daily editorials were broadcast not only on television but on radio stations from Raleigh eastward, connecting him with everyone from Raleigh businessmen to Pitt County tobacco farmers. Helmss editorials served to counteract the influence of the News & Observers editorial page. Jesse Helms espoused his conservative beliefs to viewers and listeners for years yet remained a registered Democrat until 1971, switching after his daughter registered as a Republican and asked him why he remained a Democrat. Helms was persuaded to run for the retiring Jordans seat but remained incredulous about victory in the fall. Tom Ellis, a Raleigh attorney and close friend of Helms, presented a strong case as to how Helms could harness his television popularity in a general election and provide voters with a clear-cut conservative choice. Helms announced his candidacy with Ellis serving as his campaign manager.[footnoteRef:11] [8: Ibid., 138.] [9: Jesse Helms, Heres Where I Stand, (New York, NY: Random House Publishing, 2005), 4.] [10: Ibid., 38. ] [11: Ibid., 53.]

During Helmss campaign in 1972, the foundation for what would later become the Congressional Club was laid. Direct mail solicitation, whereby like-minded patrons would send in campaign contributions after receiving political letters, was rolled out. Direct mail was a newfound art and its potential largely unrealized. At first, these patrons consisted of supporters families, friends, and fellow civil club members. They were placed on a list and kept updated on the needs of the campaign. [footnoteRef:12] [12: Ibid., 57.]

Helms had two factors working in his favor in 1972: Nixons popularity and his last name. Nixon was fortunate to be running against South Dakota Senator George McGovern, the Democratic nominee. McGovern was popular with the young New Left supporters who were the bulk of Democratic primary voters and convention delegates in the aftermath of 1968. McGovern was as much proud of his liberalism as Helms was his conservatism. McGovern had a difficult time shedding a dovish posture, particularly after he became the candidate of acid, amnesty, and abortion in the eyes of the media and broad swaths of the electorate.[footnoteRef:13] McGovern was so unpopular that Democrats across the country were weary of campaigning with him, including Nick Galifiankis in North Carolina.[footnoteRef:14] All the while, Nixon, Helms, and Jim Holshouser, the Republican nominee for governor, were barnstorming across the state. Helmss slogan, Hes One Of Us, was deemed by many to be a not so subtle jab at Galifianakiss Greek heritage. Conservative Democrats, uncomfortable with the liberalism of McGovern and not hostile to Helms (who just recently was one of them), defected to the Republicans in droves. As the 1972 election came to an end, the landslide was just as immense in North Carolina as it was across the nation. Ninety-eight of the states 100 counties went with Nixon as he captured 69.5 percent of the popular vote. Helms prevailed by a much smaller margin over Galifianakis with 54 percent of the vote.[footnoteRef:15] North Carolina had popularly elected its first Republican senator. In another feat, the first Republican governor of North Carolina in 76 years was elected while Republicans also made historic gains in the General Assembly.[footnoteRef:16] Before the term Watergate would soon permeate the public consciousness, Nixon was riding high and his coattails had achieved the once unthinkable in North Carolina. [13: Timothy Noah, Acid, Abortion, and Amnesty: The Unlikely Source of a Legendary Smear, New Republic, October 22, 2012, http://www.newrepublic.com/article/108977/acid-amnesty-and-abortion-unlikely-source-legendary-smear (accessed April 29, 2015).] [14: Eamon, 148.] [15: Ernest B. Furgurson, Hard Right: The Rise of Jesse Helms, (New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1986), 102. ] [16: Michael Barone and Grant Ujifusa, The Almanac of American Politics 1982, (Washington, D.C.: Barone & Company, 1981), 815. ]

Helms still had election battles to wage to prove his election was not a fluke as many of the states leading Democrats believed. Helmss formidable political operation was quickly taking root and looking for ways to further expand. Helms established a staunchly conservative reputation soon after arriving in the Senate. He received a coveted position on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as a freshman legislator.[footnoteRef:17] He formed the Senate Steering Committee as a way to unify conservative voices within the deliberative body. Helms stood by Nixon until the very end and finally relented when he voted for the first article of impeachment against the president and supported the presidents decision to resign. The Congressional Club was formally created in 1973 consisting of Helms supporters who wanted to stay informed and involved through regular newsletters and events and through opportunities to support those who shared a conservative political philosophy.[footnoteRef:18] Tom Ellis, Helmss friend and campaign manager, would serve as its chairmen with Helms taking the role of honorary chairman. The club would soon take off as a political powerhouse buoyed by the untapped pioneering art of direct mail. [17: Helms, 82.] [18: Ibid., 95.]

Helms famously made a speech about a transition away from the established Democratic and Republican parties to a Conservative Party and Liberal Party. Helms pondered a movement that offered the majority of Americans, the conservative majority, an opportunity to unite.[footnoteRef:19] Although Helms respected Gerald Ford, the two parted ways on Fords Vice President, liberal Republican Nelson Rockefeller and Fords top national security adviser Henry Kissinger. In the run-up to the 1976 presidential election, Helms had already committed his support to the telegenic conservative governor of California Ronald Reagan in October of 1973.[footnoteRef:20] Reagan challenged the incumbent President Ford for the Republican nomination in 1976. The Congressional Club sponsored its first major event with Reagan as the speaker and a thousand people attended.[footnoteRef:21] Reagan was already trailing Ford for the nomination when Reagan lost five consecutive state primaries. Ford backers, among them North Carolina Governor Holshouser, and members of the press were beginning to ask Reagan when he would drop out. Following a narrow loss in Florida, North Carolina would be ground zero.[footnoteRef:22] Tom Ellis, Helms, Reagan, and both of their wives blanketed the state in the final week before the primary. Their efforts paid off when Reagan won the North Carolina Republican primary with 52 percent to Fords 48 percent, carrying ten of the states eleven congressional districts. This second chance for the Reagan campaign vaulted them all the way to the convention as the ultimate nominee remained uncertain. The outsized role of Helms and his allies for Reagan in the 1976 Republican nomination cannot be overstated. Conservative activist Richard Viguerie wrote: [19: Furgurson, 110.] [20: Helms, 99.] [21: Furgurson, 115.] [22: Ibid., 117.]

In the dark hours for Reagan, two of Americas greatest and most important conservatives, Senator Jesse Helms and Tom Ellis, came to his rescue and saved him from having to retire from politics. His conservative friends wouldnt let him quitWhen conservatives woke up on the morning after the primary to hear that Reagan had beaten Ford by 52 to 48 percent, it electrified conservatives nationallyNew life was breathed into the Reagan campaign. It became a close fight again.[footnoteRef:23] [23: Ibid., 118.]

Furthermore, this move cemented Helms as the leader of the North Carolina delegation to the Republican National Convention in Kansas City since Governor Holshouser had been a strong Ford backer. Ellis ensured that North Carolinas Republican delegation would be Reagan loyalists and one of them, John East, would have a spot on the platform committee pushing conservative planks on social issues, China, the Soviet Union, Panama, and morality in foreign policy.[footnoteRef:24] So immense had Helmss stature grown among energized conservatives that his name was placed before the convention as a vice presidential pick. Reagan was ultimately unsuccessful in 1976 but the groundwork had been laid for 1980. Before getting Reagan to the White House however, Helms would have to defend his Senate seat against emboldened Democrats back home in North Carolina. [24: Ibid., 120.]

National Democrats, including President Carter, made it no secret that their number one target in 1978 would be Jesse Helms. The Democratic establishment in the state favored Luther Hodges Jr., the son of former governor and Kennedy Secretary of Commerce Luther Hodges. In an upset, Hodges was defeated in the primary by the states Commissioner of Insurance John Ingram. Ingram was a colorful maverick who cut a populist image. Helms had drawn the ire of labor by opposing pro-union legislation in the Senate. The North Carolina chapter of the AFL-CIO contributed financial resources to Commissioner Ingram, who struggled financially as leading Democrats offered faint support. In the first full throttle test of the Congressional Clubs capacity, funds from across the country were solicited through donor letters. By the end of the campaign, Helms would spend $8.1 million from approximately 300,000 out-of-state donors.[footnoteRef:25] Ingram, meanwhile, only raised a paltry $264,000, a difference of 30 to 1. President Carter crisscrossed the state twice for Ingram. When the polls closed, Helms once again frustrated his enemies by winning 55 percent of the vote. To Helms, this election demonstrated that his election to the United States Senate in 1972 was not a fluke. More importantly, the race represented an astounding victory for Helmss Congressional Club. Always willing to spar with the liberal media, Helms exclaimed at his election victory party, Im Senator No, and Im glad to be here, his response to a News & Observer editorial which criticized him for voting no all the time, a charge Helms wore as a badge of honor.[footnoteRef:26] With his place in North Carolina politics assured, Helms and Congressional Club operatives looked ahead to the next election to further expand their prominence. [25: Ibid., 130.] [26: Ibid., 130.]

The Carter administration had hit a slump by 1979. Inflation had been 7.2 percent in 1977 and now stood at 13.3 percent, the highest rate in over twenty years.[footnoteRef:27] The unemployment rate was six percent, a sign of an unhealthy economy. The dollar was declining as gold prices quadrupled.[footnoteRef:28] The price lending rate had reached a peak of 16 percent. The misery index, which coupled unemployment rates with inflation, had been a campaign issue in 1976 when Carter attacked Ford for the index measuring 15.3. The index now measured 19.3. Oil shortages plagued cities and small towns across the nation, forcing many large cities to adopt rationing schemes. Carter asked Congress for permission to impose nationwide gasoline rationing. With his own party in the majority, Congress voted down the presidents request to address the problem. That summer, Carter made a televised speech before the nation about an American crisis of confidence which was paralyzing the nation and his instructions for the American people to meet the challenges.[footnoteRef:29] The speech was panned by many as the wrong message at the wrong time and dubbed the malaise speech. Soon thereafter, Carter asked for the resignation of his entire cabinet and accepted the resignation of five secretaries.[footnoteRef:30] Carters approval rating sunk to 28 percent, lower than Nixons during Watergate and the lowest ever recorded.[footnoteRef:31] [27: Austin Ranney,ed., The American Elections of 1980 (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1981), 28.] [28: Ibid., 29.] [29: Ibid., 31.] [30: Ibid., 32.] [31: Ibid., 30.]

Despite foreign policy triumphs such as the Camp David Peace Accords and SALT II, one foreign policy event dominated the entire final year of Carters presidency. On November 4, 1979, ninety Americans from the United States Embassy in Iran were taken hostage by hundreds of Iranian students. The students had the support and blessing of the new theocratic Iranian Supreme Leader who demanded that the ousted Shah be returned from the United States to Iran to face criminal charges. Tensions rose precipitously between the two nations as diplomatic sanctions failed to work and a military rescue plan was aborted mid-mission. The images from Iran were constantly replayed on the nightly news with Walter Cronkite ending every broadcast with the number of days the hostages remained in captivity. Between economic and foreign policy insecurity, the Carter administration was teetering. Politically, Carter was not even an assured candidate for renomination, let alone reelection, when Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy announced his bid for the Democratic nomination in late 1979. Despite an impressive performance across the South and winning the state in 1976, Cater was not popular in North Carolina in the run-up to the 1980 elections. His handling of the economy and foreign affairs was important to North Carolinians but tobacco was king. Carters Health, Education, and Welfare Secretary Joseph Califano had made critical statements about the states cash crop and its adverse health effects, much to the delight of Jesse Helms.[footnoteRef:32] North Carolina would have three major statewide elections in 1980: the presidential contest, a United States Senate race, and the governorship. Emboldened by his reelection, Helms and his Congressional Club believed they could attain the other Senate seat in a nationalized election environment while jockeying for the governorship and lieutenant governorship. [32: Eamon, 186. ]

The incumbent junior senator who served alongside Helms was Robert B. Morgan. Morgan was born in 1925 and grew up in the small town of Lillington, halfway between Raleigh and Fayetteville. He got his start in politics by working for Frank Porter Graham in the famed 1950 United States Senate race in North Carolina. He was later the campaign manager for I. Beverly Lakes gubernatorial campaign against Terry Sanford in 1960. Morgan was clerk of court and a judge in Harnett County before being elected to the North Carolina State Senate where he served as president pro-tem. He was Chairman of the East Carolina University Board of Trustees from 1964 to 1973. In 1969, he was elected to serve as the states attorney general.[footnoteRef:33] The popular attorney general ran in 1974 for the seat of retiring Senator Sam Ervin, a legendary political figure and Chairman of the Senate Watergate Committee, and Morgan prevailed in a ten candidate primary field. In the shadow of Watergate and against an underfunded opponent, Morgan was handily elected with over 60 percent of the vote. In Washington, Morgan had a moderate to mildly liberal voting record.[footnoteRef:34] Helms and Morgan considered each other friends as well as colleagues. [33: MORGAN, Robert Burren, (1925 - ), Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=m000956 (accessed April 28, 2015). ] [34: Eamon, 188.]

Most political analysts considered Morgan a safe bet for reelection in 1980. He had made no major gaffes or political mistakes while in office. The major question was how serious the challenger would be for the first-term senator. In 1974, Helms and his allies passed on aggressively pursuing the seat as Morgan seemed more of an unwilling ally than an aggressive opponent. Despite Morgan being a heavy favorite, the seat would draw a first-rate yet virtually unknown Republican challenger. Tom Ellis approached John P. East about running shortly after Helmss reelection victory. Helms and the Congressional Club wanted a rock-ribbed conservative to challenge Morgan. Ellis assured East that the abundant networking and financial resources of the club would be at the disposal of the East Carolina University political science professor should he decide to run. The professor was well-known in conservative Republican political circles for his writings and previous runs for public office. The Illinois native was born in 1931. He graduated with honors from a small college in Illinois and did a stint in the United States Marine Corps from 1953 until 1955. While stationed at Camp Lejeune, East contracted polio and would never again walk without the aid of crutches or a wheelchair. He went on to law school back in Illinois and moved to Florida to practice law. Unsatisfied with the field, he earned graduate degrees in political science from the University of Florida Gainesville. He then moved to North Carolina and in 1964 began teaching political science at East Carolina University. In 1966, longtime Congressman Herbert Bonner died and his seat opened up. East entered the special election to serve the remainder of Bonners term. Easts opponent in that election was Walter B. Jones, Sr. East did not win in the heavily Democratic district but surprised many observers by garnering 40 percent of the vote. He ran again in the general election and received the same outcome. Undeterred, East decided to run in a statewide election in 1968 and challenge the oldest rat in the Democratic barn Secretary of State Thad Eure. East lost that race by 10 percent, the closest general election margin of victory for Eure in a career that spanned fifty years, and once again did surprisingly well for a Republican[footnoteRef:35]. [35: Eamon, 188-189.]

East was still involved with the party but focused on teaching for the next eleven years. He specialized in political theory and was a published author in political theory and the council-manager form of government.[footnoteRef:36] He was a popular professor not only in the department but across campus. Known for his unabashedly conservative beliefs, he would occasionally trade classes with a liberal political science professor. East would come into the room in his wheelchair touting here comes the truth squad.[footnoteRef:37] Brilliant was a term often used to describe East by colleagues and students. Tom Ellis recognized this potential and saw two distinct strengths East brought to the Senate race. First, Easts home base was in eastern North Carolina, a traditionally conservative Democratic region and a place where Republicans would have to run at least even to have any chance of winning. These eastern conservative Democrats were oftentimes referred to as Jessecrats for their Democratic Party loyalty except when it came to Jesse Helms. Pitt County, home to East, could almost be considered Morgans home as well for his dedication to East Carolina University. Morgan won Pitt County with 81 percent of the vote in 1974. Second, Ellis saw Easts conservatism as intellectually-based which would be a counterbalance to Helms emotional appeal not to mention a boon for the Congressional Clubs fundraising.[footnoteRef:38] [36: EAST, John Porter, (1931 1986), Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=e000017 (accessed April 28, 2015). ] [37: Max Joyner Sr., interview by author, Joyner Residence, Greenville, NC, April 23, 2015.] [38: Eamon, 188.]

Friends were shocked and unsure about the chances for victory when East told them he was running for Senate.[footnoteRef:39] East and Helms, however, were in the race for the long haul and they would not disappoint. Both men had been close friends for years. They routinely exchanged correspondence, attended similar political functions, and dined together with their wives. As Helms continued to vigorously defend the president in the midst of Watergate, Helms wrote to East, These are depressing days, but you and I must find a sense of serenity in the fact that we are doing the best we can. In another letter, Helms wrote to East, I can say in all sincerity that nobody has given me more encouragement through the years than you.[footnoteRef:40] Despite the raised eyebrows of North Carolina political prognosticators, Helms and his Congressional Club were convinced of John P. Easts depth, conviction, and drive. [39: Ibid.] [40: John P. East Papers (#513), Special Collections Department, J.Y. Joyner Library, East Carolina University, North Carolina, USA.]

Nothing particularly stood out about Morgans record in the Senate. He neither aligned himself with Jesse Helms or Ted Kennedy. The Congressional Club understood that retiring Morgan would require creating a negative perception of Morgan in the minds of voters. The easiest way to achieve this was to tie the albatross of President Carter and the specter of unrestrained liberalism around Morgans neck. The East campaign developed a briefing packet succinctly titled Robert Morgans Record. The packet covered standard topics such as national security, family issues, and spending/taxing while also delving into messaging for key demographic groups such as farmers, lawyers, veterans, doctors, senior citizens, fundamentalist Christians, ladies and even insurance agents! National defense centered on Morgans support of the Panama Canal Treaty, essentially paying Panama to take our canal. Morgan opposed the construction of the B-1 bomber, thereby supporting Carters unilateral cancellation of the project. Playing to the growing influence of the Moral Majority, on family issues Morgan opposes requiring parental consent for sex education classes in public schools, opposes allowing states to rescind the Equal Rights Amendment, and generally favors weak anti-abortion language. On spending and taxes, Morgan was said to oppose efforts to cut taxes, generally supports raising the federal debt ceiling, supported the billions of dollars in loan guarantees to New York City and Chrysler, and had a 16 percent rating from the National Taxpayers Union (in contrast with Helmss 80 percent rating). Politics oftentimes involves connecting dots to arrive at conclusions. An issue during the campaign and rationalized in the packet stated taxes grow faster than inflation. Morgan opposes efforts to cut or index taxes. In effect, Morgan favors higher taxes. Morgan ranked 93 out of 100 for attendance in the Senate, another issue to be raised during the campaign.[footnoteRef:41] [41: East Papers.]

The East campaign would communicate certain major points to a host of demographic groups. Farmers would be told that the anti-smoking forces within the Carter administration threaten the foundation of free enterprise. Morgan was noted to be on the farmers side when it came to scrap tobacco and tobacco surpluses but you never see his name in the paper on the topic. Insurance agents would hear that Morgan favors more federal involvement in crop insurance, a step many believe will lead to a federal takeover of the insurance industry. Morgan would be tied to the John Ingram [Helmss 1978 opponent] philosophy of government intervention. East could highlight Morgans lack of critical response on national health care in front of doctors. Fundamentalist Christians would be swayed by Easts vocal support of school prayer and the need for Christians to become involved in politics. Among Republican crowds, East would play up Carter-Morgan versus Reagan-East and GOP unity.[footnoteRef:42] This packet would guide the narrative and much of the media coverage for the campaign. Judging by the briefing packet, detractors would undoubtedly highlight the negative tone undertaken by the East campaign. Others, such as Tom Ellis, disagreed noting, Were putting the guys record up there and if thats negative, thats that guys problem.[footnoteRef:43] [42: East Papers.] [43: Furgurson, 151.]

Morgan was ahead in the campaign money war at first; entering the campaign with a sizeable war chest. The Congressional Club quickly turned the money war to Easts favor. By mid-October, Easts fundraising was double that of Morgans. East had raised $742,545 compared to a sum of $115,759 cash-on-hand at the end of the previous month. Morgan had raised $353,151 during the same period.[footnoteRef:44] The vast majority of Easts campaign expenses went to the proliferation of direct mail. A typical direct mail letter was effective because it was personal and individually empowering. For example, a standard letter would begin with a personalized salutation followed by words of thanks for the individuals hard work fighting for conservative principles. The letter would then go on to detail the plans of liberal villains like Ted Kennedy and Jesse Jackson who vowed to fight against conservative causes and/or defeat Republican candidates through their mobilization and special interest pull. This would be followed by a plea requesting immediate donations. The direct mail letters were cordial yet laced with urgency. They empowered the reader by making them believe any amount they donated was vital to the conservative cause. The urgent tone and request for contributions never slowed down, particularly among those who kept giving. [44: Daniel C. Hoover, Easts fund raising doubles Morgans, The News and Observer, October 17, 1980.]

Individual contributions to the club came from across the country, like an $8,500 donation from a Connecticut housewife and $1,000 contributions from as far away as New York City and Sedona, Arizona. In a two week period alone, East raised over $150,000 from direct mail letters. East topped the one million dollar mark a week and a half before the election. Morgan had only raised $641,960 by this point.[footnoteRef:45] Not everyone was impressed with the fundraising prowess of the Congressional Club as evidenced by a News and Observer editorial piece titled, Fat cats finance East where the paper wrote, Theres ample evidence that wealthy right-wingers and industry related political action committees, with a heavy tilt to Big Oil, are trying to control both of the seats North Carolina is entitled to in the U.S. Senate.[footnoteRef:46] Morgan embraced the fact he was being outspent by telling crowds he could not raise more money than East but he did not believe the election could be bought in the state. Whatever the case, the Congressional Club was proving they could rival and surpass the resources of the incumbent Democratic senator. [45: A.L. May, East goes over $1 million mark while Morgan raises $640,000, The News and Observer, October 23, 1980. ] [46: Fat cats finance East, editorial, The News and Observer, October 17, 1980.]

A significant difference between East and Morgan were their campaigning styles. Morgan ran a conventional campaign consisting of handshakes, business tours, barbeques, fish fries, and the large community fundraisers. Easts campaign was unconventional and ahead of its time in practice. His primary means of communication was through television. His campaign invested heavily in commercials that ran across the state which were critical of Morgans Senate record. By the end of the campaign, East had spent more than half a million dollars on television.[footnoteRef:47] The East commercials were as clear as they were hard-cutting. Some of the ads featured East embracing his role as a professor, sitting stately behind a desk with books in the background, hammering away at critical issues. His Midwestern accent proved no handicap, since he sounded like many television and radio announcers, speaking with authority and erudition.[footnoteRef:48] [47: Sherry Johnson, Easts public pace picks up near end of oft-private race, The News and Observer, November 3, 1980. ] [48: Eamon, 193-194.]

The commercials would encourage viewers to vote Reagan-East, an effective link for a Senate candidate looking to gain traction alongside an increasingly popular presidential candidate. Easts ads focused on the Panama Canal, Nicaragua, tobacco, and manufacturing among a host of other issues.[footnoteRef:49] Critics complained the ads were taking many of Senator Morgans votes out of context. The ads were successful because they kept Morgan on the defensive and by the time he could respond to one ads charges another ad would be released. Morgan planned his own media blitz for the final two weeks of the campaign with three commercials featuring former East Carolina University Chancellor Leo Jenkins, Easts old boss and Morgans close colleague. The ads focused on Morgans work improving the economy, protecting tobacco farmers, the importance of the eastern part of the state, and Morgans role in boosting East Carolina University.[footnoteRef:50] Nevertheless, Easts ads had been running longer and the damage was done. A reasonable case can be made that the ads were a factor for undecided voters in a race decided by a few thousand votes. [49: Daniel C. Hoover, East says polls show close contest with Morgan, The News and Observer, November 1, 1980. ] [50: Morgan taking fight to TV, The News and Observer, October 22, 1980. ]

Both candidates and their surrogates traded barbs throughout the fall. To minimize Reagans coattails, the Democratic-controlled state Board of Elections placed the Senate race at the very bottom of the ballot, prompting the East campaign to sue.[footnoteRef:51] After Easts campaign denied any coordination with the far-right Birch Society passing out magazines with a negative article on Morgan to state fairgoers, Morgan stated he believed the two were in cahoots but could not prove it.[footnoteRef:52] The Moral Majority was heavily behind East for his stands on God in public life, abortion, and prayer in school and their support seemed to get under the skin of devoted Baptist Morgan who stated demagoguery from the pulpit was worse than demagoguery on the campaign trail.[footnoteRef:53] East criticized Morgans refusal debate him after Morgan criticized him for mostly campaigning in front of very select groups of Congressional Club members.[footnoteRef:54] The chairman of the state Democratic Party attacked Easts distortion of Morgans record and for juxtaposing Morgan with liberal stalwarts Ted Kennedy and George McGovern in a brochure likely paid for by the Congressional Club.[footnoteRef:55] Key issues the three voted together on were the Panama Canal giveaway and free food stamps.[footnoteRef:56] Perhaps in response, the Morgan campaign ran a side-by-side comparison of Morgan and East noting Morgans lengthy list of political accomplishments and only listing a college professor under Easts accomplishments.[footnoteRef:57] The chairman of the state Republican Party repeatedly questioned political action committee (PAC) donations Morgan accepted which led Morgan to say he was engaging in rotten, sorry politics.[footnoteRef:58] Fellow Democrats were even questioning Morgans lackluster constituent services which led him to say they would be overhauled in his next term.[footnoteRef:59] [51: Stuart Savage, Candidate East Ends Campaign, The Daily Reflector, November 3, 1980.] [52: East denies courting Birchers, The News and Observer, October 28, 1980.] [53: Furgurson, 142.] [54: Morgan says East shunning public, media during race, The News and Observer, October 22, 1980. ] [55: Democratic chief hits Easts claims, The News and Observer, October 19, 1980. ] [56: East Papers.] [57: Hoover. East says polls show close contest with Morgan, November 1, 1980. ] [58: Rob Christensen and Sherry Johnson, Morgan says state GOP leader is spreading lies, The News and Observer, October 29, 2015. ] [59: Morgan plans quicker answers, The News and Observer, October 31, 1980. ]

Both campaigns made an issue out of Senate surrogates, whose opinions differed with the respective candidates on the Panama Canal Treaty, for canceling campaign appearances.[footnoteRef:60] East was joined on the campaign trail by Republican Senate Leader Howard Baker and received his enthusiastic endorsement, indicative of the level of importance this race was to national Republicans.[footnoteRef:61] Allegations of race-baiting were leveled when flyers showing the pictures of Morgan, Civil Rights Leader Jesse Jackson, and African-American former United Nations Ambassador Andrew Young were grouped together on a flyer. East and the Congressional Club denied knowledge of the flyer despite it being signed by the head of the Farmers for East Committee.[footnoteRef:62] [60: Sherry Johnson, Morgan cites Republicans voting, The News and Observer, October 23, 1980. ] [61: Sherry Johnson and Rob Christensen, East gets Bakers spirited backing, The News and Observer, October 30, 1980. ] [62: Rob Christensen, Morgan charges opponents using racial innuendo, The News and Observer, October 28, 1980.]

The press reported that Helms had written a letter to his massive list of club supporters urging them to vote for East and to call five people to vote.[footnoteRef:63] Nevertheless, a day later the News & Observer wrote that Helms disavowed the clubs tactic of using an unflattering picture of Morgan in its television commercials and Helms stated he was only the honorary chairman of the organization.[footnoteRef:64] Unbeknownst to many on the campaign trail, Morgan was facing a serious health crisis as doctors discovered a potentially life-threatening tumor in his ear. The tumor required surgery and tired Morgan on the campaign trail but he put off surgery until after the heat of the election.[footnoteRef:65] Helmss disagreement with the club would be a sign of disagreements to come until Helms officially split with the club a few years later. Despite Helmss defense of Morgan, Morgan alleged that Helms violated senatorial courtesy by campaigning heavily for East.[footnoteRef:66] Helms recalled Morgans support of his opponent two years earlier. [63: Helms letter to pitch need to vote, The News and Observer, November 2, 1980. ] [64: Helms disavows role in club, The News and Observer, November 4, 1980.] [65: Eamon, 189-190.] [66: Daniel C. Hoover and Sherry Johnson, Morgan, East trade jabs in separate appearances, The News and Observer, October 31, 1980.]

In an interview with reporters in October, Helms stated East had the best shot at winning among the major statewide Republican candidates.[footnoteRef:67] Easts prospects had dramatically improved from a mere four months before. An East internal poll released three days before the election showed East ahead with 48.1 percent to 46.7 percent for Morgan.[footnoteRef:68] Morgans own internal polls showed the race a virtual tie. The final days of the campaign were a frenzy of activity for both sides. The Democrats took a unity flight tour with press conferences at airports spanning from Asheville to Wilmington. East started the day before the election in Greenville and ended in Greensboro.[footnoteRef:69] [67: Daniel C. Hoover, Helms celebrates birthday near his boyhood hometown, The News and Observer, October 19, 1980. ] [68: Hoover, East says polls show close contest with Morgan, November 1, 1980.] [69: N.C. candidates take to the air, The News and Observer, November 3, 1980. ]

In a high voter turnout election, 67 percent of the states registered voters went to the polls on November 4, 1980. Carter had led in the state until the first presidential debate in late October. By ten oclock that night, North Carolina was in the Reagan column with Reagan winning 50 percent of the vote to Carters 43 percent. Reagans 489 electoral vote win represented a landslide victory across the nation.[footnoteRef:70] The Congressional Club candidates for governor and lieutenant governor were decisively defeated. The race everyone was watching was between Morgan and East. ABC and NBC had called the race for Morgan early in the night based upon exit polls but the returns remained close the entire night and into the following day. Morgan delivered a victory speech at one oclock that morning but East declined to concede until the final votes came in.[footnoteRef:71] East pulled ahead with a razor-thin seven thousand vote lead. As the tally persisted, Morgan conceded later the next day. East and the Congressional Club had achieved what was deemed unthinkable just a few months prior. For the first time in almost 110 years, North Carolina would have two Republican senators. After all the votes were counted, East won by 10,411 votes out of 1.8 million cast. The margin of victory was less than 1 percent and equated to a difference of less than four votes per precinct. The margin was even more impressive considering the 3 to 1 ratio of registered Democratic voters to Republicans.[footnoteRef:72] [70: Eamon, 190.] [71: Terry Gray, East Overcomes The Odds, Wins Election to Senate, The East Carolinian, November 6, 1980.] [72: Gray, East Overcomes The odds, Wins Election To Senate, November 6, 1980. ]

East returned to Greenville from his headquarters in Raleigh to exuberant crowds. He thanked them for their support and hard work, noting he won ten counties in eastern North Carolina. East promised to represent the state with a sense of dignity and responsibility and closed by recognizing Senator Morgan as a great public servant and great friend of East Carolina University.[footnoteRef:73] A long, grueling, and unexpected campaign had thus ended. Two days after the election, The East Carolinian wrote a glowing editorial about East and his promise, John Easts time has come. He is a fresh face, new blood, with a dynamic vision of the future. He is keenly aware of the greatness of our people and what they can accomplish. Like President-elect Reagan, he believes that our best years lie ahead of us.[footnoteRef:74] [73: Stuart Savage, Throng Welcomes East and Family, The Daily Reflector, November 6, 1980.] [74: John East former Prof, Uphill Fight For Resounding Republican Victory, The East Carolinian, November 6, 1980. ]

Subliminally, this election was as much about East Carolina University as it was about Morgan and East. Both men devoted years to the fulfillment of the universitys mission, advancement, and long-term success. Today, two library instruction rooms, side by side, bear the name of Robert B. Morgan and John P. East. At the very least, the 1980 election, pitting two of East Carolina Universitys native sons, was a premonition for the service and leadership focus the university would undertake in the coming years.East went on to serve as the junior Senator from North Carolina for over five years. He entered the Senate as an intellectual powerhouse and rising start. Derisively or affectionately, he was referred to by many as Helms on wheels.[footnoteRef:75] As a Senator, East held hearings on abortion and the meaning of life and sponsored legislation to invalidate Roe v. Wade. He also worked on legislation to reform the federal judiciary and restrain its power.[footnoteRef:76] Afflicted with hypothyroidism, his health began to decline in 1985 causing his absence from the Senate for much of that year. He made the decision not to run for reelection and was preparing to return to teaching at East Carolina University after his term expired. On June 28, 1986, he returned to Greenville from Washington D.C. with his aide. Later that evening, East tragically committed suicide in the garage of his home. A note written by East blamed naval doctors for failing to properly diagnose his thyroid disease.[footnoteRef:77] A funeral was held at his home church, Jarvis Memorial United Methodist Church, which drew countless local, state, and national dignitaries. His remains were interred in Arlington National Cemetery. In a memorial address before the Senate, Helms poignantly described his late colleague and friends life as a profile in courage.[footnoteRef:78] [75: Furgurson, 144.] [76: M. E. Bradford, John East, RIP, National Review, August 1, 1986, 15-16. ] [77: Suicide Note by Sen. East Blames Failure of Diagnosis, Report Says, Los Angeles Times, July 27, 1986, articles.latimes.com/1986-07-27/news/mn-1524_1_thyroid-disease (accessed April 29, 2015).] [78: Jesse Helms, Announcing the death of John East to Senate (speech, United States Capitol, Washington, DC, July 14, 1986).]

John Easts life, much like North Carolina politics, was a paradox. A man who easily could have become a mental victim of polio emerged resiliently undeterred to obtain a law degree and PhD in political science. An intellectually-grounded conservative, he joined the overwhelmingly liberal ranks of academia. A Republican in traditionally Democratic eastern North Carolina, East eagerly ran against entrenched Democrats in the region and across the state, losing three times. An elected Senator who constantly held himself to a higher standard, he could no longer bear a disease robbing him of his best. East was a man who by all accounts was committed to making a positive difference in his profession and for his country. East should be thought of as more than a Helms clone or subsidiary. Just as East could not have won without the Congressional Club, the Congressional Club could not have won without East. He was an unmatched force at everything he set out to accomplish. Although largely forgotten on the state and national level today and noticeably absent from Helmss autobiography written years later, East was a vital part of Helms ascendancy and put the Senator in a durable position for the epic Helms-Hunt clash of 1984. The Congressional Club was indispensable and Reagans coattails were helpful but John East lived a life that always defied the odds.

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