Acta Hyperborea 12 2009-Libre

FROM ARTEMIS TO DIANA

THE GODDESS OF MAN AND BEAST

1 2 A C TA H Y P E R B O R E A 2 0 0 9

From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast© Collegium Hyperboreum and Museum Tusculanum Press, 2009

Layout and typesetting: Erling Lynder

Cover design: Thora Fisker

Set with Adobe Garamond

Printed in Denmark by Special-Trykkeriet Viborg a-s

ISBN 978 87 635 0788 2

ISSN 0904 2067

Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology. Acta Hyperborea, vol. 12

c/o The Saxo Institute

Section of Classical Archaeology

Njalsgade 80, DK-2300 Copenhagen S

Collegium Hyperboreum:

Tobias Fischer-Hansen, Helle Horsnæs, Marjatta Nielsen,

Birte Poulsen and Annette Rathje

Cover illustration: A wall tapestry from Egypt depicting Artemis.

Dated to the 5th or beginning of the 6th century AD.

© Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Photo: Hans Kobi)

This book has been published with fi nancial support from

E. Lerager Larsens Fond

The Danish Research Council for the Humanities

Konsul George Jorck og hustru Emma Jorck’s Fond

Lillian og Dan Finks Fond

The Aarhus University Research Foundation

Published and distributed by

Museum Tusculanum Press

University of Copenhagen

126 Njalsgade

DK-2300 Copenhagen S

Tel. +0045 35329109

Fax +0045 32329113

www.mtp.dk

Museum Tusculanum Press - University of Copenhagen - www.mtp.dk - [email protected]

Danish Studies in Classical Archaeology

ACTA HYPERBOREA12

From Artemis to DianaThe Goddess of Man and Beast

Edited by

Tobias Fischer-Hansen and Birte Poulsen

Museum Tusculanum Press

University of Copenhagen

2009


CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

IArtemis in the Near East and in Greece

marie louise nosch: Approaches to Artemis in Bronze Age Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

bodil hjerrild: Near Eastern Equivalents to Artemis . . . . . . . . . 41

minna skafte jensen: Artemis in Homer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

jørgen mejer: Artemis in Athens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

jørgen mejer: A Note on a Dedication to Artemis in Kalydon . . . 79

inge nielsen: The Sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia. Can Architec-ture and Iconography Help to Locate the Settings of the Rituals? . . 83

birte lundgreen: Boys at Brauron . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

ditte zink kaasgaard falb: Das Artemis Orthia-Heiligtum in Sparta im 7. und 6. Jh.v.Chr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

synnøve des bouvrie: Artemis Ortheia – a Goddess of Nature or a Goddess of Culture? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153


From Artemis to Diana. The Goddess of Man and Beast

© Collegium Hyperboreum and Museum Tusculanum Press, 2009

ISBN 978 87 635 0788 2, ISSN 0904 2067, http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=202842

IIArtemis – Regional Aspects

lone wriedt sørensen: Artemis in Cyprus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195

tobias fischer-hansen: Artemis in Sicily and South Italy: A Picture of Diversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

marjatta nielsen and annette rathje: Artumes in Etruria – the Borrowed Goddess . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261

pia guldager bilde: Quantifying Black Sea Artemis: Some Methodological Refl ections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303

luis ballesteros-pastor: Bears and Bees in Themiscyra: A Sanctuary for Artemis in the Land of the Amazons? . . . . . . . . . . 333

IIIArtemis / Diana during the Late Republic, Imperial Period and Late Antiquity

mette moltesen: Diana and her Followers in a Late RepublicanTemple Pediment from Nemi. A Preliminary Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345

jesper carlsen: Sanctuaries of Artemis and the Domitii Ahenobarbi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369

rubina raja: The Sanctuary of Artemis in Gerasa . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383

birte poulsen: The Sanctuaries of the Goddess of the Hunt . . . . 401

niels hannestad: The Last Diana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427





IVThe Post-Antique Artemis

marjatta nielsen: Diana Efesia Multimammia: The Metamorphoses of a Pagan Goddess from the Renaissance to the Age of Neo-Classicism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455

Forum

alexandra-fani alexandridou: Offering Trenches and Funerary Ceremonies in the Attic Countryside . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 497

Current Danish Archaeological FieldworkA gazetteer of Danish Classical Archaeological Fieldwork 2002-2006 with contributions by S. Dietz; B. Loven, D. Davis, M. Møller Nielsen & M. Schaldemose; P. Pedersen; P. Guldager Bilde; S. Handberg, J. Kind-berg Jacobsen & G.P. Mittica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523

Book Reviewskim b. jessen: Rev. of Peter Attema (ed), Centralization, Early Urbaniza-tion and Colonization in First Millenium BC Italy and Greece. Part 1: Italy (BABesch Suppl. 9). Leuven-Paris-Dudley 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 559

stine schierup: Rev. of S.L. Solovyov, Ancient Berezan. The Architecture, History and Culture of the First Greek Colony in the Northern Black Sea.Brill 1999 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 567

IndicesIndex of sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 573

Index of names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 578

Index of sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 582





497

FORUM

OFFERING TRENCHES AND FUNERARY

CEREMONIES IN THE ATTIC COUNTRYSIDE

alexandra-fani alexandridou

THE EVIDENCE FROM THE NORTH NECROPOLIS OF VARI

AbstractOffering trenches are the main feature of the seventh-century Attic burial practices, with those from the Kerameikos being the most well preserved and studied. Trenches are also attested in the Attic countryside, as in the case of the North necropolis of Vari, which has been largely neglected, due to the lack of a detailed publication. In this article, I present the ceramic material from the cemetery, dating mainly to the late seventh and early sixth century BC. Based on the vases’ shapes, state of preservation and fi nding spot, as indicated by the brief excavation reports, I discuss their role in the trenches and compare them with their counterparts from the Kerameikos, as well as the Vourva and Marathon tumuli in Attika. The Vari evidence offers new important insights into the character of the trench-ceremonies, which seems to have been more cultic than sympotic, fi nding parallels with the Attic tomb cults centred on Bronze Age tombs, as well as into their importance for the local nobility.

IntroductionVari lies in the southern part of Attika, in the southwestern area of the Mesogeia plain and the southeast shoulder of Mount Hymettos, where the classical demos of Anagyrous was situated. The Geometric and Archaic sherds found at the site imply the existence of an early settlement.1 This is as also indicated by two large necropoleis, the North and the South-East, in use from the eighth to the fi fth century BC. Although not joined,2

they probably served the same community, which was exploiting the fertile plain,3 where a number of Classical farms were discovered.4 The cemetery





498


fi nds suggest that Vari was an important sub-centre with urban features.5

Another settlement was established during the eighth century on the hill of Lathouriza, bordering the Vari plain. The site offered easy access to the rich plain, whose cultivation might have been one of the main activities of the settlers.6 Seventh-century graves associated with the settlement of Lathouriza were explored at the foot of the hill.7

A systematic excavation of the North necropolis of Vari was carried out from 1935 to 1938 under the directorship of G. Oikonomos and Ph. Stav-ropoulos, after the evaluation of illegally excavated ceramic material from the site. Some of the fi nds and parts of the plan of the necropolis were briefl y published in archaeological reports.8 Due to the importance of the discovered vases for the study of the Attic early black-fi gure, the publica-tion by Semni Karouzou in 1963, including only part of the fi nds, focused on the stylistic development, shapes and iconography of the vessels.9 Their role in the mortuary practices was only assumed, since the details from the excavations’ diaries were not known.10 The lack of a detailed publication of the excavation still prevents scholars from studying the necropolis exten-sively. Therefore, the research on trench-ceremonies has largely been based on the evidence from the well-published Kerameikos and the excavated

• Athens

• Vari

• Menidi

• Vourva

• Marathon

Attic Sites referred to in the text





499

forum

tumuli in the Attic hinterland.11 However, a combination of the excavation reports with the published and unpublished vases from the cemetery of Vari, a large part of which are on display in the National Museum of Ath-ens, can throw more light on the Attic seventh-and sixth-century funerary practices.

The North Necropolis. Tumulus I A series of reports from 1936 to 1940 present the results of the excavation, but the information provided is brief and often unclear. The references to the graves do not follow the numbers appearing on the published plan of the necropolis and are not accompanied by pictures. According to the reports, fi ve tumuli and two walled enclosures were examined (Fig. 1).The large tumulus I contained a single burial, interpreted as that of a local genarches.12 A considerable number of vessels came to light. Although their exact fi nding spot cannot clearly be deduced from the reports,13 a long trench, east of the tumulus, which runs parallel to the wall of the necropolisand is marked as ΘΥΣΙΑΙ (sacrifi ces) on the plan, is a possible candidate.14

Tumulus III covered seven late sixth-century graves, while the burials in tumulus V date from the middle of the sixth to the middle of the fi fth cen-tury BC. Tumuli II and IV are not discussed. The tumuli are surrounded on two sides by a wall, running 37 meters in northern direction and more than 50 in western.15

North of the tumuli area, a small enclosure contained fi fth-century bur-ials of children and adults. Twenty-fi ve tombs were excavated in a second enclosure, directly attached to the small one (Fig. 2). Primary cremations dominate, but inhumations are also reported, as well as an urn-burial.16

The earliest fi ve stone tumuli date to the seventh and sixth centuries. Some contained cremation remains and offerings. The largest, indicated on the map as 24B, is situated in the middle of the enclosure, while 22A was prob-ably a cenotaph.17 West of the stone tumulus 24B, a child’s pithos-burial was found.18

A stone tumulus, probably the one indicated on the map as Γ, is referred to as the most important burial of the enclosure.19 It contained an inhuma-tion accompanied by a number of rich offerings, such as a large Attic relief vessel, imitation of Boiotian relief ware, miniature vases, a Corinthian ary-ballos, a Protoattic support and a louterion. An early sixth-century frag-mentary marble sphinx may have been its marker.20 East of tumulus 22A





500


and under its south wall, two parallel trenches were discovered.21 Another long trench, parallel to the east wall of the enclosure revealed a layer of ashes.22 A large number of burnt vessels and offerings, dating from the late seventh to the fi fth century were found. Although it is not completely clear whether they should be related to the trench parallel to the wall or those of the built tomb, the former case seems more probable.23

Most of the early black-fi gured vases, found in association with the large

Fig. 1 Plan of the North necropolis of Vari (after Karouzou 1963, 47, Fig. 40).





501

forum

tumulus I, have been published.24 The earliest, many of which have been assigned to the Nessos Painter, date to the last quarter of the seventh cen-tury.25 The latest reach the second quarter of the sixth, as implied by an unpublished lekane by the Polos Painter.26 A wide variety of shapes was recovered: a column-krater (Fig. 3), standed and lidded skyphos-kraters (Fig. 4), almost forty lekanai, large louteria (Fig. 5), neck-amphorae, some of very large dimensions and two horsehead amphorae.27 The majority

Fig. 2 Plan of the enclosure of the North necropolis of Varid (after Lemerle 1937, 450, fi g.13).





502


dates to the last quarter of the seventh century and is probably contem-porary with the burial. The vases are of exceptional quality, decorated in many cases with rich mythological and generic scenes. Herakles freeing Prometheus (Fig. 4), Herakles pursuing the Centaurs (Fig. 6), Bellero-phon and the Chimaira (Fig. 7), running Gorgons, as well as a procession of women fl anked by Doric columns and a female protome are character-istic examples.28 The two episodes with Herakles, both attributed to the Nessos Painter, are the earliest known in the Attic repertory. The vessels are supposed to come from the offering trench next to the tumulus.29 Offering trenches are a late eighth-century Attic funerary inno-vation, which ceased around 560 BC. These long, shallow ditches were dug into the ground and were mainly fi lled with ashes, bones of small animals

Fig. 3 Athens, National Museum, 16388. Column-krater. Courtesy National Museum of Athens.





503

forum

or birds, burnt and broken vases. The best preserved examples were found at the Kerameikos and revealed a large part of the seventh-century Pro-toattic pottery known from Attika. The vessels were probably placed on a wooden table-like structure before being set on fi re. Stratigraphic observa-tions indicate that the ritual took place, while the grave was still open. The mixing, pouring, eating and drinking shapes point to a funerary ceremony

Fig. 4 Athens, National Museum, 16384. Standed skyphos-krater. Courtesy National Museum of Athens.





504


Fig. 5 Athens, National Museum, 16386. Louterion. Courtesy National Museum of Athens.

Fig. 6 Athens, National Museum, 16400. Skyphos-krater. Courtesy National Museum of Athens.





505

forum

with a sympotic character. The combination of shapes and their number do not allow the reconstruction of an actual service, but rather constitute its symbol, which refl ected the lifestyle of a male deceased, member of an upper social class, as indicated by the vessels’ exceptional quality.30

In the Kerameikos, the richest ceramic evidence comes from the late eighth- and early seventh-century trenches, which yielded a combination of mixing, drinking, pouring and eating vessels. Standed dinoi or skyphos-kraters were very common, followed by skyphoi, oinochoai and plates. Although the number of the excavated late seventh-, early sixth-century

Fig. 7Athens, National Museum, 16389. Neck-amphora. Courtesy National Museum of Athens.





506


trenches is high, the amount of the vases found is very limited.31 In many cases, they only contained Corinthian drinking and oil vessels,32 while in others a restricted number primarily of Attic drinking and eating shapes.33

The pottery evidence suggests that trench-ceremonies in the cemetery were already declining from the last quarter of the seventh century. The fi nds from the trench of the Vari tumulus create a completely differ-ent impression. The number of the vases recovered is remarkable, while the shapes differ signifi cantly from their contemporaries in the Kerameikos (Table 1). Skyphos-kraters of exceptional quality are largely represented in the Vari trench, but they are absent from the late seventh, early sixth-century Kerameikos’ trenches. There, they are only used as grave-markers, while standed or lidded examples are not known.34 Although an impor-tant number of neck-amphorae and louteria were found in the trench of tumulus I, they are rare in the Kerameikos, where they served as mark-ers.35 Moreover, the Vari lekanai are the earliest known Attic black-fi gured examples. The shape appears in the Kerameikos by the fi rst quarter of the sixth century and only two examples were found.36 The Vari column-krater is unique, not attested elsewhere in late seventh-century Attika. The shape reappears in the Attic repertory by the fi rst quarter of the sixth century. On the other hand, drinking, pouring and eating vessels, like skyphoi, olpai or plates, all common shapes in the Kerameikos’ trenches, are missing from the Vari trench. Some of the Vari shapes are represented in the wells of the Athenian Ago-ra and can be related to domestic contexts (Table 2). Louteria are present at the site already from the end of the eighth century, but the known exam-ples are few.37 According to the publication of the black-fi gured pottery, only three date to the late seventh and early sixth century, indicating that the shape was mainly destined for funerary purposes.38 Many skyphos-kraters were found in the late seventh-century Agora wells, suggesting that if they are not secondary fi lls, the shape was not confi ned to funerary, but also to domestic purposes. Some might have been standed, like the Vari examples, as indicated by the discovered fragmentary supports. Unlike the large concentration of neck-amphorae at Vari, all being contemporary, the published Agora examples, not more numerous, cover the third and last quarter of the seventh century. The one-piece amphora seems to have been more common.39 The shape of the lekane is only attested in the Vari trench





507

forum

during the late seventh century.40 The earliest lekane from the Agora dates to the early sixth century.41

Although most of the seventh-century vases from the Kerameikos trenches cannot have been used during an actual banquet, due to their special features, such as the application of mourning fi gures or the lack of good glaze in their interior, the quality of the fi ring and glaze of the Vari shapes may imply an actual use.42 The louteria could have been used for water libations to the dead in the form of the chthonia loutra.43 Since the lower part of the body of the skyphos-kraters has not been preserved, liba-tions cannot be concluded, but should not be excluded. The decoration of the standed examples on one side follows the seventh-century tendency to

Table 1 Shapes from the offering trenches and places excavated in the Kerameikos and the Attic countryside (ca. 630 to 570 BC.)

KE

RA

ME

IK

OS

shapes/sites mixing eating drinking pouring oil storage ceremonial

Vari Trench

Tumulus I

Vari Trench

Enclosure

Vourva

Trench I

Marathon

Trench

Trench

Trench µ

Trench

Trench

Trench R

Off.place.

Off.place.

Sk.kr.(5)

Col.kr. (1)

-

Sk.kr. (1)

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Lekane (46)

Lekane (5)

Plate (5)

Lekane (4)

Lekane (1)

-

-

-

-

-

Lekane (2)

Plate (1)

-

-

Skyphos (3)

Kantharos(1)

Skyphos (1)

Cup (1)

Standed cup(2)Corinthian:

kotyle (1)

Corinthian:

kotyle (1)

Corinthian:

kotyle (1)

Corinthian:kotyle (2)skyphos (1)

-

Skyphos (2)

Skyphos (1)

-

Olpe (6)

-

-

Corinthian:

oinochoe (1)

Corinthian:

oinochoe (1)

-

Corinthian:

oinochoe (1)

Olpe (1)

Olpe (2)

-

-

Exaleiptron (1)

-

Pyxis (1)

Corinthian:

aryballos (5)

-

-

-

-

-

Pyxis (1)

N.-Amph.(11)

HH Amph.(2)

Hydria (2)

-

N.-Amph.(1)

Hydria(1)

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Louterion (3)

Louterion (1?)

Loutr.amph. (1)

Loutr.

amph. (1)

-

-

-

-

-

Loutr.

amph. (1)

-

Gaming

table, Dice

List of abbreviationsCol.Kr: Column-kraterHH Amph.: Horsehead Amphora

Loutr.amph: Loutrophoros-amphoraN.-Amph: Neck-amphora

Off. Place: Offering PlaceSk.Kr: Skyphos-krater





508


frontal accentuation of the marker-vases, implying that they could have been placed near the tumulus, as the most monumental offerings. Despite the lack of relevant evidence, the lekanai and the richly decorated large amphorae might have contained food or liquid offerings. Although large mixing vessels, like the column-krater and the skyphos-kraters were found, the lack of pouring, drinking and eating vessels points to a funerary ceremony with less clear sympotic connotations over the trench of tumulus I. Moreover, in contrast to the Kerameikos evidence, the discovered shapes do not preserve any signs of secondary burning, implying that they could not have been part of a ceremony including fi re. Whether they were broken intentionally, or placed as offerings, only to break later, cannot be concluded.44 Thus, the vases should be better regarded as offer-ings to the deceased rather than a symbolic manifestation of a symposion.The discovery of a number of shapes in the Vari trench, like neck-ampho-rae, louteria, lekanai and a column-krater, which are limited or absent in the contemporary Kerameikos or elsewhere, as well as their quality of dec-oration, underline the unique character of the fi nds, the importance of the deceased and the wealth of his family or wider social circle.

The North Necropolis. The offering trench of the enclosureThe shapes found in the trench of the north enclosure of the necropolisdate from the late seventh to the fi fth century BC.45 A unique clay ekphorachariot, a miniature support, a miniature standed lebes with mourners and an askos in the shape of a beast of burden with amphorae belong to the earliest fi nds.46 They are all made of local clay. Their surface is cov-ered with white paint and the ornamental decoration is applied with red. The miniature vessels are reminiscent of seventh-century shapes from the Kerameikos. Although contemporary with those associated with tumulus

shapes/sites skyphos-krater louterion neck-amphora lekane

Vari TrenchTumulus I

5 1 11 11

Athenian Agora

18 1 10 -

Table 2 Shapes from Tumulus I at Vari and the Athenian Agora (ca. 630-600 BC.)The number of the vases from the Athenian Agora is based on Moore, Philippides 1986.





509

forum

I, their shapes and state of preservation differ considerably. They are sec-ondarily burnt, pointing to a trench-ceremony comparable to those taking place in the Kerameikos. A large number of the vases from the enclosure-trench date to the fi rst quarter of the sixth century. They all preserve signs of fi re. Eating and drinking shapes dominate, but pouring, oil and storage vessels were also found. Large mixing vases, comparable to those from Tumulus I, are absent.47 The early sixth-century shapes fi nd close parallels among their sympotic contemporaries from the Kerameikos.48 The reports refer also to clay fi gurines of horses and birds, black and red-fi gured lekythoi and a large number of white lekythoi with palmette ornaments.49 These fi nds are still unpublished, but a few sixth-century black-fi gured lekythoi, on dis-play in the National Museum of Athens, do not preserve signs of fi re and might have been placed in the trench as offerings to the dead. 50

EVIDENCE OF OFFERING TRENCHES IN THE ATTIC COUNTRYSIDE

The Vourva and Marathon tumuliThe tumulus at Vourva contained seven graves, none of which was accom-panied by offerings. Trench Θ, next to grave A, yielded an early sixth-century lekane and a contemporary black-glazed olpe in a layer of ashes and bird bones (Fig. 8). An exceptionally long trench, marked as I, was excavated at the edge of the tumulus, but unlike Θ, was not covered by it.51 The earliest fi nd from this trench is a skyphos-krater, dating to the last quarter of the seventh century, while the latest date some 30-40 years later, around 580 BC. The skyphos-krater does not have any signs of secondary burning and might have been used for a libation, before being placed in the trench. On the other hand, the early sixth-century lekanai, loutrophoros-amphora, chalice and skyphos were burnt and according to the excavator intentionally broken.52 Only one lekane remained intact.53 A marble base of a mid sixth-century kore by the sculptor Phaidimos was discovered next to the trench.54

Two trenches (Γ, Ε) were found in association with the so-called ‘tumu-lus of the Athenians’, identifi ed as the burial site of the 192 Athenians, who fell at the battle of Marathon (Fig. 9).55 Part of the tumulus was excavated





510


during 1890 and 1891 and a layer of ashes, burnt bones and early fi fth-cen-tury black-fi gured lekythoi have been connected with the cremated warri-ors’ bodies. A long brick trench, containing a layer of ashes, bones of small animals or birds and egg shells, as well as burnt fragments of vessels, was explored near the centre of the tumulus. The second trench, not covered by the tumulus, yielded animal bones and vessels’ fragments, but the bad state of preservation of the trench and its fi nds did not allow for a more detailed description.56 An early sixth-century neck-amphora and a large lekane are the earliest fi nds from the fi rst trench.57 A pyxis and a hydria date to the middle and late sixth century,58 while the latest fi nd is a red-fi g-ured cup, attributed to Onesimos.59 The early sixth-century vessels, as well as the pyxis, preserve signs of fi re. This trench is an undeniable proof of a funerary ceremony dating back to the early sixth-century and questions

Fig. 8 Plan of the Vourva tumulus (after Stais 1890, Pl. XIII, 3).





511

forum

the association of the tumulus with the battle of Marathon.60 A number of interpretations, attempting to explain the discovery of the sixth-century vases, in association with the layer of ashes and the dead warriors, are not convincing.61

Tomb cult over offering trenches?The ceramic evidence from the trenches of the North necropolis of Vari leads to an interesting observation: the fi nds cover several decades or, as in the case of the enclosure-trench, centuries. This continuity is of spe-cial signifi cance, since it is not attested in the contemporary Kerameikos, where the vessels from each trench are contemporary. It seems to have been a feature of the Attic countryside, as also indicated by the Vourva and Marathon evidence. The chronological range of the vessels, associated

Fig. 9 Plan of the Marathon tumulus (after Stais 1893, 49).





512


with tumulus I, has been noted and assigned to the importance of the deceased, interpreted as a local genarches.62 Stais suggested that trench I of the Vourva tumulus received annual offerings, while he also attempted to interpret the chronological distance of the vases from Marathon.63 Due to the duration of the offerings, the Vourva and Marathon trenches have recently been seen as ‘bothroi of cult’.64

Can the offering trenches of the Attic countryside be associated with some kind of tomb cult? The North necropolis of Vari, preserving the rich-est and chronological wider evidence, can contribute importantly to the study of this practice, when placed in the broader Attic seventh-century frame. During this century, a number of changes in the funerary practices took place: the number of the burials declined, adult and children were buried in separate areas, inhumation was replaced by primary cremation and goods were not placed in the grave, but in the offering trenches and places.65 Unlike the evidence from other contemporary poleis, like Corinth, offerings from the major Attic sanctuaries are poor. The Acropolis pre-served only a few seventh-century vases, while the peak sanctuaries around Attika, which fl ourished during the seventh century, attracted only Sub-geometric drinking vessels of poor quality, in many cases bearing dedica-tory inscriptions.66 An important amount of the seventh-century Protoat-tic pottery comes from the necropoleis, mainly the Kerameikos, while a number is associated with the tomb cults centred on Bronze and Iron Age graves.67 The archaeological context of the Protoattic pottery led to the conclusion that it was specially produced for the Attic nobles, mainly des-tined to serve their ritual needs, either associated with mortuary practices or with tomb cults.68 The distribution of the earliest black-fi gured vases during the last quarter of the seventh century points in the same direc-tion. Except for the sanctuary of the Nymphe on the south slope of the Acropolis, which received a large number of black-fi gured loutrophoroi, 69

probably due to the special nature of the honoured deity associated with marriage,70 the ceramic evidence from the Acropolis and other sanctuaries remains poor. On the other hand, funerary contexts continue to attract most of the late seventh-century vessels, many of which are monumental and elaborately decorated. However, it is now the Attic countryside that takes the lead, since the majority was found in the Vari and not the Kera-meikos trenches.





513

forum

The seventh-century trench practices have been paralleled by a num-ber of scholars with the cults addressed to Bronze and Iron Age deceased, attested in a number of Attic sites, mainly in the countryside.71 The Myce-naean tholos tombs at Menidi, Thorikos and Aliki Glyphada are character-istic examples.72 Unlike most of the known tomb cults, the evidence from Menidi and Thorikos is exceptional in its duration and contents, with the quality of the offerings pointing to wealthy groups and not to worshippers of all social backgrounds.73 The duration of the cult, as indicated by the fi nds, is the main common feature between the trenches in the countryside and the tomb cults. In some cases, similarities between the offerings have also been noted.74

The excavation of the Mycenaean tholos tomb at Menidi led to the dis-covery of a number of vessels and horse fi gurines placed in its dromos, dat-ing from the Late Geometric period to the early fi fth century. The offer-ings cannot be assigned a ‘heroic’ character, but are rather comparable to those from funerary or even domestic contexts.75 The deposit at the dromosof the tholos tomb is reminiscent of a trench, while a number of compari-sons have been drawn between the discovered shapes and those from the Vari tumulus-trench.76 Standed louteria were common offerings to the tho-los tomb. Although they have been connected with a heroic bath of funer-ary character for the deceased,77 the absence of the shape from sanctuaries and other sites of hero-cult prompts for a different explanation. They were probably used for libations, before being offered to this unidentifi ed hero.78

Large louteria, though without a stand, were also favoured by the visitors of the tumulus I at Vari, while the standed skyphoi-kraters can be compared with the Menidi louteria. More importantly, in both cases the vessels do not preserve any signs of secondary burning. Although comparisons have been drawn between tomb cults and the practices taking place over trenches in general,79 it is only those in the countryside that present clearer comparative elements, on account of their duration. The ritual burning of the vessels attested in the Kerameikos and early sixth-century Vourva, Vari and Marathon is not found in tomb cults, which have a votive and not a sympotic character. The trench of the Vari tumulus I and the late seventh-century evidence from Vourva are the only cases where the vases are not burnt, but rather presented as offerings to the dead. Tomb cult is a kind of ancestor cult and the Attic Bronze- or Iron-Age





514


deceased were probably adopted by the locals as ancestors.80 The continu-ation of the offerings over the trenches in the Attic countryside suggests a comparable cult. The difference lies in the chronological distance separat-ing the dedicators from the deceased; the cults over trenches address the dead of the recent past that, although anonymous to us, were remembered by the dedicators, at least during the fi rst decades. The offerings to tumulus I seem to have been connected with a member of the local elite, who might also have played a prominent role in the life of the community. Luxurious vessels dedicated by his family or wider social circle aimed at underlining their connection with the deceased, as well as the wealth of their class. His recognition as an ancestor might have defi ned the cultic character of the ceremony, closer to the cults at the Bronze Age tumuli in Attika, which is not found in the case of the enclosure-trench of the necropolis. The impor-tance of the tumulus and the deceased is further underlined by its direct association with later tombs. The stone tombs E and ΣΤ, as well as the small enclosure are attached to it. On the other hand, the trench of the enclosure does not seem to be connected with a particular burial, since it runs along the enclosure wall, like trench I from Vourva.81 Are then these fi nds offered to a particular deceased or address to the entire group of the graves? Did the tumuli, or maybe the enclosure, contain family groups, with the trench dedicated to the entire family? Family burial groups are identifi ed with diffi culty before the fourth century BC. Only three cases from the seventh and sixth-century Kerameikos have been securely associated with ‘true’ family plots.82 It seems that Archaic burial customs did not express genealogies, but rather social status, with the Kerameikos tumuli and those from Vour-va and Velanideza probably containing members of the same or different families, connected by social relations and not family ties.83 The lack of a detailed publication of the North necropolis of Vari prevents from testing the expressed theory on the excavated tumuli or the graves of the enclo-sure. However, since memory and burial customs, associated with the dead kin, extend only a few generations back,84 the duration of the cult over the enclosure-trench for almost two centuries does not point to a family, but rather to visitors of the same social group, members of the elite. The lack of trenches from a necropolis, excavated in Vari, 800 meters south-east of the North, suggests that they may have been considered a special feature destined for deceased of particular importance.85 Although





515

forum

not very numerous, Protoattic and late seventh-century vases, some of large dimensions, are not absent from the South-East necropolis. Nevertheless, they were burnt inside the grave together with the body. The North necro-polis probably was the burying place of the wealthiest and most important members of the local community, who were also conceived and honoured as ancestors. In Attika, long-lasting trench-ceremonies as well as the cults centred on Bronze Age tombs are mainly found in the countryside and seem to have been closely connected with the wealthy local residents.86 Tomb cults have been linked to claims on land,87 and since in most cases they are attested in the older communities of Attika, they have been seen as a reaction of the old and rich settled communities against the foundation of small set-tlements around them.88 Although the use of tomb cult as a declaration of the Attic autochthony has been questioned,89 the continuous use of the trenches suggests that a connection with the land surrounding the tumuli or the tombs should not be excluded. Even if they do not constitute evi-dence of confl icts over land, funerary ceremonies and tomb cults are clear indications of the wealth and power of the local nobles and could have served as means of their self-defi nition.90

ConclusionsThe ceramic evidence from the Vari trenches, combined with that from Vourva and Marathon, contributes signifi cantly to the study of the ‘trench-phenomenon’ in the late seventh- and sixth-century Attika and highlights the differences between the Kerameikos and the Attic countryside. In con-trast to the evidence from the Kerameikos, the trench-ceremonies in the hinterland, expressions of the local aristocracy, present a number of com-parative elements with tomb cults. The deceased of the distant and recent past seem to have been conceived as ancestors and were honoured through dedications, which in contemporary poleis would have been appropriate for the gods in the sanctuaries.91 That is the example of the dead, buried in tumulus I at Vari. The fi nds do not only imply that mortuary practices were considered ideal contexts for status display, but were also a medium of underlining the special connection of the participants with the deceased and the area surrounding the cemetery. By the early sixth century, trenches in the Kerameikos decline, before being abandoned during the second quarter of the century. By that time,





516


oil-vessels are placed inside the graves. However, the evidence from Vari, Vourva and Marathon indicates that the peripheral communities insisted on trench-ceremonies for a longer period, even reaching the fi fth century BC. Although the sixth- and fi fth-century trench-offerings have lost their earlier splendour and monumentality, they are suggestive of continuous funerary cults that emphasize the ties of the local elite with their ancestors and the land of the area. The case of the North necropolis of Vari is the most characteristic, due to the exceptional quality of the ceramic fi nds and the duration of the cult. Therefore the long-awaited, fi nal publication of the cemetery, including all the excavation details, is crucial and should soon see the light.

acknowledgments

I am grateful to Mrs Elisavet Stasinopoulou, Mr Giorgos Kavvadias, Mrs Eleni Zosi and the National Museum of Athens for allowing me to study a large part of the Vari ceramic material in detail. I would like to thank Dr. Irene Lemos

warmly for her encouragement and for offering valuable suggestions, after reading earlier versions of the present article, as well as Dr. David Saun-ders for his corrections.

1 Eliot 1962, 35-39; Osborne 1985, 26-28; Lauter 1991, 85; Mersch 1997, 53-58.

2 Morris 1987, 68-69. The opposite view is held by Osborne: Osborne 1985, 26.

3 Mersch suggests a single community. Mersch 1997, 53. Lauter and Morris are in favour of several settlements. In particular, the South-East cemetery has been associated with the traces of a settlement between Vari and Varki-za, dating to 700 BC. Morris 1987, 68; Lauter 1991, 66.

4 Lauter 1985b, 63-68; Osborne 1985, 26-28; Onasoglou 1987, 92-96; Mazarakis-Ainian 1994, 70-71.

5 Mersch 1997, 53-58. 6 Mazarakis-Ainian 1994, 65-73; Mazarakis-

Ainian 1995, 143-155; Mazarakis-Ainian 1997, 106, 116.

7 Lauter 1995b, 64. 8 Karo 1936, 123-125; Lemerle 1936, 460;

Lemerle 1937, 451; Riemann 1937, 121-124; Walter 1940, 175-178.

9 Karouzou 1963. According to Karouzou, this was the fi rst volume of the publication. The

rest of the fi nds were to be published in a sec-ond, which is yet to appear.

10 The archaeologist Mrs. Eleni Lazaridou has access to the excavators’ diaries and is respon-sible for the publication of the rest of the ves-sels from the necropolis.

11 Stais 1890, 318-329; Stais 1893, 46-63; Küb-ler 1959; Kübler 1970.

12 Walter 1940, 176. 13 According to the locals, a grave next to the

trench contained fragments of the vases found in the trench. However the excavations did not verify this information and revealed only a child’s burial. Karo 1936, 124. Wal-ter also refers to a second trench parallel to the fi rst one with early sixth-century fi nds. If the report is correct, the vessels probably are unpublished. Walter 1940, 176.

14 Walter 1940, 176; Karouzou 1963, 47-48. 15 Walter 1940, 175-176. 16 Karo 1936 123; Walter 1940, 176. 17 Karo 1936, 123. According to Riemann,

the tomb contained an insignifi cant burial. Riemann 1937, 121. In contrast to Karo,

notes





517

forum

Humphreys mentions 24B, probably falsely, as the cenotaph. Humphreys 1980, 108. A louterion, listed by Callipolitis-Feytmans as coming from Tumulus B, may be associated with the stone-tumulus 24B. Callipolitis-Feytmans 1965, 28, fi g. 7 bis, 1.

18 Riemann 1937, 125. 19 Karo 1936, 125. 20 Richter 1961, no. 4, fi gs. 16-20. 21 Riemann 1937, 122. The report says east of

the north built tomb, meaning probably the 22A.

22 Lemerle 1937, 451, Riemann 1937, 123. 23 The French report and the dates given by

Lemerle probably imply that the fi nds come from the trench running parallel to the enclo-sure wall. Lemerle 1937, 451.

24 Karouzou 1963. 25 The three standed skyphos-kraters and a

number of lekanai, published by Karouzou. Karouzou 1963, 5-34. To these add: Athens, National Museum, 16400, ABV 4, Fig. 6, Athens, National Museum, 16399, ABV 7, Beazley Archive Pottery Database 300048. The unpublished: Athens, National Museum, 16380, 16386, 16404 and 16398.

26 Athens, National Museum, 16332. 27 Athens, National Museum, 16401, Picozzi

1971, Pl.16, Athens, National Museum, 16402, Picozzi 1971, Pl.17. Although not referred to by the reports, their inventory numbers suggest that they were probably found in this trench.

28 Athens, National Museum, 16384, ABV 6, Karouzou 1963, Pl.21-28, Athens, National Museum, 16400, ABV 4, Fig. 6, Athens, National Museum, 16389, ABV 2, 1, Fig. 7, Athens, National Museum, 16391, ABV 2, 2, Karouzou 1982, fi gs. 3-4, Athens, National Museum, 16399, ABV 7, Beazley Archive Pottery Database 300048, Athens, National Museum, 16398, Athens, National Museum, 16380.

29 Walter 1940, 176; Karouzou 1963, 47-48. 30 For the trenches: Kübler 1950, 87-88; Kübler

1970, 87-92; Boardman & Kurtz 1971, 145; Houby-Nielsen 1992, 343-374; D’Onofrio 1993, 148-153; Houby-Nielsen 1995, 129-192; Houby-Nielsen 1996, 44-47; Kistler 1998, 31-77, 147-171. The trench-fi nds have been approached differently from scholars. Kübler saw them as grave offerings, D’Onofrio as remains of a meal. The detailed analysis of the fi nds underlines a close connection with the symposion, as shown by Houby-Nielsen and Kistler.

31 Kübler 1959, 33-80; Kistler 1998, 31-38.

32 Offering trenches: k, µ, ξ, ο, σ. Kübler 1959, 33-49.

33 Offering trenches: υ, ρ, Offering places: φ, ψ. Kübler 1959, 51-53, 66-68, 79-80; Vierneisel 1964a.

34 Earlier in the seventh century, large open ves-sels, comparable to the skyphos-kraters, like the lidded kotylai were used in the trench cer-emonies in the Kerameikos. Trench β, 670-660 BC.: Kübler 1959, 18-21, Kübler 1970, 427-447, trench γ, mid seventh century: Kübler 1959, 22-24, Kübler 1970, 453-470, trench ζ, 640-625 BC.: Kübler 1959, 27-30, Kübler 1970, 474-481.

35 Louteria: Kerameikos Museum, 1295, Kübler 1970, Pl.76, 90. Marker of the grave con-struction f. A louterion was found in the offering place G, but dates to 640-625 BC. Vierneisel 1964b, 453. Amphorae: Keramei-kos Museum, 658, ABV 3, Kübler 1970, Pl. 89-91. Grave marker of the grave 58/LVIII. A number of amphorae fragments from the Kerameikos date to the late seventh century, but they are not associated with a particular context. An amphora was found in the late eighth-century offering trench 2. Kübler 1954, 250-252.

36 Athens, Kerameikos Museum, 39, ABV 19, 6, Kübler 1970, Pl.93, 97, Athens, Kerameikos Museum, 41, ABV 19, 5, Kübler 1970, Pl.94-96.

37 Brann 1962, 43. 38 Moore, Philippides 1986, 32-33. 39 Moore, Philippides 1986, 7-8. 40 Lioutas 1987, Table 2. 41 Athens Agora Museum, P5354, Moore,

Philippides 1986, Pl. 91, 1297. 42 Kistler 1998, 36-38. 43 Ginouvès 1962, 244; Callipolitis-Feytmans

1965, 42-43; Danforth & Tsiaras 1982, 13; Parker 1983, 35; Garland 1985, 72-74.

44 Stais suggested that the vessels from the Marathon and Vourva trenches were broken intentionally. Stais 1890, 322, Stais 1893, 55-56. The lack of a detailed publication of the excavation of the Vari tumulus and its trench does not allow any similar suggestion.

45 The reference to red-fi gured loutrophoroi and white lekythoi that were never published points to the fi fth century BC.

46 Athens, National Museum, 26747, Athens, National Museum, 19159α, Athens, National Museum, 19157, Athens, National Museum, 19165. Riemann reports a large number of supports, Riemann 1937, 123.

47 An unpublished louterion has signs of fi re and its inventory number suggests that it





518


might have been found in this trench. Athens, National Museum, 19186.

48 The similarities with trench Rare obvious, Vierneisel 1964a, 38-42. Two olpai by the KX Painter from the Vari and Kerameikos trenches even share the same iconographic theme: Hermes fl anked by sphinxes and sirens. Athens, National Museum, 19159, ABV 14, 11, ABV 28, 4; Scheibler 1961, fi g.36; Kerameikos Museum, 2870, Para 15, Vierneisel 1964a, pl. 38, a.

49 Riemann 1937, 123. 50 Athens, National Museum,19167, ABV

476, 1; Schnapp 1997, 237, no.158, Athens, National Museum, 19163, ABV 714.61bis, Beazley Archive Pottery Database 306984. In Beazley’s catalogues, there is a large number of black and red -fi gured vessels that come from Vari. Some have inventory numbers starting from 19 implying that they may have been found in the same trench. Most of the fi nds are lekythoi.

51 Stais 1890, 318-329. 52 Athens, National Museum, 997, ABV 41, 29;

Bakir 1981, fi g. 107-110, Athens, National Museum, 998, ABV 41, 28; Bakir 1981, fi g. 105, Athens, National Museum, 999, ABV41, 30; Bakir 1981, fi g. 106, Athens, National Museum, 1000, Stais 1890, fi g. A, Athens, National Museum, 991, ABV 38, 1; Bakir 1981, pl.49-54. Athens, National Museum, 995, Bakir 1981, pl. 55-57, Athens, National Museum, 996, CVA Athens 4, pl.6, 1-5; Stais 1890, 322.

53 Athens, National Museum, 296, ABV 24, 7; Lioutas 1987, pl. 13, 1-2.

54 Richter 1961, no 91, D’Onofrio 1988, 85. 55 Stais 1893, 46-63; Petrakos 1995, 24; Whit-

ley 1994a, 213-230. 56 Stais 1893, 46-63. 57 Athens, Marathon Museum, 1036, ABV 38,

2; Bakir 1981, pl.30-33, Athens, National Museum, 1043, Lioutas 1987, 24, 2.

58 Athens, Marathon Museum, 764a, Petrakos 1995, fi g.78; Athens, Marathon Museum, 762a, ABV 393, 18; Petrakos 1995, fi g. 80.

59 Athens, Marathon Museum, 848, Beazley Archive Pottery Database 14270.

60 Due to these early pottery fi nds, the associa-tion of the tumulus with the battle of Mara-thon has been questioned: Mingazzini 1974-1975, 9-13; Mersch 1995, 55-64.

61 Stais suggested that early sixth-century vases continued to be produced until the early fi fth century. Stais 1893, 56. According to Whit-ley, the trench is an indication of tomb and hero cult, addressed to the dead warriors:

Whitley 1994a, 213-230. Petrakos interpret-ed the vases as relics: Petrakos 1995, 24.

62 Walter 1940, 176. 63 Stais 1890, 322; Stais 1893, 56. 64 Kistler 1998, 41-42. 65 Houby-Nielsen 1992, 343-374; Morris 1987,

61-9; D’Onofrio 1993, 143-169; Morris 1995, 45-74.

66 Langdon 1976; Lauter 1985; Polignac 1995b, 75-101; D’Onofrio 1997, 77-78; Christiansen 2000; Polignac 2002, 119-122.

67 Antonaccio 1995, 102-126; Boehringer 2001, 47-103. The term tomb rather than hero cult with be used here, so that it can be distin-guished by the later Attic practice addressed to named local heroes. For the use of this term: Antonaccio 1995, 6.

68 Whitley 1994b, 61. However, Whitley has been criticized for selective use of the statis-tics from the wells of the Athenian Agora and of not explaining adequately the presence of these vessels in domestic contexts. Rotroff 1995, 123-124.

69 Papadopoulou-Kanelopoulou 1997. 70 Kyrkou 1997, 902; Mösch-Klingele 2006, 11-

19. 71 Whitley 1994a, 223-224; Houby-Nielsen

1996, 53-54; Polignac 1996, 37; Boehringer 2001, 111.

72 For Menidi: Wolters 1899, 103-135. For Thorikos: Mussche et al. 1968, 9-15. For Aliki Glyphada: Papadimitriou 1955, 78-99. For the evidence from Athens and Attika: Antonaccio 1995, 102-126; Boehringer 2001, 47-103.

73 Antonaccio 1993, 64; Antonaccio 1995, 104-109, 262; Boehringer, 2001, 97-102.

74 Whitley 1994a, 224-225; Antonaccio 1995, 249-250; Polignac 1996; 38.

75 Hägg 1987, 94-99; Antonaccio 1995, 107, 247-249.

76 Antonaccio 1995, 109; Boehringer 2001, 118.

77 Ginouvès 1962, 249. 78 Hägg 1987, 96; Pimpl 1997, 148; Boehringer

2001, 96-97. 79 Whitley explains the general practice of plac-

ing offerings in the trenches as expression of tomb cult, without making a distinction between the Kerameikos and the countryside. Whitley 1994a, 218.

80 Antonaccio 1993, 65; Antonaccio 1995, 245-246.

81 The trench covered by the Marathon tumulus was not found in connection with any graves. It may be possible to associate it with the urn-vessel found in the middle of the tumulus:





519

forum

Antonaccio 1993C.M. Antonaccio, The Archaeology of Ancestors, in: C. Dougherty, and L. Kurke (eds.), Cultural poetics in Archaic Greece: cult, performance, politics,Cambridge 1993, 46-70.

Antonaccio 1995C.M. Antonaccio, An archaeology of ancestors: tomb cult and hero cult in early Greece. Lanham 1995.

Bakir 1981G. Bakir, Sophilos: ein Beitrag zu seinem Stil.Mainz am Rhein 1981.

Brann 1962E.T.H. Brann, The Athenian Agora VIII. Late Geo-metric and Protoattic Pottery Mid 8th to Late 7th Century B.C. Princeton 1962.

Boardman & Kurtz 1971J. Boardman & D.C. Kurtz, Greek Burial Cus-toms. London 1971.

Boehringer 2001D. Boehringer, Heroenkult in Griechenland von der geometrischen bis zu klassischen Zeit. Berlin 2001.

Callipolitis-Feytmans 1965D. Callipolitis-Feytmans, Les louteria attiques.Athens 1965.

Christiansen 2000J. Christiansen, Kiapha Thiti. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen III 1 (The Iron Peak Sanctuary). Kirchhain 2000.

CVA Athens 4M.Pipili, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, Athens National Museum 4. Attic black-fi gure skyphoi. Athens 1993.

Danforth, Tsiaras 1982L.M. Danforth, A. Tsiaras, The Death Rituals of Rural Greece. Princeton 1982.

D’Onofrio 1982A.M. D’Onofrio, Korai e kouroi funerari attici, AION 4, 1982, 135-170.

D’Onofrio 1988A.M. D’Onofrio, Aspetti e problemi del monu-mento funerario attico arcaico, AION 10, 1988, 83-96.

D’Onofrio 1993A.M. D’Onofrio, Le trasformazioni del costume funerario ateniese nella necropoli pre-soloniana del Kerameikos, AION 15, 1993, 143-171.

D’Onofrio 1997A.M. D’Onofrio, The 7th Century BC in Attica: the Basis for Political Organization, ActaHyp 7, 1997, 79-84.

Eliot 1962C.W. Eliot, Coastal Demes of Attika: a study of the policy of Kleisthenes. Toronto 1962.

Garland 1985R. Garland, The Greek Way of Death. Ithaca 1985.

Ginouvès 1962R. Ginouvès, Balaneutikè: recherches sur le bain dans l’antiquité grecque. Paris 1962.

Hägg 1987R. Hägg, Gifts to the Heroes in Geometric and Archaic Greece, in T. Linders, G. Nordquis (eds.), Gifts to the Gods: proceedings of the Uppsala sympo-sium 1985, Uppsala 1987, 93-99.

Houby-Nielsen 1992S. Houby-Nielsen, Interaction between chieftains and citizens? 7th century B.C. burial customs in Athens, ActaHyp 4, 1992, 343-374.

Houby-Nielsen 1995S. Houby-Nielsen, Burial language in archaic and classical Kerameikos, ProcDanInstAth 1, 1995, 129-192.

bibliography

Athens, Marathon Museum 762b, Petrakos 1995, fi g.81-82.

82 Houby-Nielsen 1995, 143. 83 Humphreys 1980, 96-126; Morris 1987, 87-

93; Houby-Nielsen 1995, 144, 146, 152-163. 84 Humphreys 1980, 96-126. 85 Kallipolitis 1963, 115-132.

86 Whitley 1988, 177. 87 Snodgrass 1982, 89-105. 88 Whitley 1988, 177-178. 89 Antonaccio 1993, 61-62. 90 Polignac 1995a, 140. 91 Morris 1997, 18-25.





520


Houby-Nielsen 1996S. Houby-Nielsen, The Archaeology of Ideology in the Kerameikos: New Interpretations of the Opferrinnen, in: R. Hägg (ed.), The Role of Reli-gion in the Early Greek Polis: proceedings from the third international Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult: organized by the Swedish Institute at Athens, 16-18 October 1992, Stockholm 1996, 41-54.

Humphreys 1980S.C. Humphreys, Family Tombs and Tomb Cult in Ancient Athens. Tradition or Traditionalism?, JHS 100, 1980, 96-126.

Kallipolitis 1963V. Kallipolitis, Ανασκαφη Τaφων Αναγυ -ροtντος, AΔ 1963, 115-132.

Karo 1936G. Karo, Archäologische Funde von Sommer 1935 bis Sommer 1936, AA 1936, 123-125.

Karouzou 1963S. Karouzou, Τα Αγγεία του Αναγυρούντος.Athens 1963.

Karouzou 1982S. Karouzou, Le Peintre des lions et son élève, RA1982, 33-44.

Kistler 1998E. Kistler, Die ‚Opferrinne-Zeremonie‘ : Banketti-deologie am Grab, Orientalisierung und Formierung einer Adelsgesellschaft in Athen. Stuttgart 1998.

Kübler 1954K. Kübler, Kerameikos, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabun-gen V, 1. Die Nekropole des 10. bis 8. Jahrhunderts.Berlin 1954.

Kübler 1959K. Kübler, Kerameikos, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabun-gen VI,1. Die Nekropole des Späten 8 bis frühen 6 Jahrhunderts. Berlin 1959.

Kübler 1970K. Kübler, Kerameikos, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabun-gen VI,2. Die Nekropole des Späten 8 bis frühen 6 Jahrhunderts. Berlin 1970.

Kyrkou 1997M. Kyrkou, Nymphe I, LIMC VIII, 1, Zurich, 1997, 902.

Langdon 1976M.K. Langdon, A Sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos. Princeton 1976.

Lauter 1985aH. Lauter, Der Kultplatz auf dem Turkovuni. Ber-lin 1985.

Lauter 1985bH. Lauter, Lathuresa: Beiträge zur Architektur und Siedlungsgeschichte in spätgeometrische Zeit. Mainz am Rhein 1985.

Lauter 1991H. Lauter, Attische Landgemeinden in Klassischer Zeit, MarbWPr 1991, 1-161.

Lemerle 1936P. Lemerle, Chronique des fouilles et découvertes archéologiques, BCH 60, 1936, 460.

Lemerle 1937P. Lemerle, Chronique des fouilles et découvertes archéologiques en Grèce, 1937, BCH 61, 1937, 451.

Lioutas 1987A. Lioutas, Attische schwarzfi gurige Lekanai und Lekanides. Würzburg 1987.

Mazarakis-Ainian 1994A. Mazarakis-Ainian, Λαθοtριζα: Μια Αγρο -τική Εγκατaσταση των ΠρBιμων Ιστορι -κBν Χρfνων στην Βaρη Αττικής, in: P.N. Doukellis, L.G. Mendoni (eds.), Structures rurales et sociétés antiques: actes du Colloque de Corfou (14-16 mai 1992), Paris 1994, 65-80.

Mazarakis-Ainian 1995A. Mazarakis-Ainian, Late Geometric-Archaic Lathouriza, in: C. Morris (ed.), Klados: essays in honour of J.N. Coldstream, London 1995, 143-155.

Mazarakis-Ainian 1997A. Mazarakis-Ainian, From rulers’ dwellings to temples: architecture, religion and society in early iron age Greece (1100-700 B.C.). Jonsered 1997.

Mersch 1995A. Mersch, Archäologischer Kommentar zu den Gräbern der Athener und Plataier in der Mara-thonia, Klio 77, 1995, 55-64.

Mersch 1997A. Mersch, Urbanization of the Attic Countryside from the Late 8th Century to the 6th Century B.C., ActaHyp 7, 1997, 45-62.





521

forum

Mingazzini 1975P. Mingazzini, L’Anfora di Sophilos nella Tomba dei Maratonomachi, ASAtene 52-53, 1974-1975, 9-13.

Moore & Philippides 1986M.B. Moore & M.S.P. Philippides, The Athenian Agora XXIII. Attic Black-Figured Pottery. Prince-ton 1986.

Morris 1987I. Morris, Burial and ancient society: the rise of the Greek city-state. Cambridge 1987.

Morris 1995I. Morris, Burning the Dead in Archaic Athens, in: A. Verbanck-Piérard and D.Viviers (eds.), Culture et cité: l’avènement d’Athènes à l’ époque archaïque : actes du colloque international organisé à l’Université libre de Bruxelles du 25 au 27 avril 1991 par l’Institut des Hautes Etudes de Belgique et la Fondation Archéologique de l’U.L.B., Bruxelles 1995, 45-74.

Morris 1997I. Morris, The Art of Citizenship, in: Langdon, S. (ed.), New Light on a Dark Age. Exploring the Cul-ture of Geometric Greece, Missouri 1997, 9-43.

Mösch-Klingele 2006R. Mösch-Klingele, Die „loutrophoros“ im Hoch-zeits- und Begräbnisritual des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. in Athen. Bern. 2006.

Mussche et al. 1968H.F. Mussche et al., Thorikos: Rapport prelimi-naire sur la première campagne des fouilles I 1963. Brussels 1968.

Onasoglou 1987A.Onasoglou, Λαθοtριζα Βaρης, AΔ 42, 1987, Χρ., 92-96.

Osborne 1985R. Osborne, Demos: the discovery of Classical Atti-ka. Cambridge 1985.

Osborne 1989R. Osborne, A Crisis in Archaeological History? The Seventh Century B.C. in Attica, BSA 84, 1989, 297-322.

Papadimitriou 1955I. Papadimitriou, Μυκηναϊκοί Τaφοι Αλυκής Γλυφaδας, ΠΑΕ, 1955, 78-99.

Papadopoulou-Kanelopoulou 1997Ch. Papadopoulou-Kanelopoulou, Ιερό της Νύμφης. Μελανόμορφες Λουτροφόροι .Athens, 1997.

Parker 1983R. Parker, Miasma: pollution and purifi cation in early Greek religion. Oxford 1983.

Petrakos 1995V. Petrakos, Μαραθών. Athens 1995.

Picozzi 1971M.G. Picozzi, Anfore attiche a protome equina, StMisc 18, 1971, 5-64.

Pimpl 1997H. Pimpl, Perirrhanteria und Louteria. Berlin 1997.

Polignac 1995aF. de Polignac, Cults, territory, and the origins of the Greek city-state (trans. by J. Lloyd). London 1995.

Polignac 1995bF. de Polignac, Sanctuaires et societé en Attique géométrique et archaique: réfl exion sur les critères d’ analyse, in: A. Verbanck-Piérard and D. Viviers (eds.), Culture et Cité: L’ avènement d’Athènes à l’ époque archaïque: actes du Colloque international organisé à l’Université libre de Bruxelles du 25 au 27 avril 1991 par l’Institut des Hautes Études de Belgique et la Fondation Archéologique de L’U.L.B., Brussels 1995, 75-101.

Polignac 1996F. de Polignac, Entre les dieux et les morts. Status individual et rites collectifs dans la cité archaïque, in: R. Hägg (ed.), The Role of Religion in the early Greek polis: proceedings from the third international Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult: organized by the Swedish Institute at Athens, 16-18 October 1992,Jonsered 1996, 31-40.

Polignac 2002F. de Polignac, Cultes de sommet en Argolide et Corinthie. Eléments d’ interpretation, in: R. Hägg (ed.), Peloponnesian sanctuaries and cults: proceedings of the ninth international symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 11-13 June 1994,Stockholm 2002, 119-122.

Richter 1961G.M.A. Richter, The Archaic Gravestones of Attica.London 1961.





522


Brasenose CollegeUniversity of OxfordUK – OX1 4AJ Oxford

[email protected]

Riemann 1937H. Riemann, Archäologische Funde vom Sommer 1936 bis Sommer 1937, AA 1937, 121-124.

Rotroff 1995Rotroff, S., I., Review of: Ian Morris (ed.), Clas-sical Greece: Ancient Histories and Modern Archae-ologies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. BMCR 6.2, 1995, 221-228.

Scheibler 1961I.Scheibler, Olpen und Amphoren des Gorgonma-lers, JdI 76, 1961, 1-47.

Schnapp 1997A. Schnapp, Le chasseur et la cité, Chasse et érotique dans la Grèce ancienne. Paris 1997.

Snodgrass 1982A. Snodgrass, Les origines du culte des héros dans la Grèce antique”, in: La mort, les morts dans les sociétés anciennes, Cambridge 1982, 107-120.

Stais 1890V. Stais, O Ttμβος εν Βουρβa, AM 15, 1890, 318-329.

Stais 1893V. Stais, O εν ΜαραθBνι Τtμβος, AM 18, 1893, 46-63.

Vierneisel 1964aK. Vierneisel, Die Ausgrabungen im Kerameikos 1963, A∆ 19, 1964, Χρ., 38-42.

Vierneisel 1964bK. Vierneisel, Die Ausgrabungen im Kerameikos, AA 1964, 420-467.

Walter 1940O. Walter, Archäologische Funde in Griechenland vom Frühjahr 1939 bis Frühjahr 1940, AA 1940, 175-178.

Whitley 1988J. Whitley, Early States and Hero Cults: A Re Appraisal, JHS 108, 1988, 173-182.

Whitley 1994aJ. Whitley, The Monuments that stood before Marathon. Tomb cult and Hero cult in Archaic Attica, AJA 98, 1994, 213-230.

Whitley 1994bJ. Whitley, Protoattic Pottery. A Contextual Analysis, in: Classical Greece: Ancient Histories and Modern Archaeologies, edited by Morris, I. Cam-bridge 1994, 51-70.

Wolters 1899P. Wolters, Vasen aus Menidi II, JdI 14, 1899, 103-135.





Acta Hyperborea 12 2009-Libre

Documents

Transcript of Acta Hyperborea 12 2009-Libre