'._1 CAN SAY I HAD QUITE A GOOD TIME.' TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN PUTRA AL-HAJ (1903-1990) AND

1HE

ABSTRACT

JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF MALAYA 1941-19451

00; Keat Gin

TunkuAbdul Rahman PutraAI-Haj (1903-1990), affectionately addressed as 'Tunku' (prince), the first prime minister of independent Malaya (1957) and of Malaysia (1963), was a prince of the Malay royal house ofKedah. Graduated from Cambridge University, he joined the colonial civil service and was a district officer in Kulim when the Japanese

Imperial Forces invaded British Malaya.2

The Pacific War (1941-1945) and the Japanese occupation of British Malaya were apparently 'quite a good time' for Tunku whose joviality, level headedness, and pragmatism saw him through those trying years. Although he did not have an autobiography, he left behind reminiscences of his colourful life in a series of newspaper articles. It is from these recollections that we gleaned his experiences and life during the war years.

The main objective in examining the writings of Tunku relating to the war years is twofold. Firstly, it is an attempt to understand his perception of the conflict, the British defeat, the Japanese, the occupation years, the Japanese surrender, and the return of the British to Malaya. Secondly, it is intended to compare Tunku's recollections of his experiences with that of other contemporaries and also with the scholarly works of historians. The primary aim is to explore whether Tunku's wartime experiences were

1 This article is a revised version ofa working paper entitled 'Ego-Documents ofTunku

Abdul Rahman Putra AI-Haj (1903-1990)" at The Asia-Pacific War: Experiences and

Reflections, organized by Netherlands Institute for War Documentation (NIOD),

International Institute for Asian Studies (lIAS), and Royal Institute of Linguistics

and Anthropology (KITLV), AmsterdamlLeiden, 21-23 November 2001. I wish to

thank Dr Elly Touwen-Bouswma ofNIOD as the organizing chairperson for her kind

invitation, and fellow panelists for their comments and criticisms.

2 British Malaya denotes the nine peninsular Malay States, British protectorates, and the

three British Crown Colonies ofPenang, Malacca, and Singapore collectively referred to

as the Straits Settlements. British Malaya corresponds to present day West or Peninsular

Malaysia and the Republic of Singapore.

Do; K~1It Gill

unique, or did be share common experiences with the other witnesses and contemporaries. It is also intended to gauge to what extent one man's perception of events as he lived through them is in tandem with historical writings that had the advantages of both hindsight and accessibility to a variety of source materials.

The aim of this inquiry into Tunku '5 experiences of the Pacific War and the Japanese occupation, the aim is also to evaluate the usefulness and role of ego-documents in the re-construction of the past and the understanding of historical events. The tenn eg<HIocurnents refer to memoirs, autobiographies, diaries, personal correspondences, private papers, and personal notes, even jottings.

Tunku: A Biographical Note

Born on 8 February 1903 in Alor Setar, Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra AI-lIaj was the son of Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim shah by his Thai wife, Che Manjalara. Tunku had his early education in Alor Setar and Bangkok and then attended the Penang Free School. He read Law and History at St Cathrine's College, Cambridge. and graduated in 1925. He joined the Kedah Civil Service and when war broke out in December 1941, he VIolS the District Officer ofKulim. Later, owing to his defiance, the Japanese administration transferred him to Alor Setar as Superintendent of Education. After the war, he returned to England to study for his Bar examinations. In 1947, he qualified as a Barrister-at-law at Inner Temple. He was briefly attached to the Kedah Legal Service upon his return from England preceding his appointment as Deputy Public Prosecutor at Kuala Lumpur. It was not long there after that he was promoted to the post of President of the Selangor Sessions Court.

Tunku '5 interest in politics was at best lukewarm during the pre-war days. His involvement with Saberkas (Unity), a clandestine Malay political organization, during the later part of the Japanese occupation could be regarded as a beginning of his interest in political affairs. The changing situation of the post-war period notably the Malay struggle against the Malayan Union (1946-1947), the Federation of Malaya (1948), and the communist insurgency, the so-called Malayan Emergency (1948-1960), had profound impact on Tunku. He accepted the chairmanship of the Kedah branch of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). Upon the resignation ofDato' Onn Jaafar (1895-1962) as president of UMNO over the issue of the admission of non­Malays into the party. Tunku was elected as successor. Despite heading a communal party like UMNO, Tunku was realistic in acknowledging from the outset that only through cooperation with the Chinese and Indians could independence from British colonial rule be achieved At the age of 48, Tunku embarked on his mission to unite the three main ethnic communities - Malay, Chinese, and Indian - and together strive towards Merdelca (independence).

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• ••• 1 Can Say I Had Quite A Good Time'

Tunku forged a Sino-Malay pact between UMNO and the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA). The UMNO-MCA Alliance achieved success in the 1952 Municipal Elections. Then the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) joined the Alliance. The UMNO-MCA­MIC Alliance swept the polls at the Federal Elections of 1955. Tunku proved to the British as well as to the communist insurgents led by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) that he had the capability to be the leader of an independent Malaya with support from all the three major ethnic groups.

The landslide victory oftheAlliance in 1955 paved the way for a limited self-governrrent for Malaya with Tunku as Chief Minister. Tunku led a delegation to London in January 1956 for constitutional talks. On 31 August 1957, Britain granted Malaya independence and Tunku became the country's inaugural Prime Minister.

In 1961, Tunku mooted the idea of a wider federation of 'Malaysia' incorporating Malaya, the British colonies of Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo, and the British the Prime Protectorate of Brunei. Malaysia became a reality on 16 September 1963 with Tunku as the Prime Minister. Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo (Sabah from 1963) gained independence through Malaysia. Brunei from the beginning declined to participate. Singapore, uneasy over various issues, withdrew in 1965.

Tunku stepped down as Prime Minister in September 1970 in the aftermath of the 'May 13' racial conflagration in 1969. He then devoted his energies to forging unity amongst Islamic countries and in missionary work. He became the Secretary-General of the International Islamic Secretariat based in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. Through his efforts, an Islamic Development Bank was set-up in Jeddah. Earlier in 1960, Tunku was instnunental in setting up Pertubuhan Kebajikan Islam Malaya (PERKIM) or Malayan Muslim Welfare Organization, with its objective of spreading Islam amongst the non-Malays, and was particularly active with the Chinese.

Tunku was for some years a columnist for the English language daily The Star where he contnbuted a weekly article touching on a wide variety oftopics. His recollections of historical episodes, opinions and stance on contemporary issues, and good-humoured anecdotes ofhis life and times were well received by a large cross-section of the multi-ethnic peoples of Malaysia. His writings further enhanced his stature as a respected statesman.

Tunku died on 6 December 1990 in Penang. He was laid to rest at the royal burial ground at Langgar, Kedah.

REMINISCENCES BUT NO AUTOBIOGRAPHY

I have often been asked why it was that I did not write my autobiography. It is difficult for me to write about myself. Firstly, I cannot say anything too good or too bad about myself. Secondly, I have been so long in the public eye and Malaysians know me for what I am. (1984: 223).

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However, dwing the time when Tunku was involved in The Slar, initially a Penang­

based English Language daily, and later a national daily, he wrote a series of stories and

"'Y'Ctbes from the late 1 cno's and throughout the 1980's during his retirement. These rccol1ections that formed his weekly contribution that appeared in The Star between 1974 and 1990 were

compiled and republished in eight volwnes. They are Looking BacA: (19n), Viewpoints

(1978),As a Matter oflntm!St ( 1981), Lest We Forget (1983), Something to Remember(1983),

Contemporary Issues in Malaysian Politics (1984), Challenging nmes (1986), and Political Awakening (1987).

Of the nwnerous articles that he penned, nine reflected on his life during the

Pacific War and the Japanese occupation of British Malaya. These nine essays are the

TunJru's ego- documents of the war years in lieu of an autobiography. 'My Kedah Days' and

'The Palace Prince and I' appeared in Challenging nmes (1984); 'Two Hours Ahead of

Tokyo' in Something to Remember (1983); 'The Admiral's Sword and Force 136' and 'The

War Years' in As A Maller aflnterest (1981). Looking Back (l9n) has four articles, namely 'Helping Hand for Human Derelicts: Looking After the Refugees of the Death Railway'. 'The Kishi Scare: I Prayed Hard for the Safety of Our Important Guest', 'Memories of the Japanese Invasion; How Tunku "Kidnapped" His Own Father', and 'Perilous Search: Mass Graves Yield Awful Secret ofTernble Massacre'.

In September 1983, two historians from Universiti Sains Malaysia interviewed Tunku at his Penang residence regarding his experiences during the Japanese occupation. The transcript of the interview was published as Reminiscences ofTunku Abdul Rahman

on the Japanese Occupation (Penang, Malaysia: Jawatankuasa Sejarah Lisan dan Perpustakaan, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Siri Sejarah Lisan Pendudukan Jepun, No. 1,1989).

The nine artic les and the published transcript allow a reconstruction of picture of Tunku's activities in his own words during the war years.

THE JAPA."IESE ARE CO:\lI~G __

When hostilities broke out with the landings of Japanese forces on 8 December 1941 on the beaches of Kota Bahru, capital town of Kelantan on the northeast coast of the peninsula, Tunku was a district officer ofKulim, in Kedah, on the nonhwestern pan of the country. The months prior to the Japanese assault, preparations were underway for the defence of British Malaya. As the 'deputy head of the civil defence organization in South Kedah', Tunku oversaw the coordination of the functions of all other civil defence units (1981: 1 S 1). He was also responsible for organizing the A.R.P. (Air Raid Precaution) for southern Kedah. Apart from training men to fight fifes and to anend to

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' ••• 1 Can Say 1 Had Quite A Good Time'

casualties, Tunku went a few steps further in violation instructions. Tunku drilled and disciplined his men as soldiers. He set up evacuation camps consisting of several 'longhouses' on the fringes of the jungle where women and children could shelter in the event of air raids. The A.R.P. was trained to conduct an orderly evacuation. Towards fund-raising for the war effort, Tunki organized a fun-fair and staged Mahsuri legendary tragic tale of Princess Mahsuri based on a script he himself wrote.

A turbulent period reigned in the aftennath of the British withdrawal and prior to the arrival of Japanese forces. During this chaotic time,Tunku perfonned two heroic acts: the 'kidnapping' ofhis father. SultanAbdu1 Hamid Halim Shah (1881-1943) of Kedah, and maintaining law and order in Kulim District and Province Wellesley.

The British decided that the old and infum Sultan be taken from his palace in Alor Setar to Penang, and hence, evacuated to Singapore. Tunku was adamant that his father the Sultan should remain with his people and 'the British could not use him for their propaganda' (1977: 251-252). But a personal reason was that he 'was even more concerned that he 'was even more concerned that his flight from the country might cause him undue

excitement, considerable alarm and severe strain' (1977: 252). At dawn on 21 December 1941, a British convoy escorted the Sultan's yellow

Rolls Royce heading for Penang. En route at Kepala Batas, Tunku, in a greenARP. Defence

Corp unifonn and an army-type helmet, intercepted the royal vehicle by waving his arms. When the car stopped, he 'jumped straight in and ordered the chauffeur to

drive into Kulim' (1977; 250). After a short rest at Tunku's house in Kulirn, the Sultan was driven to Kampung Sidim, a village some 20 miles (32 kilometres) inland surrounded by rubber plantations. Tunku had forewarned the Malay villagers to prepare the arrival of their Sultan. Led by Penghulu Manap, the headman of the village, all 'swore that they

would look after their Ruler' (1977: 251).

Considered as 'one of the most important episodes of [his] life', Tunku's 'kidnap' of his father was motivated by a dream. Some weeks previous to the

incident', he dreamt of his father calling for his help:' "Putera, Putera, hang mari tolong oku, hang ma; tolong aku. " Come help me' (1989: 1). The next morning he set off to Kampung Sidim to make the preparations. At the same time he also made enquiries as to the movements of his father. His brother-in-law Syed Omar, then Under-Secretary of State for Kedah, informed him on 8 December of the

, It is unclear when Tunku had this dream. He mentioned 'it came to me in a dream a week before the actual incident' (1977: 251). During an interview, however, Tunku said that, 'one night just before the Japanese came, say about two weeks before the

Japanese came into Kedah, I had a dream which was so vivid' (1989: 1).

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Ooi K~III Gill

British plans for the evacuation of the Sultan. Armed with this information, Tunku batched bis 'kidnap' strategy. It was fortuitous to TunJru's plan that the vehicles moved at several minute intervals, a decision made by the British convoy commander in order to avoid Japanese aerial bombings.·

For his exploits, Tunku earned the wrath ofTunku Badlishah, the Regent and bis balf-brother, who telephoned from Penang threatening him with arrest if he did not deliver the Sultan. Tunku's defiant response was, 'you can have me arrested, you can come and take father [Sultan] over my dead body' (1989: 3), But as events unfolded the tables were turned. In the wake of the Japanese aerial bombings of Penang, Tunku Badlishah instead called Tunku requesting sanctuary for him and his family in Kulim. When they arrived, Tunku took them to Kampung Sidim to join the Sultan.

While he entered the bad books of the British, the Japanese propaganda machine lionized Tunku for his daring deed. His heroic and patriotic act of how [he] snatched [his] father from the British army escorting him to Singapore via Penang' was widely published in Japan (1984: 175). The Japanese propaganda machinery capitalized fully on this episode.

The interregnum between the British evacuation and the Japanese arri\'allitcrally plunged Kulim into total darkness. The British had destroyed the electric power station prior to their hasty departure. Tunku decided to act He ordered the evacuation of all women and children to the 'longhouses' on the edge of the jungle. Tunku formed a 'Riot Squad' consisting of members of the Volunteer Force of the Federated Malay States that had earlier been disbanded. All civil defence personnel were to discard their g~n uniforms 'but to remain on duty and at their posts in their civilian clothes' (1981: 153). Consequently, 'the whole of Kulim district was orderly and no violence of any kind or looting took place' (1981: 153)as Tunku later happily wrote.

Tunku claimed that 'Kulim was the safest place to be in during the height of the British retreat .... [and] the situation in Kulim remained calm and peaceful'

• There is a discrepancy as to the time intervals between the vehicles in the convoy and also of the location when this decision was taken. In one recollection, TUnku stated that 'it was a lucky break for me that when the convoy reached Sungei Patani . the Commandant gave orders for the cars to move at two-minute intervals to avoid Japanese bombing from the air' (1977: 250). However, in another version he wrote:

'Fortunately, the convoy decided in Gurun to change plans and moved at intervals of fi ... ~ minutes because of the threat from Japanese aircraft which had been bombing Penang since early that morning' (1984: 226). But a third version stated that, 'when they came to Gurun. they decided not to go in a convoy but to take two minutes intnVal' (1989: 2).

' ... 1 Can Say I Had Quite A Good Time'

(1983: 125). He also established law and order in Province Wellesleys upon the request by Malay and Chinese communal leaders.

TunKu was also fortunate to have a Japanese intelligence officer, Lieutenant 6

Nakamia, of Fujiwara Kikan as his houseguest. He arrived together with the first

Japanese troops to enter Kulim on Christmas Eve. His presence averted any untoward action from Japanese soldiers who 'began to beat and pound at [Tunku's] door' (1981: 153). Fortunate too was the evacuation of the womenfolk as the Japanese soldiers not only broke into shops and houses but also searched for women.

Food supply was another major concern. Tunku sent two men with a lorry to Bagan Serai armed with a note from him to obtain rice from the government mill. Their first trip was successful and they brought a lorry load of rice to Kulim. On their second trip British soldiers apprehended them. Owing to a language barrier, they were unable to extricate themselves from the situation. Nonetheless, while travelling in an army truck under custody they made their escape and tracked back to Kulim.

Ul'lDER THE RISING SUN REGIME

The period of the Japanese Occupation was a period of uncertainty, and one had to make the best of it. I had many friends who never gave me a dull moment, so I can say I had quite a good time. (1983; 127)

District Officer or KUDCho, Kulim On 26 December 1941 Major Fujiwara Iwaichi, head of Fujiwara Kikan, visited

Tunku in Kulim. He requested Tunku to return the Sultan to Alor Setar and issued a pass to ensure the safety of the royal entourage. Tunku remembered the journey from Bukit Sidirn toAlor Setaro

SThe British acquired a strip ofland facing Penang Island in 1800 and named it Province

Wellesley after Arthur Wellesley (later the Duke of Wellington).

6 Fujiwara Kikan or Fujiwara Organization was the Japanese intelligence unit headed

by Major (later Lieutenant Colonel) Fujiwara Iwaichi (1908-1986) with its headquarters

in Bangkok. It was often abbreviated as F-Kikan.

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Dol K~1lI Gill

It was dreadful journey, as we saw many

dead bodies in the canal by the roadsides,

some of them without their heads. Rubber

eststes were badly damaged by shell, and

the villages and towns all along the way

already showed signs of the scars of war.

(1977:254)

Tunlru's helps was enlisted in securing the release of his brother-in-law Raja Aman Shah who was District Officer of Port Dickson and a Captain of the Volunteer Force of the Federated Malay States. Tunku was told that he had been held as a prisoner-of-war (POW) but his where about was unknown. Raja Shahar Shah, brother of Raj a A man Shah appealed to Tunku whom he knew was respected by the Japanese owing to the widely publicized 'kidnapping' exploit Tunku 'armed with a letter from the Japanese Governor of Kedah and wearing and armlet with the chop of Fujiwara Kikan made two unsuccessful attempts to search for Raja Aman Shah in Singapore (1981: 154). Tunku was also issued a certificate authorizing him to carry a pistol'.

The pistol that he carried nearly caused Tunku his life when his car was stopped at the Johor Causeway. When he discovered the pistol in the glove compartment. the Japanese sentry was about to shoot TunIru but Syed Omar, his brother-in-law, rushed to intercede. Despite the certificate of authority, Tunku and his companions were detained. Finally, they were released unharmed but the pistol was confiscated

It was a fruitless search. When Tunku approached Ibrahim Yaacob (1911-1979) and Ishak Haji Mohamed, members of the pro-Japanese Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM) for assistance in Singapore, he was confronted with the rebuke: • "Why did your brother-in-law work for the British" '( 1977: 274)

TunJru only learned of the awful fate of Raj a A man Shah after the war. According to a Chinese officer of the Volunteer Force who managed to escape, Raja Aman Shah 'was one of the hundreds ofPOWs the Japanese had massacred'. (1977: 275)

AU the volunteers were shot and buried in one grave in Singapore ... [the Japanese] made them dig their own graves. They machine-gunned them and buried them alive, some of them before they were dead (1989:4)

During the early days of the Japanese occupation, Tunku experienced utter horror and untold fear brought about by two unforgettable events. At the Kulirn hospital a dying Punjabi-Muslim with eight bayonet wounds to his body told Tunku the horrific deed of the Japanese.

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It appeared that he and forty others, taken into police custody for small offences, had been called out at midnight by the Japanese soldiers who were members of the garrison stationed in Kulim.They were taken to a rubber estate where a few big communal graves had been dug and all were bayonetted into the holes by the soldiers. As they fell, they were further bayonetted from the top .... The victims, presumed dead, were then covered with earth, but he crept out under cover of darkness and miraculously escaped and was brought to the hospital by some kind people who found him on the roadside. (1981: 154-155)

When Tunku went to investigate, he discovered the dreadful truth at Junjong where the communal graves were found, 'their awful secret yielded by escaping gas, which, forcing the earth open, emitted the dreadful stench of decomposed bodies' (1977: 273). He immediately ordered the release of all inmates at police lock-ups and instructed the police and members of his 'Riot Squad' not to apprehend anybody 'whatever might have been their offence '( 1981: 155).

The next day, Tunku was told that the Japanese were after his two assistant district officers who were accused of hiding a Bren gun, a capital offence. The two men 'white as paper' came to tell him that evening that they were making a run for it that night. Instead Tunku told them 'to keep calm and that [he] would take the blame because the Bren gun in question was with [him]' buried in the compound of his house (1981: 155). He recalled the confrontation with the Japanese garrison commander.

The three of us would go and see the Garrison Commander, the same man who had earlier ordered the execution of the forty in those graves we found. Early next morning, the three of us and Loy Sin [Twlku's interpreter], walked rather unsteadily up the hill where the [Garrison] Headquarters were, to be met by the Commander, all resplendent in uniform. He looked really fearsome; to say we were not afraid would be the understatement of all time. It was all I could do to stop myself wetting my trousers. As calmly as I could in such critical circumstances, I declared that I had kept the gun as a souvenir, my two assist­ants having nothing to do with it at all. Now I was bringing it to him, so that he could have it with my compliments, as the gun was of no use to me. Suddenly the Commander's face showed a change. Smiling broadly he said he would accept the gun and that we could all go home. Quickly we turned about to make for home, full of thanksgiving prayers to Allah.

(1977:273-274)

A positive outcome, however, developed from these incidents. Apparently:

... there appeared to be a better understanding between the Japanese garrison commander and his officers on the one hand and we and our [Kedah]

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govenunent officials on the other. By now, the Japanese had taken us sufficiently into their confidence to discuss local affairs with us, as a result of which the annosphere became more calm and the people less disturbed. We and the business people frequently threw parties for them. (1981: 156)

Tunku earned the confidence of the Japanese garrison commander to the extent of being privy to confidential news of the progress of the war. Prior to the transfer of the garrison to the Philippines, Tunku 'was told that the Americans were hitting back and had won a major naval victory at Guam' (1981: 156).

Tunku maintained his post as district officer or Kuncho of Kulim under the Japanese administration. He organized a football tournament as a means of distraction for the local population and 'to keep the people calm and the Japanese from harrassing the young men' (1983: 126). Despite a personalJapanese tutor, Tunl..-u's fluency in Nihongo was limited 'to say "thank you", "please", "eat", and "drink" and to know that Kulim is pronounced in Japanese as"Kurirnu" '( 1981: 156). Apparently despite this handicap, Tunku was able to carry out his administrative duties. He communicated mainly in English with the Japanese through a Chinese interpreter, officialleners and memoranda in the Japanese language were translated to English or Malay.

In order to avoid being held responsible for losses, Tunku instructed that all silverware and other valuables from European homes in his district be collected. Several trucks were utilized to transport the silverware to the Japanese administration at Alor Setar.7 lnstead of being conunended for his responsible act. Tunku was berated and accused of being a thief. The Japanese civil official at Alar Setar named Hanga' branded TWlku 'a thieffor stealing the 10 or 9 knives' that were missing from the inventory that Tunku had submined (1989; 19). With wit and composure, Tunku explained that be personally p~ pared the inventory, and ifbe had wanted to keep the knives he would not have listed them. The OfflCiaI angrily instructed him to be silent and ordered that be replaced the missing items. Tunku had no choice but to send his own knives as replacement

In recalling this episode ofbeing accused as a thief: Tunku kept his cool Apparently Hanga 'always slapped people' and 'if be had slapped me,. don't know what would have happened' . (1989: 19) Although Tunku was obviously furious at that time, he remained calnt..

It took me some time before I replied [to the accusation], because ifl had lost my temper and hit him. I would have had my head chopped off.

(1981: 157)

7 In one recollection. Tunku wrote of'six lorry-loads' but in another account he stat~ 'eight lorry-loads'. The latter number, however, is similar to the one given in an intervif!'\Jy Sec 198 I: 157; 1984: 224; I 989: 19 respectively. -• In another version. the Japanese official is referred to as 'Mr Hanger'. Sec 1981: 1 S '"1.

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• .•. 1 Can Say I Had Quite A Good Time'

After the war, when some British estate managers asked of their silverware, Tunku told them 'to go to the Japanese and get them' (1981: 157).

As mentioned earlier, Tunku also maintained the peace in Province Wellesley in the wake of the British withdrawal. The Japanese authorities instead of thanking him for his assistance blamed him for the loss of valuables from European homes and estates. He was summoned to Penang to account for the losses. Fortunately, local members of the Peace Council' supported Tunku's explanation that he although not the district officer of Province Wellesley, had helped maintained law and order upon the request of local communal leaders (1984: 224). He was cleared of the charges and subsequently released.

Tunku's duties as Kuncho were onerous. It was a 24 hour job and a 'thankless one! Owing to the destruction of the main roads, the Kulim Road was much utilized

and Tunku had to 'be on hand all the time to entertain big and small men who passs through Kulim on their way to Taiping and the South' (1981: 158). He recalled that 'they used to come [at] all times of day and night knocking at [his] door demanding makan [food] demanding this and that' (1989: 7). On several occasions, Tunku and his assistants stood for hours on the roadside awaiting the arrival of a dignatory. On one particular occasion, Tunku was late and the Japanese Governor of Kedah had

already arrived. Tunku knew of his impending arrival; instead of waiting as required,

he went to play golf. For his tardiness, Tunku was thoroughly reprimanded short of being slapped by the Governor's aide-de-camp.

A more serious defiance occurred that led to Tunku being relieved as Kuncho of Kulim. Tunku bravely disagreed with Japanese plans for cotton cultivation in Henrietta

Estate, Padang Serai and Victoria Estate utilizing forced labour. Cotton was intended for cloth production. He argued that the wetness of Kulim was not conducive for growing

cotton. His inability to recruit labour made him 'rather unpopular with the Japanese' (1981:

157). His recalcitrance earned him a 12 hour transfer notice. He was posted to Alor Setaro

Superintendent ofEducation,Alor Setar

Upon his transfer to Alor Setar to assume the post of Superintendent of Education, Tunku discovered that there were no 'tools' to get the job done. There were 'no books, no pencils, [and] no paper' and the task to keep the schools running was indeed uphill all the way (1977: 290).

Shortly after his appointment, Kedah together with Perlis, Kelantan,and Terengganu officially came under the jurisdiction of Thailand. In return for Thai support, the Japanese transferred the sovereignty of these four northern Malay States to Bangkok.

9 Peace Maintenance Committee was the appropriate name.

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Thai officials scntlO Alor Setal were fiiends ofTunku during his Bangkok and Cambridge days, NOllCtheless, no assistance was forthcoming from the Thai officials who were plainly nor.chalant about malters. Tunku recalled that the Thais 'don't do anything" the Japanese still run the place' (1989: 8). Many of the Thai officers knew that their appointment in Kedah was a short-tenn one; moreover none of them wanted to rock the boat lest they create friction with the Japanese. They were of the view, 'why should we tal.:e the bones, and return the meat?' (1977: 290).

Although the Thai officials 'haven't got their hearts in it' for various other matters, they 'were making money through ... [Kedah] Chinese [rice] agents giving them li.::ensc for the rice' (1989: 21-22). Many ofTunlu's Thai friends enriched themselves during this period.

Meanwhile, Tunku as Superintendent of Education stru£!;led with the appalling situation particularly deplorable in the rural districts. In the absence of equipment, the teachers carried on giving oral lessons to their pupils. Tunku had slates cut at Bukit Meriang so as to allow the boys to at least "Tite on them.

From his recollections, it seemed that Tunku had an enjoyable time while living in Alor Setar. Many people came to town 'either to do business or to fill their stomachs' owing to the abundance offood (1983: 123). Kedah was the granary of the Malay Peninsula and Alor Setar had long been the centre of the rice trade.

Twu..-u had a lucky break when a friend disposed of his shares in the Alor Setar amusement park and he took them up. The amusement park was initiated and owned by Shaw Brothers. When the Japanese arrived they distnbuted the shares to the 'Mala~

Clllnese and Indian communities in equal proportion with Shaw Brothers' (1983: 126). For

want of other entertainment. the amusement park that staged Malay bangsowan (theatre).

ronggeng (dance), Otinese -wa:\'Ong (theatre), gambling arcades, and food stalls was the prime magnet to locals and visitors. Twu.'U had an unexpected windfall

I used to collect dividends, once in three months, then once I

month, then once in two weeks and then once every week. With this money I was able to live comfonably . (1981: 158)

In recalling his days in Alor Setar during the Japanese occupation, Tunku

talked of his 'many friends who never gave [him] a dull moment, so [he] can say [ that

he] had quite a good time' (1983: 127). He was philosophical about those days. which

he described as 'a period of uncertainty' by holding to the dictum that 'one had to make

the best oflife' despite the difficult circumstances (1983: 127). He held parties with his

nwnerous friends and remembered that on one of these merry makings. his friends had

10 wade home barefooted as the floodwaters had carried way their shoes.

' ••. 1 Can Say I Had Quite A Good Time'

Tunku and his friends helped in alleviating the plight of stragglers who had managed against all odds to escape from the Death Railway.tO The Japanese built a railway between Thailand and Burma to facilitate a supply lim. for their troops in the advance towards British India. Hundreds of thousands of men were forcibly recruited throughout British Malaya and southern Thailand including Allied prisoners-of-war. The toll on sufferings and deaths due to inhumane treatment by the Japanese was unbelievable. Tunku described the escapees as follows:

With tattered clothing hanging on to skeleton-thin bodies, wasted away by hunger and thirst, these refugees of disaster looked, and were, hwnan wrecks (1977: 290) ... they were a sorry sight and in a sorry plight with sores all over their bodies and dressed in rags.

(1981: 158)

These unfortunates, mainly ex-Malay soldiers, were found begging for food near the market place. Tunku with the assistance of his friends acquired a house from the Religious Department and transfonned the premises with an added shed into a 'Home' for the poor and destitute. The bulk of the expenditure came from Tunku; in addition funds were received from public donations and from staging bangsawan. The bangsawan shows did more to publicize the' Home' and the funding needs rather than actually making a direct monetary contribution. Moreover, the local people also begun to exploit the free accommodation and free food. However, 'we did not have the heart to turn them away, so, like it or not, we had to take them in, and try to provide for them as best as we could'(1977: 291).

During the Japanese occupation, the clock was switched two hours in advance to synchronize with the local time of Tokyo. Tunku considered this gain of an extra two hours of daylight favourable in that it allowed the additional time for rest or to be used for work in supplementing one's income. He started sugar cane cultivation, processed sugar, and sold the juicy canes.

Tunku recalled the 'poetic justice' of the Japanese. One case involved a milk vendor who was apprehended for selling adulterated milk. When the vendor's lawyer

to The Death Railway or Bunna-Siam Railway refers to the 415 kilometers stretch cOImecting Kanchanaburi of Thailand (Siam) and Thanbyuzayat of Myanmar (Bunna) constructed by theJapanese Imperial Army during the Pacific War (1941-1945). Thousands of European POWs and Asian coolies laboured under harsh conditions as the line snaked through sheer clifTs and deep tropical jungles. During the course of its IS-month construction (July 1942 to October 1943), thousands lost their lives from overwork, malnutrition, and cruel treatment by the Japanese overseers.

61

00; K~tII G;II

apJXared, he too was lock-up with his client. The Japanese forced both the lawyer and his client to conswne the adulterated milk once sold by the latter. Wben the Japanese susJXCted that the horse races in Penang might be rigged, jockeys and trainers were hauled up i.Jld given the notorious 'water treatment'.

Pails of water were produced, and poured into the mouths and down into the stomachs of the helpless jockeys until they became so distended to look almost the size of horses themselves; and their trainers shared similar treatment with equal discomforts. (1977: 276)

Reflecting on the Japanese occupation, Tunku made the following observations.

There was never a dull moment as long as one kept out of trouble ( 1983: 126).

_. those dark and e\11 days of the Japanese military rule ... (1983: 127)

As we were so accustomed to Japanese politeness, we were shocked by the barbarous beha\iour of these Japanese [soldiers \\ ho looted) (1977: 252).

[Japanese 1 commands were the law; Malayans soon found out the slightest offence could mean the difference between life and death (1977: 289).

It was a hard and cruel life. Nobody was quite sure what would happen: the flimsiest of uncorroborated evidence could land a rnan in serious trouble ( 1983:125).

lbe period of the Japanese occupation was a period of uncertainty, and one had to make the best oflife (1983: 127).

~1[A.~WlliL~ AWAITI~G THE RETl'R~ OF BRITISH FORCES_

Before the official Japanese surrender, word came to Tunlu that his two nephews- Tunl"\.l Osman and Tunku Yusof had parachuted into the jungle in the vicinity of Kuala !\erang. They were with the Allied resistance group under Major G. A. Hasler."

JlTunku referred to Hasler as a 'Colonel' (1981: 162). Hasler hea<kd the Askar MdaY\l Setia (lAyal Malay Force) established in Kedah in late February 1945 thaI operated as an intelligence network and guerrilla force (Kratoska 1998; 294).

62

• .•. 1 Can Say 1 Had Quite A Good Time'

Tunku went to meet them and to seek Hasler's assistance in securing the release of his friend SyedAbu Bakar, the District Officer of Baling, who was in the custody of the Kuomintang (KMT) guerrillas who accused him of being a collaborator. In exchange for his help. Hasler requested that Tunku supply him with Malay recruits. Both Hasler and Tunku kept their part of the bargain: Syed Abu Bakar was released and four truckloads of 'good and keen-spirited young men'joined Hasler's guerrillas in Kuala Nerang (1981: 162).

Then a more delicate matter appeared. Rumours had it that the Bintang Tiga (Three Stars) Chinese communist guerrillas 'had already taken control of South and Central Kedah and were already surrounding Alor S[e]tar, waiting for the opportunity to come in' (1984:225). Tunku informed Hasler of the position of the communist at Pokok Sena, some 12 miles (19 kilometres) from Alor Setaro The entry of the communists into Alor Setar had to be intercepted to prevent an inevitable Sino-Malay clash. The Chinese communists who dominated the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) perceived Malay civil servants who served under the Japanese regime in particular, and Malays in general, as collaborators and should be punished. Hasler sent Major Burr to impress upon the Japanese garrison commander at Alor Setar to mobilize his men to prevent the communist entering the town. Bloodshed was thus averted.

Just prior to their official surrender, the Japanese appointed Tunku as the head of the Civil Defence Force for North Kedah. He rallied his friends and the Malay youths to defend Alor Setar against a communist takeover that would result in a racial bloodbath. Tunku and his Civil Defence Force of young Malays succeeded in their mission.

Nonetheless, when the Bintang Tiga fmally entered Alor Setar after the official surrender of the Japanese, there were no open racial clashes unlike elsewhere. Instead interestingly the communists 'tried to go all out to win over the people' (1981: 163).

One incident Tunku remembered of the Japanese surrender was how he ended up being the recipient of a fme and old Japanese navy sword owned by a Japanese Rear Admiral who bad fainted during the surrender ceremony at Sungei Patani. When he fainted, several British military policemen carried him onto an ambulance. His sword was wrapped up in a newspaper and kept under the seat of the ambulance. The British military policemen decided to keep the sword as a souvenir. 'What was even more curious,' Tunku remembered, 'was that those high British military officials who had gathered for the sword-receiving ceremony forgot all about the Admiral's sword' (1981: 160).

But the British military policemen were keen to own a good quality Malay kris instead of a Japanese sword. They wanted to exchange this Japanese sword for a kris and communicated their intention to a Malay prison officer of Sungei Patani. The latter brought the policemen to Tunku. Tunku in haste took one of the kris in his brother's collection for the transaction. However, when his brother Tunku Yaacob discovered his missing kris. his most treasured possession, he confronted Tunku. He

63

was willing to give Tunku another kris for the exchange but insisted that the kris in the

initial transaction be returned. Tunku searched out the British military policemen and caught up with them just prior to their transfer. They agreed to accept the second kris and returned the initial kris after hearing Tunku's explanation. Tunku later donated the Admiral's sword to the Penang Museum.

When the war ended. Tunku remained Superintendent of Education ~ut 'with nothing to do except dangle [his] legs and scratch [his] head' (1977: 294). Therefore, in November 1946 Tunku left for London 'to settle down to the serious business of working for the Bar [examinations]' (1977: 295).

Is Tunku's Wartime Experiences Unique?

Tunku's recollections ofms days during the Pacific War and the Japanese occupation of British Malaya did not display strong emotions of any particular experience. Although be referred to cenain individuals as a 'scoundrel' (Hanga, Civil Administrator, Alor Setar) or 'master villain' (a Taiwanese who came with the Japanese to Kulim), Tunku

did not put labels on the Japanese, the British or the communists. His prose is neutral. neither pleading for the Japanese cause or defensive of the British; no accusations are hurled at the communists. He, like his contemporaries who lived through the trying years, undoubtedly witnessed the horrors of war. Perhaps being pragmatic and/or

philosophical. Tunku embraced the following belief.

I believe that the past should not dictate the present and future. If you

can't forget, you can still forgive. Let bygones be bygones is the best path to peace. (1977:143)

His reason of putting pen to paper in recalling his wanime experiences is 'for the sake of posterity and in the interest of historical truth' (1977: 289); in other words he wanted to set the record straight.

In reviewing Tunku's recollections, the central question to consider is whether his experiences are unique? If not, did he share a commonality of experience

. with other autobiographers?

SlL.\RED EXPERIE~CES

Tunku was District Officer of Kulim and Superintendent of Education, Alor Setar under the Japanese wanime administration. Abdul Aziz bin Zakaria (1989) and Mohamad YusofTHaji Ahmad (1983) shared Tunku 's experiences as they both served

' ••• 1 Can Say 1 Had Quite A Good Time'

as civil administrator under the Japanese. The former was an Assistant District Officer in Perak; the latter was District Officer of Alor Gajah. Likewise Lee, Siow Mong (1985), who was with the Straits Settlements Civil Service, was summoned to serve the Japanese administration.

Manicasothy Saravanamuttu (1969), the editor of the English daily The Straits Echo, took the initiative like Tunku in establishing law and order in George Town in the vacuum left by the retreating British. He was the Chairman of the Penang Services Committee that kept the peace and moderated untoward activities like looting in the streets of George Town prior to the arrival of Japanese forces.

. Like Tunku too, Baba Ahmed who worked at the Penang General Hospital during the occupation recalled stories of Kempeitai punishments like the notorious 'water treatment'and of Japanese atrocities (Ahmed Baba bin Ahmed Mean 1992). In Singapore, Low Ngiong Ing (1973) "'Tote of Japanese atrocities, and Lee Khoon Choy (1988) told the tale of the massacre of Chinese high school students in George Town.

Abdul Aziz bin Zakaria shared Tunku's view of the occupation and particularly the period after the Japanese surrender as a time of uncertainty. There was a cloud of probable scenarios including 'rumours that the Allied Forces would not be landing after all, and that the Three Star guerillas [sic] would be ruling the country. This was a period or uncertainty for the whole country.' (1989: 27) Likewise, Saravanamuttu recalled the war years as a time 'of living from day-to-day, not knowing what would happen the nextday'(1969: 114).

, _ I CAN SAY I HAD QUITE A GOOD TIME'

Tunku indeed 'had quite a good time'. While a District Officer ofKulim, he and other Malay civil servants and Chinese businessmen 'frequently threw parties' for Japanese officials (1983: 156). Moreover, he could also indulge in his pastime of playing golf to the extent of neglecting his officiaf duties. During his tenure in Alor Setar, his makeshift home by the river was the venue of parties with his friends: 'eating, chatting and joking, while some were playing cards' (198~: 127). Furthermore the handsome dividends he received from the Alor Setar amusement park allowed him 'to live comfortably'( 1981: 158).

Tunku resourcefulness, funds, and the collective assistance from his numerous friends enabled him to establish and maintain a destitute 'Home' for diseased-stricken escapees of the Death Railway. The inmates were fed and their sores and other ailments were treated. It was indeed an incredible achievement during a time when medicine and food were scarce. The 'Home' was a model and 'became the starting point for the future establishment of all welfare homes in Kedah' (1977: 292).

His 'kidnapping' of his father the Sultan of Kedah was an act that was fully milked by the Japanese propaganda a machine. It undoubtedly raised Tunku's stature in Japanese eyes to the extent that he had the protective presence of Lieutenant Nakamia,

65

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an inteUigence officer of Fujiwara KiluJn. as a houseguest that shielded him from any untoward action by the Japanese military during the early days of tile war. Major Fujiwara Iwaichi even gave Tunku 'an armlet with the chop of Fujiwara KiluJn • and authorized him to carry a pistol

The Bren gun incident where Tunku and his companions walked off unscathed proved that be led a charmed life. It was quite unbelievable that the Japanese garrison commander who was known to have had forty people bayonetted to death to respond to TunJru's explanation about the Bren gun in the following manner.

When the commander heard my story, he smiled, and that was real relief. He said "now, all right," and offered us orange crush. He took the gun and told us to go back [home]. (1981: 155)

A more plausible explanation however is that the Japanese favoured Tunku. This was apparent when he opposed the cotton cultivation scheme and failed to deliver the forced labour for its implementation. Instead of being punished for his defiance, Tunku was sent in 'haste' to Alor Setar to become the Superintendent of Education.12 The Japanese authorities saw in Tunku as no ordinary district officer; they knew that he was a Malay prince who appeared to be generally affable.

n~l\.lrS EXP[RIE~CES A'1> mSTORICAL STL'DIES

The ego-documents ofTunku that relate his wartime experiences offer a perceptive version of a Malay civil servant who served under the Japanese administration. The duties and responsibilities that Tunku had to undertake as Kuncho of Kulim were typical into the following category as identified by the historian Paul Kratoska (1998).

A third group of Malaya leaders consisted of the men who worked for the Japanese civil administration, for the most part pre-war civil servants who had been ordered back to work by the Japanese. It was these officials, and the village headmen, who enforce other unpalatable Japanes policies.

'llany Miller claimed that Tunku had his Thai friends in the military at A lor Sew helped him in securing an appointment as Superintendent of Education to Escape the odious position as K1mcho ofKulim (Miller 1959: 68). However, it was unlike that this was the case. According to Tunku, 'not long after my being "booted upstairs" [as Superintendent of Education}, the Japanese decided to transfer the sovereignty ofKedah to Thailand ...• (1997: 290).

'._1 Can Say 1 Had Quite A Good Time'

Some were assassinated by the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Anny, and many lost he trust of the people they were expected to administer.

(Kratoska 1998: 109)

According to Tunku his position as Kuncho was indeed a 'thankless' task and 'the most horrible job one ever had the misfortune to do' (1989): 7). The labour that was recruited included work at the Death Railway that for many was literally 'hard labour cum death sentence'. Tunku's non-cooperation in supplying workers for the Japanese cotton cultivation scheme 'did not make [him] "popular" with the Japanese in Kedah' (1977 :289); his defiance, as pointed out, earned him a transfer to Alor Setar in a new post as Superintendent of Education.

There was also a possibility that Tunku's efforts in preventing the conuniunist-dominated MPAJA to control Alor Setar, motivated was partly se1f­preservation, and partly by genuine concern to avert what must then had been seen as an inevitable Sino-Matay clash. Although Tunku did not explicitly attribute his "ability to rally the Malays to defend Alor Setar to his leadership position in Saberkas, this fact was stated in an historical study (Cheah, 1983: 172-173).

It was however difficult to gauge whether Tunku had 'lost the trust of the people they were expected to administer' as he left for England in 1946 shortly after the war. But judging from the support he achieved when he assumed the presidency ofUMNO in 1951 and his political career thereafter, he was indeed a charismatic and popular figure amongst the multi-racial population. His wartime activities did not have any adverse effects.

Tunku's memorable exploit of 'kidnapping' his father the Sultan ofKedah was considered as a 'spectacular instance' of the Malay rulers' non-cooperation with the British to flee; instead they had chosen 'to remain with their people' (Cheah, 1983: 20). The rulers ofSelangor "and Perlis rejected the British request to evacuate to Singapore; apparently the Sultan of Pahang hid in the jungle and emerged after the cessation of hostilities.

TIle observations noted and comments made by Tunku of the Japanese occupation were echoed and in general, corroborated in studies by professional historians notably YojiAkashi, Cheah Boon Kheng, and Paul Kratoska.

CO~CLUDI!'\G REMARKS

The majority ofTunku's recollections tell of his days spent as a District Officer or Kuncho ofKulim and when he was Superintendent of Education at Alor Setaro Glimpses' of the situation in Singapore can also be gleaned from his writings. Curiously no comments are to be found about his view of the Pacific War, the British defeat, or the Japanese surrender. Although known to be a staunch anti-communist, none of this stance

00; K~at Gill

could be discerned from his writings. Beside, there is little value judgement expressed in his recollections, nor exaggerations of his role in events.

Tunku shared some common experiences with other Malay as wen as non-Malay autobiographers. There is no clear identification of his experiences with fellow Malay contemporaries. His observations and comments were similar to those expressed by others who lived through the wartime years. Nonetheless, Tunku possessed several unique experiences namely the 'kidnapping' of his father, the Sultan of Kedah and the pivotal roles he played during the two interregnums (1941 and 1945).

Tunku was no ordinary Malay civil servant who served the Japanese wartime regime. He was a prince of the Kedah royal house and undoubtedly had a certain degree of influence over the local inhabitants. The Japanese were not negligent of this fact Major Fujiwara capitalized on Tunku's 'kidnapping' feat for Japanese propaganda ends. Consequently, "Tunku enjoyed a certain special status with the Japanese authorities. Furthermore, his personal rapport with Thai officials whom he knew from his Bangkok and Cambridge days ensured a favoured position during the Thai period of the occupation.

Tunku 's 'narration of his wartime experiences was, in general, in tandem with historical studies. Apart from minor inconsistencies due to'lapses in memory, his recollections otTer a perspective of events from an individual of Malay descent in a position of leadership and authority. The drawbacks of personal recollections oot\\ithstanding the eg<Hiocurnents ofTunku relating to the Pacific War and the Japanese occupation of British Malaya contribute to a greater understanding of the situation then.

R[F[R[~CES

Akashi, Yoji. Bureaucracy and the Japanese Military Administration, With Specific Reference to Malaya. William H. Newell (ed). Japan in Asia, 1941-1945. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

Akashi, Yoji. 1991. Japanese Cultural Policy in Malaya and Singapore. I 942-45.Grant K. Goodman (ed) Japanese Cultural Policies in Southeast Asia During World Har 2. Houndmills, England: Macmillan.

Akashi, Yoji. 1969. Japanese Military Administration in Malaya: Its Formation and Evolution in Reference to Sultans, the Islamic Religion and the Moslem Malays, 1941-1945, Asian Studies 7 (April).

Absh.i, Yoji. 1980. The Japanese Occupation of Malaya: lntenuption orTransfonnation?'Jn: Southeast Asia Undt!r Japanese Occupation. Edited by Alfred W. -McCoy. New Haven, Cf: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies. (Monograph Series no. 22).

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' ••. ] Can Say] Had Quite A Good Time'

Cheah Boon Kheng. 1983. Red Star Over Malaya: Resistance and Social Conflict During and After the Japanese Occupation o/Malaya. 1941-1946. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

Kratoska, Paul H. 1998. The Japanese Occupation 0/ Malaya: A Social and Economic History. London: C. Hurst; St Leonards, NSW: Alien & Unwin.

Miller, Harry. 1959. Prince and Premier: A Biography o/Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra AI-Haj, First Prime Ministero/the Federation of Malaya. London: George G Harrap in association with Donald Moore, Singapore.

Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra AI-Haj (1903-1990)

LIST OF WRITINGS

Abdul Rahman Putra AI-Haj, Tunku. 1984. 'My Kedah Days.' pp. 223-226.1n: Challenging Times. Edited by J. S. Solomon. Petaling Jaya, Malaysia: Pe1anduk Publications.

Abdul Rahman PutraAI-Haj, Tunku. 1984. The Palace Prince and I.' pp. 174-177. In:

Challenging Times. Edited by J. S. Solomon. Pctaling Jaya, Malaysia:

Pelanduk Publications.

Abdul Rahman PutraAI-Haj, Tunku. 1983. TwoHoursAheadofTokyo.'pp. 124-128.

In: Something to Remember. Petating Jaya, Malaysia: Eastern Universities Press.

Abdul Rahman Putra AI-Haj, Tunku. 1981. 'The Admiral's Sword and Force 136.'pp. 160-164. In: As A Maller of Interest. Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Asia

Abdul Rahman Putra AI-Haj, Tunku. 1981. 'The War Years.' pp. 151-159. In: As A Maller of Interest. Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Asia.

Abdul Rahman Putra AI-Haj, Tunku. 1977. 'Helping Hand for Human Derelicts:

Looking After the Refugees of the Death Railway.' pp. 289-296. In: Looking Back. Kuala Lumpur: PustakaAntara.

Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, Tunku. 1977. 'The Kishi Scare: I Prayed Hard for the

Safety of Our Important Guest.' pp. 143-149. In: Looking Back. Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara.

(f)

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Abdul Rahman PutraAI-Haj, Tunku.1977. 'Memories of the Japanese Invasion: How Tunku "Kidnapped" His Own Father.' pp. 249-255. In: Looking Back. Kuala Lumpur:Pustalca Antara.

Abdul Rahman PutraAI-Haj, Tunku. 1977. 'Perilous Search: Mass Graves Y1e1dAwful Secret of Terrible Massacre.' pp. 271-277. In: Looking Bacle. Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara.

INTERVIE\V

Abdul Rahman, Tunku. 1989. Reminiscences of Tunku Abdul Rahman on the Japanese Occupation. Penang, Malaysia: Jawatankuasa Sejarah Lisan dan Perpustakaan. Universiri Sains Malaysia. (Siri Sejarah Lisan Pendudukan Jepun, No.1).