ABSTRACT mostly White couples, and less is€¦ · Interracial Relationships Benefit Both Partners:...
Transcript of ABSTRACT mostly White couples, and less is€¦ · Interracial Relationships Benefit Both Partners:...
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THE CASE FOR INTERRACIAL UNIONS?
INTERRACIAL RELATIONSHIPS AND DEPRESSION
Jaclyn S. Wong, Department of Sociology, University of Chicago
Andrew M. Penner, Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine
ABSTRACT
Previous research shows that partnered individuals are happier and enjoy greater levels of
psychological well-being than single individuals. However, most research examining the
benefits of partnering relies on data from intra-racial – mostly White – couples, and less is
known about the emotional health outcomes of individuals in interracial partnerships. This study
uses fixed effects regression to examine depressive symptoms among those transitioning into
same-race and interracial relationships in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult
Health (Add Health). We estimate models separately by gender and race, and find that although
Whites in same-race relationships enjoy the psychological health benefits traditionally associated
with union formation, a more complex pattern characterizes these benefits for Blacks, other non-
Whites, and those in interracial relationships. These findings suggest that though Americans
enter increasingly diverse romantic relationships, union formation might not equally benefit all.
Key Words: cohabitation, marriage, depression, family formation, multiracial families
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INTRODUCTION
Scholars have found numerous benefits associated with being married and romantically
partnered (cf. Ross, 1995; Simon & Barrett, 2010; Waite & Gallagher, 2001). In particular,
research shows that partnered individuals are happier and enjoy greater levels of psychological
well-being than unmarried individuals (Coombs, 1991; Ross, 1995; Waite & Gallagher, 2001;
Wood, Goesling, & Avellar, 2007). However, most research examining the benefits of
partnership is based on data from intra-racial couples – and more specifically, White couples –
and less is known about the emotional health outcomes of individuals in interracial partnerships
(but see Bratter & Esbach, 2006), even as interracial unions are becoming increasingly common
in American society.
Even though a voluminous literature considers the reasons why people choose to enter
into interracial relationships, and the demographic characteristics of the people who do (e.g.,
Hou & Myles, 2013; Qian & Lichter, 2011), few studies examine whether the emotional benefits
traditionally associated with union formation accrue equally to individuals in interracial
marriages. Given that partners generally provide emotional and social support to each other
(Waite & Gallagher, 2001), one might expect widespread psychosocial benefits. However, given
the history of anti-miscegenation laws and norms against interracial marriage (Fryer, Jr., 2007;
Qian, 1999), one may also expect that members of interracial couples could be stigmatized, so
that they might even have worse outcomes than their single counterparts. It is also possible that
the effects of interracial marriage vary within the couple: interracial marriage may be beneficial
(or disadvantageous) for one partner but not the other, depending on each partner’s race and
gender.
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The current study seeks to better understand the potentially heterogeneous relationship
between partnership formation and mental health outcomes by using fixed effects regression
models to examine depression among individuals transitioning into same-race and interracial
relationships. We examine these relationships among a nationally representative cohort of U.S.
young adults using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health).
BACKGROUND AND LITERATURE REVIEW
Anti-miscegenation laws in the U.S. date back to the British colonial era. Beginning in
the late 1700s individual states began to repeal these laws. In the 1967 case of Loving v. Virginia
the U.S. Supreme Court declared all bans on interracial marriage unconstitutional, and rates of
interracial partnerships and marriages increased in the following decades. For example,
intermarriages increased from less than seven percent of all new marriages in 1980 to about 15
percent in 2010 (Pew Research Center, 2012). In 2010, interracial marriages accounted for 10%
of all current opposite-sex married couples, and 18% of current unmarried opposite-sex couples
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2012).
The increasing rate of interracial partnerships has been interpreted as a reflection of
Americans’ greater acceptance of racial diversity, and decline in racism in U.S. society. Though
the number of interracial unions has traditionally served as a marker for racial tolerance (Lee &
Bean, 2010; Yancey & Lewis, 2009), we suggest that assessing the outcomes of racially
exogamous couples provides additional insight into race relations in the U.S. In proceeding, we
discuss the theories and evidence informing our expectations of whether the emotional health of
individuals in interracial partnerships will be better or worse than that of being single.
Interracial Relationships Benefit Both Partners: Partnership as a Resource
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The resource model of marriage and partnership (e.g., Waite & Gallagher, 2001) suggests
that being partnered is linked to better psychological health because it brings material and
emotional resources to the dyad. Partnered individuals tend to have greater financial resources,
which can reduce their exposure to risks and stressors, and also increase their ability to weather
adverse events. Additionally, partnered individuals are more likely to have a companion and a
confidant who is concerned with their well-being than single individuals. Having a partner who
listens to problems and offers advice reduces stress and supports psychological health (Thoits,
2011). According to the resource model, union formation benefits all individuals.
Consistent with this theoretical idea, a large body of empirical literature shows that
partnered individuals have better mental health than single individuals (Lamb, Lee, & DeMaris,
2003). Partnered individuals are happier (Easterlin, 2003; Musick & Bumpass, 2012), less
anxious (DeKlyen, Brooks-Gunn, McLanahan, & Knab, 2006), and less depressed (Musick &
Bumpass, 2012; Simon, 2002) than their single counterparts. Most of this work controls for race,
which implies that union formation benefits individuals regardless of their race. However, fewer
studies considers the race of one’s partner so it is unclear how having a partner of the same or of
a different race might matter. Nevertheless, based on the resource model, we hypothesize that:
H1. Being partnered is associated with fewer depressive symptoms relative to being
single, regardless of the couple’s racial composition
Interracial Relationships Disadvantage Both Partners: Homogamy Hypothesis
Though the resource model predicts that all individuals will benefit from union
formation, other theories suggest otherwise. The homogamy hypothesis posits that individuals
tend to choose romantic partners like themselves (Kalmijn, 1998; Rosenfeld, 2005), and when
couples are not matched in educational attainment, religion, or other important status
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characteristics, conflicts are more likely to occur and can result in psychological distress (Joyner
& Kao, 2005; Pasley, Kerpelman, & Gilbert, 2001).
Indeed, empirical research suggests that greater similarity between partners is associated
with better relationship quality (Luo & Klohnen, 2005), higher levels of relationship satisfaction,
and lower levels of negative affect (Gaunt, 2006), all of which support psychological well-being
(see Proulx, Helms, & Buehler, 2007, for a meta-analysis). Conversely, dissimilar partners face
more conflict and have lower relationship quality (Pasley, Kerpelman, & Gilbert, 2001), and are
more likely to dissolve than better-matched couples (Blackwell & Lichter, 2004; Joyner & Kao,
2005). Thus, there is reason to believe that racially dissimilar partners may report higher levels
of psychological distress than when they were single, and compared to their counterparts in
same-race relationships. According to the homogamy perspective, then, we hypothesize:
H2. Being interracially partnered is associated with more depressive symptoms relative
to being single, or being partnered with someone of the same race
Interracial Relationships Affect Each Partner Differently: “His” and “Her” Marriages Theory
and the Critical Race Feminist Perspective
The benefits and disadvantages associated with interracial relationships may also differ
depending on the characteristics of each individual in the union. For example, the theory of
“his” and “her” marriages (Bernard, 1972; Gove 1972) suggests that the psychological benefits
of partnering vary by gender because men and women occupy different relationship roles. This
theory posits that women are more likely to assume the frustrating and devalued roles in a
relationship, and thus benefit emotionally from union formation less than men do. In support of
this hypothesis, research from the 2000s finds that, even though men and women’s relationship
roles have changed, partnered men continue to experience increases in emotional well-being, but
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partnered women’s increase in psychological health is less pronounced (Simon & Barrett, 2010;
Williams, 2003). The theory of his and her marriages, then, suggests that women’s emotional
well-being will benefit less from union formation than that of men, regardless of the racial
composition of the couple. We hypothesize:
H3. For men but not women, being partnered is associated with fewer depressive
symptoms relative to being single, regardless of the couple’s racial composition
Lastly, the critical race feminist perspective that draws on theories of intersectionality
(Collins, 2000; Crenshaw et al., 1995) suggests that gender interacts with race to produce
variations in the association between partnership status and psychological well-being. This
perspective posits that examining race and gender together is imperative for understanding
individual mental health outcomes in romantic relationships. Status exchange theory (Davis,
1941; Merton, 1941) offers a useful starting point to make gender-and-race-specific predictions.
Exchange theory posits that White women of low socioeconomic status (SES) may trade their
racial status for the earnings of high-SES Black partners. According to this model, White
women gain from their Black partners’ financial assets, and Black men gain from their White
partners’ racial status (Hou & Myles, 2013). As this exchange improves the status of both
partners of an interracial union, it is plausible that both might subsequently experience increases
in psychological well-being.
However, given the salience of race in the contemporary U.S. we theorize that the loss of
racial status associated with interracial partnering results in worse psychological health for White
women. High-SES Black men partnering with low-SES White women gain racial status at the
expense of SES, but these losses may not be consequential – it is relatively common in the
United States for high-SES men to partner with low-SES women (Esteve, Garcia-Roman, &
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Permanyer, 2012; Schoen & Cheng, 2006). Therefore, compared to an intra-racial partnership or
being single, an interracial partnership may not affect declines in psychological health. Research
from the 2000s offers preliminary empirical support for our proposition (Bratter & Esbach, 2006;
Kroeger & Williams, 2011). Bratter and Esbach (2006), for example, found that interracial
marriages are associated with increases in distress for White women, but not for Black men.
Black men, as well as Black women, do not appear to experience changes in distress when they
marry interracially.
In sum, the critical race feminist perspective suggests that the benefits associated with
partnering may depend on the race and the gender of the individual in the partnership.
Specifically, interracial relationships might be a disadvantage for White women, but might not
matter for the mental health of Black men and women, leading us to posit that:
H4. For White women, being interracially partnered is associated with more depressive
symptoms relative to being single, or being partnered with someone of the same race
H5. For Black respondents, being interracially partnered is not associated with depressive
symptoms relative to being single, or being partnered with another Black individual
Because status exchange theory does not offer any insights about couples of other racial
combinations (e.g., Asian and White), we do not formulate specific hypotheses for other races.
In testing these hypotheses, we replicate previous work examining the outcomes
associated with interracial relationships (Bratter & Esbach 2006, Kroeger & Williams, 2011).
We also extend previous findings by using fixed-effect models. This method allows us to better
account for baseline levels of depression and selection into interracial relationships by
controlling for all time-invariant characteristics of an individual.
DATA
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To examine the relationship between interracial unions and psychological well-being, we
use data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health). Add
Health is a nationally representative, longitudinal study of nearly 20,000 adolescents in grades 7-
12 in the 1994-95 school year in the United States. The study participants were re-interviewed in
1996, 2000-01, and most recently in 2007-08, at which time the respondents were aged 24-32
and settling into adult roles. Our analyses use data from Waves 3 and 4, when respondents were
aged 18-26 and 24-32, respectively, and had begun establishing romantic partnerships and
transitioning into marriages and cohabitations.
Our analytic sample includes respondents who are single, married, or cohabiting with a
partner in each wave. We chose to exclude those in dating relationships, those who report a
pregnancy without marriage or cohabitation, and those in multiple concurrent relationships to
focus on the psychological benefits associated with intra- and interracial marriages and
cohabiting relationships compared to being single. These restrictions leave 6,640 respondents
who had complete information on all key variables in both waves.
The outcome variable of interest is depression, which is measured by a 9-item version of
the Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression (CES-D) scale (Radloff, 1977). Respondents
were asked, “How often was each of the following things true during the past seven days:”
1. “You were bothered by things that don’t usually bother you”
2. “You could not shake off the blues, even with help from your family and your friends”
3. “You felt you were just as good as other people”
4. “You had trouble keeping your mind on what you were doing”
5. “You felt depressed”
6. “You felt that you were too tired to do things”
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7. “You enjoyed life”
8. “You felt sad”
9. “You felt that people disliked you”
Responses ranged from 0 (never or rarely) to 3 (most of the time or all of the time).
Items 3 and 7 were reverse coded. Summing the answers produces the respondent’s score on the
Add Health CES-D scale. The scale ranges from 0 to 27, and higher scores indicate a greater
burden of depressive symptoms. Descriptive statistics in Table 1 show that the average CES-D
score in the sample is 4.43 in Wave 3 and 5.10 in Wave 4. In both waves, the average CES-D
score is lowest among those married to someone of the same race (4.26 in Wave 3 and 4.80 in
Wave 4). In Wave 3, the highest average CES-D score is seen in those married interracially
(4.84), but in Wave 4, single respondents have the highest average CES-D score (5.55).
[INSERT TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE]
The key predictor variable, which we call “relationship type,” was constructed using
respondents’ self-reported race from Wave 3 and the rich relationship data available in Waves 3
and 4. In the Wave 3 interview, respondents were first asked whether they were Hispanic, and
then asked whether they identified with any of the following racial groups: White, Black, Native
American, or Asian. Respondents reporting multiple race categories were asked to choose one
race that best described their racial background. With these data, we constructed a race variable
for respondents with five mutually exclusive categories: Non-Hispanic White, Non-Hispanic
Black, Native American, Asian, and Hispanic.
Then, respondents reported on their relationships. In each wave, respondents indicated
whether their current relationship was a marriage, a cohabitation, or something else.
Respondents also identified their partners’ racial and ethnic background. They were first asked
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whether their partner was Hispanic, and then asked to select one race to describe their partners’
background. Respondents could choose White, Black, Asian, Native American, or Other.
Because respondents who indicated their partners’ ethnicity was Hispanic often proceeded to
indicate their partners’ race was “Other,” we constructed a similar race variable for partners
containing the same mutually exclusive categories of Non-Hispanic White, Non-Hispanic Black,
Asian, Native American, and Hispanic.
Using this combination of information we categorized each respondent’s relationship as
interracial if his or her race differed from that of his or her partner. For example, a Non-Hispanic
Black respondent is in an interracial relationship if her partner is Non-Hispanic White, Hispanic,
Asian, or Native American. The final relationship type variable has three categories indicating
whether a respondent was single, in a same-race marriage or cohabiting relationship, or in an
interracial marriage or cohabiting relationship, at each interview wave. Although cohabitation
possibly differs from legal marriage in its level of perceived stability (Smock, 2000), and
differences in perceived union stability could have an effect on discrimination and psychological
well-being (Brown, 2000), we found similar patterns when comparing marriages and
cohabitations separately (results available upon request). Given this result, we combined these
different relationship types to allow us to better estimate differences across racial groups. In
Wave 3, 67.6% of the sample was single, 27.7% was in a same-race relationship, and 4.7% was
in an interracial relationship. In Wave 4, 35% of respondents were single, 55.4% were in a
same-race relationship, and 9.6% were in an interracial relationship (see Table 1).
Finally, all regression models include controls for age and education. Respondents were
on average 22-years-old in Wave 3, and 29-years-old in Wave 4. Most respondents reported
having completed high school (31.6%) or some college (42.1%) in Wave 3. In Wave 4, 36.6%
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of respondents had completed some college, and over a quarter of respondents had finished
college (27.5%).
METHODS
Taking advantage of the longitudinal nature of the data, we use fixed effects regression to
model the relationship between interracial partnership formation and depression. Fixed effects
regression accounts for each person’s baseline levels of depressive symptoms, as well as his or
her propensity to form intra- and interracial partnerships. These analyses allow us to compare
individuals to themselves when they were single, to see for example, whether respondents who
enter same-race or interracial partnerships experience greater changes in depressive symptoms.
We estimate a set of three regression models for this study: one for all respondents, one
for male respondents, and one for female respondents. We separate the analyses by gender to
examine how the emotional health outcomes associated with interracial marriage might vary by
gender (Bernard, 1972; Gove 1972; Williams, 2003). We also estimate this set of models
separately for White, Black, and Asian respondents to examine whether the effect of forming an
interracial relationship on depression differs by race (Bratter & Esbach, 2006; Kroeger &
Williams, 2011). We omit results for Native American respondents due to small sample size.
We also omit the results for Hispanic respondents because they were sensitive to category
definition – classifying all respondents who reported that they were Hispanic, regardless of race,
as Hispanic, or restricting the Hispanic category to include only non-White Hispanics (either by
excluding White Hispanics from analyses or including them as White), yields a different pattern
of results. These results are available upon request.
We supplement these regression models by interacting gender with relationship type, and
race with relationship type, to identify statistically significant differences in the effect of
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relationship type on depression across gender and racial groups. In addition to testing whether
respondents in interracial partnerships differ from their single counterparts in the number of
depressive symptoms they report, we also test whether the effect of being in an interracial union
differs from being in a racially endogamous one in each model.
To add nuance to our analysis of interracial relationships, we model changes in
depression scores among individuals transitioning into Black-White relationships (N=2607) and
Asian-White relationships (N=2403). These regressions allow us to begin identifying whether
forming unions of specific race combinations is especially related to changes in depression.
Although we estimated these models for Hispanic-White relationships (N=2795), we do not
discuss the results because of the ambiguity in categorizing Hispanic respondents and partners.
We are unable to estimate models for couples of other race combinations (e.g., Black-Asian)
because of small sample size. Additionally, given the relatively small sample sizes in some of
the groups, many of the results discussed are not statistically significant, warranting caution in
interpreting them. We have highlighted points where the number of cases is particularly limiting.
Nevertheless, absence of evidence of a difference (p>0.05) is not the same as no difference (β=0)
(Altman & Bland, 1995), and given the limited data that exist on this question, our discussion of
the results focuses on the point estimates.
RESULTS
Our results are presented in Figures 1-6. Tables containing coefficients from the models
underlying these figures, as well as tests of gender and race interaction effects appear in the
appendix. To facilitate the interpretation of results, we rescale our figures so that large
coefficients correspond to better mental health (fewer depressive systems).
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Figure 1 compares the direction and size of the coefficients for each relationship type
among all respondents, all men, and all women. The first set of bars shows that transitioning into
a same-race union (black bar) is associated with the greatest reduction in CES-D scores. On
average, individuals entering into a same-race marriage score 0.64 points lower on the CES-D
scale than when they were single. Transitioning into an interracial relationship is also associated
with reductions in depressive symptoms compared to being single, but the benefit is not as great
as it is for entering a same-race partnership (grey bar). Those who enter an interracial union
show a 0.24-point reduction in CES-D score. This pattern suggests that forming an interracial
relationship may provide some, but not all, of the benefits associated with entering a same-race
partnership. It is also possible that transitioning into an interracial union confers the same
benefits to partners as same-race relationships do, but also include some disadvantages that
same-race partners do not face, which in turn results in a smaller net positive effect on emotional
health for interracial couples.
[INSERT FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE]
This general pattern holds for men (the second set of bars in Figure 1), with CES-D
scores falling by 0.68 points for men who form a same-race relationship, and scores falling 0.45
points for those who form an interracial union. Looking across genders, forming interracial
partnerships might be more advantageous for men than women. Among women (third set of
bars), only forming a same-race union is associated with reductions in depressive symptoms
(0.63 points). The effect of transitioning into an interracial union is small (0.08 points).
Although the gender X relationship type interaction effect if not statistically significant (p=.45),
these results are suggestive of gender differences in the benefits associated with entering an
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interracial relationship: men may benefit more from entering an interracial partnership than
women.
Wald tests show marginally statistically significant differences between the coefficients
on same-race unions and interracial partnerships among all respondents (p=.10), and among
female respondents (p=.09). These tests are suggestive of a difference between the effect of
forming an interracial union, and that of entering a same-race union, on CES-D scores. Taken
together, the results in Figure 1 provide support for our hypothesis that partnered respondents
will have fewer depressive symptoms than single respondents (H1). However, we add nuance to
this general pattern by showing that whereas those who transition into an interracial relationship
appear to experience some psychological benefits compared to being single, they appear not to
benefit as much as those who form intra-racial partnerships (H2). Consistent with our third
hypothesis, the data are suggestive of gender differences in the psychological benefits associated
with marriage, with women benefitting less from interracial marriage than men.
Figure 2 displays the results for White respondents only. Among all White respondents
(first set of bars), transitioning into a relationship with a White partner is associated with the
greatest benefits (black bar), though entering an interracial relationship also appears to provide
some advantages relative to remaining single (grey bar). White respondents who form a
relationship with a White partner score 0.72 points lower on the CES-D scale than being single,
and White respondents who transition into interracial marriages or interracial cohabitations show
a 0.35-point reduction in CES-D scores.
[INSERT FIGURE 2 ABOUT HERE]
The second set of bars shows that for White men, transitioning into a same-race union is
associated with smaller reductions in depressive symptoms than among White respondents
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overall (β=-0.61), but forming an interracial partnership is associated with greater reductions in
CES-D score (β=-0.44) than among all Whites. Among White women (third set of bars),
transitioning into a relationship with a White partner appears especially beneficial for depressive
symptoms: forming a same-race partnership is associated with a 0.86-point decrease in CES-D
scores. The effect of entering an interracial marriage for White women is similar to that of the
whole sample of White respondents (β=0.32).
As Wald tests comparing the coefficients for each relationship type show no significant
differences across same-race or interracial relationships, we cannot conclude that entering a
same-race relationship is different than entering an interracial one for depression scores among
White respondents. Given that our race-specific samples are smaller than that for the whole
sample (Figure 1), this null finding is perhaps not surprising.
In sum, these results for White respondents support our hypothesis that partnered
respondents have fewer depressive symptoms than when they were single (H1). However, these
findings do not support our hypothesis that those in interracial partnerships have worse
depressive symptoms than when they were single (H2), nor do these findings suggest gender
differences in psychological health benefits associated with union formation (H3). Specifically,
we do not find that White women who form interracial relationships have more depressive
symptoms than when they were single (H4): White women may not benefit as much from
having non-White spouses, but they do not have worse psychological health than they did when
they were single.
We present the results for Black respondents in Figure 3. The first set of bars shows that
forming a same-race partnership is associated with better emotional health relative to being
single (black bar), but forming an interracial relationship is related to worse psychological health
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(grey bar). Black respondents who partner with other Blacks show a 0.62-point reduction in
CES-D scores, and those who form relationships with non-Black partners show a 0.67-point
increase in depression scores. However, the effect of forming a same-race relationship is only
marginally significant (p=.07), and the effect of forming an interracial relationship is not
statistically significant (p=.27). This lack of a significant difference is congruent with our
hypothesis that Black respondents in any type of relationship are not different from their single
counterparts (H5), but the magnitude of the differences suggests that additional work with larger
samples would potentially be helpful.
[INSERT FIGURE 3 ABOUT HERE]
The second and third set of bars examine this association for Black men and Black
women, respectively. Forming same-race relationships appears beneficial for Black men:
transitioning into a same-race partnership is associated with a 1.48-point reduction in CES-D
score relative to being single. However, forming interracial unions is associated with increased
CES-D scores (β=0.69). Wald tests confirm that Black men who form unions with Black
partners have better psychological health than their counterparts who enter interracial
relationships (see Appendix Table A1). Thus, entering a same-race relationship seems to be
especially beneficial for Black men’s mental health. In contrast, same-race union formation
seems to benefit Black women less: for Black women, the effect of entering a same-race union
is smaller than the effect for Black men (β=-0.15), and an interaction effect suggests this gender
difference is marginally statistically significant (p=0.08; see Appendix Table A2). Interestingly,
the effect of entering an interracial relationship is associated with smaller increases in depressive
symptoms for Black women than for Black men (β=0.28), though gender differences here are not
statistically significant.
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The findings for Black respondents suggest that the relationship between union formation
and emotional health has a different, more complicated pattern among Black respondents
compared to White respondents. Black men appear to benefit more from same race relationships
than black women, and neither Black men nor Black women benefit from interracial partnering,
though the negative effect of interracial union formation may be smaller for Black women.
Although models interacting relationship type with race produce few statistically significant
effects (Appendix Table A3), we do find two notable patterns. First, we find a marginally
statistically significant difference in the effect of transitioning into an interracial relationship for
Black men: compared to the small emotional benefit among White men who enter an interracial
union (β=-0.42), Black men who form a relationship with a non-Black partner experience 1.04-
point increases in CES-D score (-0.42+1.46=1.04). Second, we find a significant interaction
between same-race union formation and race among female respondents: whereas entering a
same-race relationship decreases CES-D scores for White women (β=-0.85), entering a same-
race partnership does not offer the same magnitude of benefit for Black women (-
0.85+0.80=0.05). These results provide preliminary support for the critical race feminist
perspective that the effects of marriage and partnership differ by race and gender.
In sum, entering a romantic union does not seem to provide psychological health benefits
to Black respondents in the same way that it does for White respondents. This finding
contradicts our first hypothesis that marriage confers psychological health benefits to all who
form these relationships. We also find some evidence that Blacks who enter interracial
partnerships fare worse than their counterparts who form same-race unions (H2), and some
evidence that this association varies by race and gender (H3-H5). However, given the relatively
small samples, it is important to interpret these results with caution.
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Next we briefly discuss our findings for Asian respondents in Figure 4. Among all Asian
respondents, we find that entering same-race unions is associated with greater reductions in CES-
D symptoms (black bar), and entering interracial ones is related to increases in depression (grey
bar). In contrast to other groups here, we see little evidence of gender differences. Entering a
same-race relationship is associated with a 0.78-point reduction in CES-D score among all Asian
respondents, a 0.76-point reduction for Asian men, and a 0.59-point reduction for Asian women.
In contrast, forming a same-race partnership is associated with a 0.45-point increase in
depressive symptoms scores for all Asian respondents, a 1.07-point increase for Asian men, and
a 0.34-point increase for Asian women. Again, we caution that none of the coefficients reach
statistical significance so these results should be interpreted carefully.
[INSERT FIGURE 4 ABOUT HERE]
Up to this point we have discussed depression outcomes among respondents transitioning
into interracial relationships without examining whether the specific racial combination of the
couple matters. Figure 5 presents results for White-Black couples. These models compare the
change in CES-D score for White respondents who form relationships with White partners,
Black respondents who form relationships with Black partners, White respondents who form
relationships with Black partners, and Black respondents who form relationships with White
respondents (see Appendix Table A4 for coefficients).
The first set of bars shows that those who form a same-race relationship – White
respondents who partner with other Whites, and Black respondents who partner with other
Blacks – show reductions in depressive symptoms compared to when they were single. White
respondents who partner with other Whites show a 0.76-point reduction in CES-D scores, and
Black respondents who form a relationship with other Blacks show a 0.92-point reduction.
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White respondents who partner with Blacks experience few changes in psychological well-being
(β=-0.08). Black respondents who partner with Whites, however, show increases in
psychological distress. Transitioning into a relationship with a White partner is associated with a
3.41-point increase on the CES-D scale for Black respondents. Additionally, Wald tests show
that this change in CES-D scores significantly differs from that among White respondents with
White partners, and from that among Black respondents with Black partners. In other words,
White respondents experience psychological benefits when they enter a relationship with a White
partner, and Black respondents benefit when they partner with other Blacks, but Black
respondents who partner with Whites do not receive the same benefits, reporting increased levels
of depressive symptoms.
[INSERT FIGURE 5 ABOUT HERE]
The second and third set of bars in Figure 5 suggest some gender differences among
White-Black couples. White men benefit from partnering regardless of the race of their partner
(black and medium grey bars), but Black men only benefit from entering same-race relationships
(dark grey bar). Black men who partner with White women experience declines in emotional
health (light grey bar). This change in CES-D score is also statistically significantly different
from that of White and Black men who partner with someone of the same race. For women, on
the other hand, better psychological health appears only for White women who partner with
other Whites. White women who partner with Black men and Black women who partner with
someone of any race show little difference in depressive symptomology relative to when they
were single. To summarize, White men benefit from union formation regardless of the race of
their partner; Black men only benefit from unions with Black partners; White women only
20
benefit from relationships with White partners; and Black women do not benefit from union
formation.
Figure 6 displays results from an analysis of Asian-White couples. Similar to the figure
for Black-White couples, this figure compares changes in CES-D score among White
respondents who couple with White partners, Asian respondents who partner with other Asians,
White respondents who form a relationship with Asian partners, and Asian respondents who
enter a relationship with White partners. The first set of bars suggests that White and Asian
respondents who form relationships with White or Asian partners generally experience
reductions in depressive symptoms. Specifically, White respondents who partner with Whites
show a 0.74-point reduction in CES-D score; Asian respondents who form a same-race union
show a 0.14-point decrease in CES-D score; White respondents who transition into a relationship
with an Asian partner show a 0.70-point reduction in CES-D score; and Asian respondents who
partner with Whites experience a 0.34-point decrease in CES-D score.
[INSERT FIGURE 6 ABOUT HERE]
The second and third set of bars suggest that the benefits associated with Asian-White
partnerships might be more nuanced when men and women are analyzed separately. The middle
set of bars shows that Asian men who partner with Whites may experience the greatest
reductions in depressive symptomology (β=-1.43), followed by White men who form a same-
race partnership (β=-0.54). White men who partner with Asians, on the other hand, show little
change in CES-D score (β=-0.06). It seems that for Asian and White men, partnering with a
White woman is associated with better psychological health. Turning to the last set of bars,
White women who enter a relationship with an Asian partner show a 2.6-point decrease in CES-
D score, and those who form a relationship with a White partner show a 1.01-point reduction in
21
CES-D score. Asian women show little change in depressive symptoms regardless of whether
they couple with Whites (β=0.07) or Asians (β=0.08). Contrary to our hypothesis that White
women in interracial relationships would show more depressive symptoms (H4), these results
suggest that not only do White women benefit psychologically from union formation in general,
but they benefit especially from partnering with Asians.
DISCUSSION
Taken together, we find that individuals who form same-race relationships have lower
levels of depressive symptomology than when they were single, which is consistent with
previous research (Coombs, 1991; Waite & Gallagher, 2001; Simon, 2002; Wood, Goesling, &
Avellar, 2007; Musick & Bumpass, 2012). We also find that in general those who form
interracial partnerships have fewer symptoms of depression, but that their reductions in CES-D
scores are not as great as among those who form same-race relationships. These results are
consistent with our first hypothesis that being partnered is associated with fewer depressive
symptoms relative to being single, regardless of the couple’s racial composition, and our second
hypothesis that being interracially partnered is associated with more depressive symptoms
relative to being partnered intra-racially. We might see such a pattern because forming an
interracial relationship may provide some, but not all, of the psychological health benefits
associated with entering same-race partnerships. Another explanation for this finding is that
entering an interracial union confers the same benefits to partners as entering a same-race
relationship does, but also includes some disadvantages that same-race partners do not face. The
simultaneous advantages and disadvantages in turn, might result in a smaller net positive effects
on emotional health for interracial couples. For example, the psychological stresses of
22
discrimination and racism might “spill over” into racial and ethnic minorities’ relationships and
weaken any emotional benefits generally associated with partnership (Lincoln & Chae, 2010).
There are also some gender and race differences in the association between union
formation and emotional well-being. Overall, men benefit from union formation regardless of
the race of their partner, which is consistent with our third hypothesis. However, this general
pattern becomes more varied when examining men in different racial categories. White men
experience some decreases in depression when they enter any type of relationship compared to
being single, but Black and Asian men show better psychological health only when they form
same-race relationships. Black and Asian men show increases in depressive symptoms when
they enter interracial unions. The psychological benefits of partnership are even more varied
among women. White women experience better psychological health when they partner with
other Whites, and, contrary to H4, show some decrease in depressive symptoms when they
partner interracially. Asian women show some improvements in psychological health when they
form a relationship with other Asians, but experience little change in depressive symptoms when
they transition into an interracial union. Consistent with H5, Black women do not show any
changes associated with entering any kind of relationship. A possible explanation for the
variation in the association between union formation and psychological health among non-White
respondents – and Black women in particular – is that these individuals depend less on marriage
and cohabiting relationships for emotional support because they are more likely to draw on other
resources such as extended family and friends (Williams, Takeuchi, & Adair 1992).
These patterns become even more nuanced when we examine the specific race
combinations of these romantic relationships. One striking finding is that Black men who
partner with White women show increases in depressive symptomology whereas Asian men
23
show better psychological health when they do the same. This pattern for Asian men is actually
the opposite of what we found for Asian men who partner interracially, suggesting that Asian
men benefit from partnering with White women, but not from partnering with non-Asians from
other groups. We found a similarly contradictory pattern among White women. On average
White women who partner interracially show some improvement in psychological health, but
they show little change in depressive symptoms when they partner with Black men, and
experience relatively large reductions in distress when they partner with Asian men. These
patterns suggest that specifying the race of each partner matters when we talk about interracial
relationships and depression.
The present study has several implications for theoretical models of union formation,
race, and psychological health. Our results suggest that the resource model of partnership (Waite
& Gallagher, 2001) might only apply to intra-racial couples. Forming a partnership does not
consistently confer psychological health benefits upon its entrants. This framework may have
been developed at a time in which interracial marriages were uncommon, so it can only reflect
the experiences of intra-racial couples. To better describe how marriage produces psychological
health, the resource model could emphasize variation in the kinds of resources partners bring to
the relationship, and consider the strains partners bring to the union.
We do find some support for the homogamy hypothesis. Although the association
between forming an interracial relationship and depression is inconsistent, we find that
transitioning into a same-race relationship is generally beneficial. This theory holds particularly
for White men and women, and less so for Black women.
Our study perhaps best demonstrates the usefulness of the critical race feminist
perspective, which argues for an explicit examination of the intersection of race and gender in
24
understanding social processes. We find that White men who form any type of union experience
better psychological health, but Black men may only benefit from entering same-race
relationships. Further, where White women benefit in particular from same-race marriage and
cohabitation, but also to a lesser extent from interracial relationships, Black women’s
psychological well-being is not strongly linked to marriage and union formation. Data
limitations prevent us from making strong conclusions about Asian respondents, but results
suggest that the link between union formation and psychological health varies by gender, and
depends on the characteristics of the partner.
This study is limited by small sample sizes that reduced statistical power, precluding
more definitive statements about the relationship between interracial partnering and
psychological health, and how this relationship might vary by race and gender. Further, we are
unable to test structural reasons that interracial couples might have worse emotional health. That
is, although people state global acceptance for interracial marriage, they less often prefer it for
themselves or their family members (Golebiowska, 2007; Herman & Campbell, 2012), so that
those in interracial couples might face discrimination in society. This discrimination could
increase depressive symptoms among those in interracial unions above and beyond the stress
normally encountered as a single person (Yancey, 2007; LeBlanc, Frost, & Wight, 2015). Future
research might fruitfully explore whether changes in relationship status are associated with
changes in social support from family members, friends, and others, which could in turn impact
depressive symptoms. Understanding the social context of interracial partnerships would
augment the resource model of marriage by providing information about the psychosocial
supports and burdens partners bring to a relationship.
25
In sum, our findings suggest that the experience of relationship formation differs by
gender, race, and whether the partnership is intra- or interracial. We find that the type of
relationship most clearly associated with psychological health benefits remains that between a
White man and a White woman. This pattern suggests that although Americans enter
increasingly diverse romantic relationships, union formation may not equally benefit all. On a
theoretical level, if romantic relationships do not always provide benefits to its participants,
using interracial unions to study racial tolerance and race relations may have limitations.
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TABLES
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics
30
Wave 3 Wave 4
% / Mean (SD) N % / Mean (SD) N
CES-D Score (0-27) 4.43 (3.9) 6640 5.10 (4.0) 6630
Single 4.48 (3.9) 4501 5.55 (4.0) 2331
Married or Cohabiting, Same Race 4.26 (3.9) 1925 4.80 (4.0) 3610
Married or Cohabiting, Interracial 4.84 (4.2) 390 5.21 (4.0) 699
Relationship Type
Single 67.6% 4501 35.0% 2331
Married or Cohabiting, Same Race 27.7% 1788 55.4% 3610
Married or Cohabiting, Interracial 4.7% 351 9.6% 699
Respondent Race
Non-Hispanic White 72.8% 4032 71.7% 4032
Non-Hispanic White 12.2% 1148 12.6% 1148
Native American 0.7% 51 0.8% 51
Asian 3.0% 393 3.1% 393
Hispanic 11.4% 1013 11.8% 1013
Female 53.1% 3752 51.9% 3752
Age 22 (1.7) 6640 29 (1.6) 6640
Education
Less than High School 14.0% 750 8.0% 447
High School 31.6% 2073 15.6% 943
Some College/Vocational School 42.1% 2819 36.6% 2433
Finished College/Vocational School 11.0% 897 27.5% 1896
More than College 1.4% 101 12.4% 921
Note: Means and percentages are survey-weighted.
FIGURES
FIGURE 1. REDUCTION IN CES-D SCORE BY RELATIONSHIP TYPE AMONG ALL
RESPONDENTS
Note: Non-Hispanic Whites are categorized as White, and all Hispanics regardless of race are
categorized as Hispanic.
FIGURE 2. REDUCTION IN CES-D SCORE BY RELATIONSHIP TYPE AMONG WHITE
RESPONDENTS
31
Note: Non-Hispanic Whites are categorized as White, and all Hispanics regardless of race are
categorized as Hispanic.
FIGURE 3. REDUCTION IN CES-D SCORE BY RELATIONSHIP TYPE AMONG BLACK
RESPONDENTS
Note: Non-Hispanic Blacks are categorized as Black, and all Hispanics regardless of race are
categorized as Hispanic.
FIGURE 4. REDUCTION IN CES-D SCORE BY RELATIONSHIP TYPE AMONG ASIAN
RESPONDENTS
Note: Non-Hispanic Asians are categorized as Asian, and all Hispanics regardless of race are
categorized as Hispanic.
FIGURE 5. REDUCTION IN CES-D SCORE AMONG BLACK-WHITE COUPLES
[CELLRANGE
] [CELLRANGE
]
[CELLRANGE
]
-0.1
0.1
0.3
0.5
0.7
0.9
All Male Female
Mag
nit
ue
of
CE
S-D
Red
uct
ion
Same Race Marriage or Cohabitation Interracial Marriage or Cohabitation
32
Note: Non-Hispanic Whites are categorized as White, and Non-Hispanic Blacks are categorized
as Black.
FIGURE 6. REDUCTION IN CES-D SCORE AMONG ASIAN-WHITE COUPLES
Note: Non-Hispanic Whites are categorized as White, and Non-Hispanic Asians are categorized
as Asian.
APPENDIX TABLES
Table A1. Fixed Effects Regression Predicting CES-D Score by Race
All Male Female
B SE B SE B SE
ALL RESPONDENTS
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation -0.64 *** 0.13 -0.68 *** 0.17 -0.63 ** 0.19
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation -0.24
0.23 -0.45
0.34 -0.08
0.31
Constant 1.90 *** 0.36 1.38 ** 0.49 2.27 *** 0.55
Sigma u 3.36
3.06
3.53
N 6640
2888
3752
33
R-Squared (overall) .01 .02
.02
WHITE RESPONDENTS
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation -0.72 *** 0.15 -0.61 ** 0.19 -0.86 *** 0.23
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation -0.35
0.29 -0.44
0.45 -0.32
0.38
Constant 1.50 ** 0.45 0.85
0.59 2.06 ** 0.69
Sigma u 3.29
2.97
3.48
N 4032
1805
2227
R-Squared (overall) .02 .02
.02
BLACK RESPONDENTS
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation -0.62 + 0.34 -1.48 **ᵃ 0.50 -0.15
0.43
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation 0.67
0.61 0.69 a 0.68 0.28
1.10
Constant 2.46 * 0.99 2.25
1.32 2.52
1.48
Sigma u 3.46
3.38
3.52
N 1148
417
731
R-Squared (overall) .02 .02
.01
ASIAN RESPONDENTS
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation -0.78
0.88 -0.76
1.43 -0.59
0.90
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation 0.45
0.70 1.07
1.10 0.34
0.87
Constant 9.63 *** 2.48 15.99 *** 3.34 5.55 ** 2.12
Sigma u 3.27
3.10
3.51
N 393
188
205
R-Squared (overall) .00
.00
.00
HISPANIC RESPONDENTS
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation 0.05
0.42 -0.63
0.54 0.62
0.62
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation -0.11
0.50 -0.65
0.66 0.45
0.72
Constant 2.87 ** 0.85 1.78
1.18 3.62 ** 1.22
Sigma u 3.52
3.17
3.76
N 1013
455
558
R-Squared (overall) .00 .00
.00
Note: Models control for age and education. aSuperscripts indicate statistically significant differences between coefficients.
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
Table A2. Fixed Effect Regression Predicting CES-D Score with Gender and Relationship Type
Interaction
All White Black Asian Hispanic
B SE B SE B SE B SE B SE
Type of Relationship
(Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/
Cohabitation -0.66 *** 0.15 -0.60 ** 0.17 -1.30 ** 0.49 -1.21
1.48 -0.50
0.52
34
Interracial Marriage/
Cohabitation -0.42
0.34 -0.42
0.44 0.85
0.68 0.46
1.19 -0.63
0.64
Female x Type of
Relationship
Same Race Marriage/
Cohabitation 0.03
0.22 -0.24
0.25 1.07
0.61 0.84
1.79 1.10
0.81
Interracial Marriage/
Cohabitation 0.34
0.45 0.12
0.58 -0.65
1.27 -0.03
1.43 1.04
0.94
Constant 1.89 *** 0.36 1.52 ** 0.45 2.50 * 0.99 9.40 *** 2.39 2.76 ** 0.85
Sigma u 3.36
3.30
3.46
3.25
3.50
N 6640
4032
1148
393
1013
R-Squared (overall) .02 .01 .02 .00 .01
Note: Models control for age and education.
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
Table A3. Fixed Effect Regression Predicting CES-D Score with Race and Relationship Type
Interaction
All Male Female
B SE B SE B SE
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation -0.70 *** 0.14 -0.60 ** 0.18 -0.85 ** 0.22
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation -0.33
0.29 -0.42
0.45 -0.30
0.38
Black*Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation 0.28
0.34 -0.56
0.51 0.80
0.44
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation 1.24
1.03 1.46
3.05 0.72
0.64
Hispanic*Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation 0.48
0.92 -0.17
1.52 1.14
1.00
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation -0.14
0.44 -0.66
0.51 0.45
0.69
Asian*Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation -0.39
0.70 -1.07
0.85 0.36
1.15
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation 0.36
1.72 0.46
3.34 0.29
0.90
Native American*Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
Same Race Marriage/Cohabitation -2.07 * 0.67 -1.65
1.25 -3.24 *** 0.82
Interracial Marriage/Cohabitation -0.94
0.57 -2.42
0.80 0.70
0.81
Constant 1.89 *** 0.36 1.36 ** 0.48 2.27 *** 0.55
Sigma u 3.36
3.07
3.53
N 6637
2886
3751
R-Squared (overall) .01 .01 .02
Note: Models control for age and education.
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
Table A4. Fixed Effect Regression Predicting CES-D Score among Black-White Couples
All Male Female
B SE B SE B SE
35
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
White R - White Partner -0.76 **ᵃ 0.22 -0.56 *ᵃᵇ 0.26 -1.05 ** 0.39
Black R - Black Partner -0.92 *ᵇ 0.44 -1.87 **ᵃᶜ 0.56 -0.01
0.60
White R - Black Partner -0.08
1.41 -1.28
3.66 0.01
1.50
Black R - White Partner 3.41 **ᵃᵇ 1.19 4.44 ***ᵇᶜ 1.21 0.11
1.69
Constant 1.93 *** 0.53 1.46 * 0.69 2.46 ** 0.82
Sigma u 3.40
3.24
3.52
N 2607
1163
1444
R-Squared (overall) .01 .01 .01
Note: Models control for age and education. aSuperscripts indicate statistically significant differences between coefficients.
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
Table A5. Fixed Effect Regression Predicting CES-D Score among Asian-White Couples
All Male Female
B SE B SE B SE
Type of Relationship (Ref. Single)
White R - White Partner -0.74 ** 0.22 -0.54 * 0.26 -1.01 *ᵃ 0.40
Asian R - Asian Partner -0.14
0.82 -0.30
1.41 0.07 ᵇ 0.93
White R - Asian Partner -0.70
0.72 -0.06
0.72 -2.60 ***ᵃᵇ 0.53
Asian R - White Partner -0.34
1.25 -1.43
1.89 0.08
1.73
Constant 1.85 ** 0.55 1.16
0.72 2.58 ** 0.87
Sigma u 3.38
3.16
3.52
N 2403
1095
1308
R-Squared (overall) .01 .00 .02
Note: Models control for age and education. aSuperscripts indicate statistically significant differences between coefficients.
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001