Charcoal Making: An Element of Antiguan Folk Culture

Doug/as Heffington Professor

Department of Geography and Geology Middle Tennessee State University Murfreesboro, Tennessee 37132

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ABSTRACT

Antigua, in the Caribbean Lesser Antil ­les, has a rich cultural history. The resid­uals of a monoculture agriculture involv­ing sugar cane (Saccharum ssp.) cultivation are seen everywhere, includ­ing a large ethnic population of African descent. Blacks brought to the island as slave labor since the late 1600s have con­tributed significantly to Antiguan folk cul­ture, including active participation in the cottage industry of charcoal making and the maintenance of the associated mate­rial culture. This paper is the documen­tation of a folk industry before it is lost to the inevitable encroachment of mod­ernization.

KEY WORDS: antigua, cultural geography, folk culture, charcoal making, plantation .

INTRODUCTION

Since "folk geography" was first dis­cussed by Wilhelm (1968), its popularity among cultural geographers has steadily grown (Wilhelm, 1968; Lornell and Mea­lor, 1983). The very nature of the term "folk" denotes traditional or homemade, items often dominating these studies. It is this fascination with the past that spurs cultural geographers to capture what is left of the old ways before the ever-in­creasing modern culture permeates the customs and lifeways we hold so dear.

It is the tangible things, or material cul­ture, that often are the easiest to docu­ment because many times they are right before our eyes. Material culture viewed from a collective perspective forms the cultural landscape. This paper documents charcoal making on the island of Antigua as an aspect of persisting folk culture in the Caribbean (Fig. 1).

ANTIGUAN HISTORY

Antigua, a part of the island nation of Antigua and Barbuda, is situated on the northeastern edge of the Caribbean Sea and is one of the Leeward Islands. This island is relatively small with a total land area of just over 100 square miles and is divided into three physiographic prov­inces: a southwestern volcanic district, a

Antigua

~olans

Study Area

o 2 4

• __ Antiqua

Cartography: Tom Nolan

FIGURE 1. The island of Antigua and study area.

gently rolling central plains, and north­eastern uplands. (Heffington 1993). Anti­gua was visited during the late 16th cen­tury and early 17th century by the Spanish, French and English but coloni­zation did not occur until 1632. These early colonists grew crops that were al ­ready established on the island by Am­erindians. Crops such as tobacco (Nicoti­ana tabacum ssp.) and sugar flourished. Tobacco was originally the crop of choice whereas non-indigenous sugar was intro­duced by native peoples through earlier contact with Europeans. It was not until the late 1650s that sugar production took hold on the island. The industry received

a tremendous boost in the 1670s with En­glish migrants from the island of Barba­dos. These planters were knowledgeable ofthe most productive, innovative modes of sugar cane raising, and production. With these innovations and favorable planting conditions, Antigua entered a golden age of sugar growing and pro­cessing (Galloway, 1989).

With the entrance of Antigua as a via­ble sugar colony for the British Crown, a large labor force was required . This labor intensive/extensive crop is an agricultural activity viewed as a plantation industry. It is this distinction that demanded a re­serve of manual labor. Slave traders pro-

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vided the much needed manpower. To provide some indication of the sheer numbers of Africans used in the sugar cane industry, records for Antigua during the years 1770- 1779 list the island pro­ducing an average of 7,398 tons of sugar for the decade. This productivity was done with a work force of 37,808 slaves. In contrast, there were only 2,590 whites on the island during the same period with many serving in a gentry/planter capacity, or at least filling the secondary and tertia­ry sectors of the economy while the pri­mary sector was comprised of the black population (Heffington and Meacham, 1988). It can be said that the concept of the sugar industry may have been a prod­uct of the British mind but the resulting cultural landscape was manufactured by African hands. It is this strong black pres­ence on the island that has perpetuated and permeated much of the folk culture, including the making and use of charcoal.

CHARCOAL PRODUCTION

Charcoal making and its usage have long been a part of people's impact on their surroundings. The exact date and lo­cation of charcoal production is lost in the unwritten record, but it seems certain it predates historic eras and has been used worldwide (Spencer, 1971). Today, with the portability of bottled gases and con­venience of electric stoves and micro­wave ovens, charcoal use appears on the decline and often seems confined to groups of lower socioeconomic status in developing countries.

Uses for charcoal are numerous, the most basic being heating and/or cooking. Often these were done on braziers, most being portable, which eventually evolved into the stationary fireplace. With multi ­ple uses came the use of various woody matter for raw material. For instance, early Greek iron smiths preferred char­coal made of fir (Abies ssp.) due to its hot and even heat, over oak (Quercus ssp.) charcoal which tended to burn unevenly and sporadically-undesirable character­istics for such a task as ironsmithing (Spencer, 1971). So, for specific tasks, specific charcoal was (and is) desired. Suffice it to say, almost any material with

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a dense structure can be turned into char­coal. Therefore, woody substances rang­ing from wood, roots, shells (coconut and pecan), to seeds (e.g. olive pits) can be turned into usable charcoal. (Spencer, 1971 ).

ANTIGUAN CHARCOAL PROCESSING

Antigua, like many ofthe Caribbean is­lands was colonized with abundant natu­ral vegetation when Europeans arrived . However, over time this changed with the advent of " colony" islands becoming mass producers of money crops for the motherlands (e.g., England, Spain, and France). the natural vegetation was cleared, destroyed or depleted. Antigua was no exception with great demise of its native vegetation at the expense of sugar plantations. For example, in 1844 an anonymous observer of the island stated that Antigua "contains about 60,000 acres: of which, probably, four-fifths are in a state of cultivation" (Anon. 1844: p. 163). This widespread cultivation would have been possible only at the expense of the natural vegetation.

With colonization came the introduc­tion of non-indigenous fauna and flora to Antigua. One plant introduced to the is­land that figures prominently in charcoal production is the acacia (Leguminosae ssp.). a 20 to 30 foot (6 to 9 m .) high, thorn-bearing tree. This plant has prolifi ­cally reproduced and diffused throughout the island.

Acacia, or cassie, is the wood type most widely used in charcoal making on Antigua. The process of turning the woody material into charcoal appears simple, but upon closer examination re­quires a great amount of skill to success­fully complete. Not enough cover over the smoldering wood will let the cassie burn to ash, while too much will smother the fire. Poorly placed, or lack of ventila­tion pipes do not allow for a consistent steady burning and the hours of cutting and dressing the thorny wood would have been in vain. So with this degree of skill in mind, the following is a documen­tation of the charcoal making process and associated material culture.

The initial phase is the excavation of a

shallow depression with a " grubbing" hoe. This slight depression is roughly 14 feet long (4 m.) and eight feet (2.5 m.) wide. The removed dirt is bermed to ei­ther side of the depression and is used to cover the "oven." This slightly excavated earthen mounded charcoal kiln that is common on Antigua is a cross between what are referred to as a "charcoal pit" and "earthmound kiln" (Emrich, 1985). The cassie wood is placed parallel to the long axis of the pit (Fig. 2). The cassie is usually about four to six inches in diam­eter (10 to 15 cm.) and approximately five feet (1.5 m .) in length . All side branches and limbs are removed to allow more uni­form stacking . Thus a better, more even fire is achieved, plus more wood can be stacked for each firing for increased yield. The cutting and dressing of the wood is traditionally done with what the locals call a "cutlass", or as more commonly re-

ferred to as a machete. The stacked wood is then sprinkled with gasoline or kero­sene and ignited. Quickly the pile of tim­ber is covered with a thin layer of grass, cardboard or tin and then covered with the bermed soil. Holes are then "punched" into the ends or sides of the mound to allow ventilation for a "level" burning.

The above oven or kiln description is a composite of information gained from field observation of 14 working ovens, but verbal information was largely obtained from a single informant, Mr. Anthony N. from the village of Bolans. Mr. N. was nearly 80 years old at the time of these observations and learned the art of char­coal making from his father who in turn had learned it from his father-a history of charcoal production spanning well over 100 years within his family. The com­pleted oven of Mr. N. is seen in Figure 3

FIGURE 2. Cassie wood being stacked into an Antiguan charcoal oven to be fired.

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and 4. This oven is 14.8 feet long (4.5 m.) by eight feet wide (2.4 m.), three feet high (0.9 m.) and the depression was roughly one and a half feet deep (0.48 m.)

The cassie is allowed to smolder four to seven days depending on the size and fullness of the oven. When the kiln/oven tender determines (based on years of ex­perience) that the wood is carbonized, the fire is smothered by closing or collapsing the air vents. The mound is then allowed to cool for a day or so. Finally the top layer of soil is removed and the charcoal removed. An average oven produces nine bags of charcoal. Filled bags are seen in Figure 5. lttakes four "tins" (old kerosene containers that originally held five gal­lons of fuel) to fill each bag. Obviously the amount of product will vary due to exper­tise of the firer, amount and species of wood used, size of oven, length of time, and numerous other variables. This infor­mation is based on quantifying the char-

coal produced in five different ovens and the information gained from the informants.

CHARCOAL USE

The charcoal is used for home use (cooking and heating) as in the case of Mr. N., or to sell at the Saturday market in St. John's, the island's capital. The charcoal is usually sold in "tin" sizes for approxi­mately US $3.00.

The main use of charcoal is a cooking fuel in rural Antiguan homes. The char­coal is traditionally placed in a brazier, or ceramic coal pot (Fig. 6) as they are re­ferred to on the island. Charcoal pots come in various sizes depending on the size of cooking vessel(s) they are to hold . The pots are sold at the weekly Saturday market and are made of native clays by the women from Sea View Farm village. The charcoal pot, introduced to the island sometime after 1840, is perforated to al -

FIGURE 3. Charcoal oven during the firing process.

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FIGURE 4. The same oven after the fire has been smothered and the cooling process has begun.

low ash to fall and for ventilation, for a continuous even fire (Nicholson, 1984). Figure 6 shows coal pots in use at a road­side vendor's stand outside St. John's.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

Accord ing to historical archeologist, James Deetz, " artifacts are combined to form subassemblages which are given pattern by various minimal groups within a community" (1967, p. 108). Pattern here is not used in the spatial sense, but refers to behavioral traits: that is, patterned be­havior(s}. It is this writer's opinion that charcoal making and the associated tool kits such as grubbing hoe, cutlass, and coal pot constitute a subassemblage of Antigua's folk culture. The removal of any of these elements would certainly alter the subassemblage. This is not to say that techniques or items do not evolve, be­cause they do. However, something must

replace the variable or the entire subas­sembi age would change. For instance, Antiguans were obviously producing charcoal , transporting it, and selling it long before they used discarded fuel tins as carriers and as a volume of saleable product. However, before the " tin " came onto the scene, some container was its predecessor.

Observations in the field have pro­vided insight into the charcoal industry. From these observations during the late 1980s and early 1990s, it appears thatthe number of charcoal ovens on Antigua are decreasing . Evidence for this can be seen by the numerous abandoned ovens that were operating a few years ago. Now they are lying vacant, overgrown with weeds and filled with rubbish . They have not been left for lack of raw material. In fact, many of the old ovens are being en­croached upon by the vegetation they once processed .

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FIGURE 5. Charcoal being removed from oven and put into tins and bags for sale in the local market.

Within this phenomenon lies the intent of this paper-not a formalized survey, but rather a documentation of a folk as­semblage before it vanishes from the An­tiguan cultural landscape. Simply put, the surroundings were observed and re­corded-an impression in the field. Many of the ovens were " happened upon " while conducting field exercises for the University of Oklahoma's geography field camp, whereas others were only acces­sible by four-wheel drive vehicle. There is confidence, however, in the observations because the charcoal makers were wit­nessed practicing their craft. They also freely discussed the "theories" and " techniques" involved. The locals sug­gested that the interior of the island now has fewer working ovens because loca­tions near roadways were preferable. Charcoal processed near roads could be taken home or to market in a truck- few

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people use donkeys anymore to carry large loads. In the past, ovens were worked in the hinterlands, as evidenced by the many overgrown and idle rem­nants of the folk industry encountered in the island's interior. Today, even with the automobile for transportation, the num­bers of ovens and makers are dwindling.

The production of charcoal on Antigua has been documented in photos and oral histories to preserve a facet ofthe cultural heritage of the island which is rapidly changing . Propane burners are cleaner, faster, and easier to use than the trad i­tional charcoal pot, and Antigua, like much of the developing world, is caught up in the ease and speed of modern con­veniences. Also, charcoal making de­creased because of the lack of raw mate­rial , less demand for the product, and because the art is not being passed down to the younger generation. There is a con-

FIGURE 6. Charcoal pots used in cooking fish along the roadside.

troversy on the island regarding deple­tion of wood resources. Island agricultur­ists suggest charcoal makers destroy the countryside and cut down much of the vegetation . Conversely, the firers say.t~ey keep the thorny cassie at bay. In addition, more comparisons are needed with other Caribbean islands. Furthermore, charcoal making in tropical Africa needs to be ex­amined from a relocation diffusion view­point. Many of the blacks broug~t to A~­tigua came from coastal GUinea In

western Africa. The ovens in Antigua look very similar to those found in parts of Ghana on the west coast of Africa (Em­rich , 1985). Obviously, much is available for further study.

Whatever the outcome, the documen­tation of folk cultures and their practices continues to playa major role in cultural geography-a role that allows us to re­member the past while preserving our heritage. Such is the case with Antigua and her charcoal makers.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author would like to express grat­itude to Lee Williams, Jim Goodman and the University of Oklahoma, Department of Geography for funding portions of this research . Lisa Roberts gave valuable comments on earlier versions of this pa­per. Tom Nolan provided cartographic as­sistance and Ann Nored edited and typed the manuscript. Lastly, I wish to thank the people of Antigua and their charcoal mak­ers who always extended a hand of friendship, and the Mendes family who made their home mine.

REFERENCES

Anonymous. 1844. Antigua and the Antiguans: A Full Account of the Colony and Its Inhabi­tants. London: Saunders and Ottley.

Deetz, J . 1967. Invitation to Archaeology. New York: Natural History Press.

Emrich, W. 1985. Handbook of Charcoal Mak­ing: The Traditional and Industrial Methods. Solar Energy R&D in the European Com-

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munity, Series E: Energy from Biomass, Vol. 7, Dordrecht, Holland: Reidel Publishing.

Galloway, J. H. 1989. The Sugar Cane Industry: An Historical Geography from Its Origins to 1914. Cambridge Studies in Historical Ge­ography #12, New York: Cambridge Univer­sity Press.

Heffington, D. 1993. "Antiguan Sugar Mills: An Adaptive Use of Relic Geography." Focus, Vol. 43(3) :7- 12.

Heffington, D. and Meacham, M. 1988. :'Carib­bean Sugar Industry: Research Potential for a Geography and Historic Preservation Field­school on Antigua, West Indies". Paper pre­sented at Southwest Association of Ameri­can Geographers Annual Meeting, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater.

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Lornell, C. and Mealor, W. T. 1983. "Traditions and Research Opportunities in Folk Geogra­phy." Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 35( 1 ):51-56.

Nicholson, D. 1984. " Folk Pottery and Emanci­pation in Antigua and Barbuda". In: Antigua and Barbuda: From Bondage to Freedom, Ralph Prince Editor, St. John's, Antigua : An­tigua Printing and Publishing Ltd ., pp. 35-37.

Spencer, J. E. 1971. "On Charcoal Burning, and the Role of the Charcoal Burner." In: C. L. Salter (ed.), The Cultural Landscape, pp. 118-122. Belmont, California : Duxbury Press.

Wilhelm, Eugene, J., Jr. 1968. "Field Work in Folklife: Meeting Ground of Geography and Folklore." Keystone Folklore Quarterly, 13:241-247 .