A Psychology of Indigenous Healing

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A Psychology of Indigenous Healing in Southern Africa

Stephen David EdwardsUniversity of Zululand

Address correspondence to Prof Steve Edwards, 3 Antigua, 32 Chartwell Drive, Umhlanga Rocks, 4320 South Africa. Email:

[email protected]

Converging lines of evidence from various scientific disciplines consistently point to humanity’s African roots. In this

context, the term “indigenous healing” is used to refer to universal forms of healing that began in Africa and were

developed further both locally and internationally. This article examines the notion of a psychology of indigenous

healing and suggests that investigations continually reveal essential structures and practices of a perennial psychology

underlying modern scientific, academic and professional forms of this discipline. Examination of such structures and

practices illuminates an original psychological theme in Southern African indigenous healing involving recognition of

Spirit as Source of Self that extends into transpersonal realms. Related themes include ancestral consciousness,

familial and communal spirituality, healers and specializations, illness prevention, health promotion and various forms

of empathy. The need for future in depth research into such psychological themes and issues is identified and

explicated.

Keywords: Perennial, psychology, indigenous healing, Indigenous Knowledge Systems, Southern Africa, ancestors, spirit

Trying to understand, conceptualize and apply psychologyin Africa is a great struggle, which brings fascinating experi-ences and wonderful relationships. Much of the content of thisarticle reflects deep, meaningful, lifetime friendships over manyyears with many people, particularly University of Zululand col-leagues. Over the years, we have been reflexively working to-wards a holistic, integrated academic and professional disci-pline, a universal psychology directed towards the bestinterests of humanity, science and the universe. We believe a

universal psychology transcends and includes African, Euro-pean, American and other forms of psychology. This articleseeks to examine the notion of a psychology of indigenous heal-ing. It reports investigations that continually reveal essentialstructures and practices of a perennial psychology underlyingmodern scientific, academic and professional forms of this dis-cipline. The presentation includes ancient and Southern Africanhealing with special reference to ancestral consciousness,communal spirituality, psychodynamics, the role of dreams, mu-sic, song, rhythm and dance. There is special focus on themethods of indigenous healers, their psychology of illness pre-vention and health promotion. Finally empirical research intoperennial components of traditional and modern healing, empa-thy, transpersonal spirituality, ancestral consciousness and Af-rican breath based psychotherapeutic workshops are

discussed.

The notion of a perennial psychology of, and as revealedthrough, indigenous healing is an attractive and challengingtopic, which presents various issues: philosophical, conceptual,cultural, environmental and practical.

Philosophical Issues

Philosophical issues relate to ontological, epistemological,conceptual, ethical and pragmatic questions surrounding a psy-chology of indigenous healing. For example, if there is a psy-chology of indigenous healing, how is this known and what is itsfunction and value? What approach and method will best dis-

cover, describe and interpret any such psychological data?Other examples are those conceptual issues that surround themeaning of the term “African Psychology.” Does this refer to anoriginal psychology? Does it refer to a universal form of psychol-ogy as practiced in Africa, typically but not exclusively by Afri-can people (Moll, 2002)? Does it refer to many diverse indige-nous psychologies? Is it time for an integral approach thatincludes and transcends diverse perspectives?

The Old and the NewQuestions as to similarities, differences and relationshipsbetween old and new forms of psychology, healing and medi-cine as understood, conceptualized, systematized and prac-ticed in Africa and other continents need to be examined. Forexample, the distinction has been made between structurallydominant forms of psychology, healing and medicine typicallydescribed as modern, scientific and Western contrasted to func-tional forms of indigenous, traditional, cultural and/or folk psy-chology, healing and medicine found in all countries and espe-cially prevalent in the African and Asian continents (Edwards,1986; Mpofu, 2006). Relationships between different systemshave been variously described in terms of oppression, disad-vantage, collaboration and integration. Such issues need con-tinual updating to nourish, empower, enrich, reinstate, optimize

and promote the vast spiritual, human, natural and many otherresources of a continent that has suffered much through slav-ery, colonization, oppression and numerous other forms of hu-man rights abuses, injustice, violence and illness.

A General Context of Indigenous Knowledge Systems

As in other continents, countries and regions, African formsof indigenous healing are informed by indigenous knowledgesystems, beliefs and practices knowledge, beliefs and prac-tices, which are both perennial and changing in relation to vari-ous factors and contexts (Nsameng, 1992). For example, thepsychology of indigenous healing includes methods used by in-digenous and faith healers when treating persons with

Journal of Psychology in Africa 2011, 21(3), 335–348 Printed in USA - All Rights Reserved

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HIV/AIDS (Madu, & Govender, 2005). It includes the psychol-ogy of oppression and liberation in Africa in relation to variouspolitical movements and personalities such as Fanon, Biko,Ramphele and Mandela (Biko, 2004; Fanon, 1963; Mandela,1994, Ramphele, 1995). These are cogent African issues, re-quiring research depth and breadth to effect further social trans-formation and the liberation of human consciousness, both in

Africa and the wider international context, with all its political,economic, spiritual and other problems and solutions.

Core Themes

Spiritual, communal and cultural issues and aspects of thepsychology of indigenous healing deserve special consider-ation. These include ancestral consciousness, beliefs and prac-tices; local views on illness and healing; the role of cultural fac-tors, dreams; sorcery; divinatory practices, indigenousmedicines, dance, music, ritual, sport, prevention, promotion,community and transpersonal psychology. As many indigenoushealing methods have stood some test of time and cultural ap-proval, their systematic explication could have explicit and im-plicit functions of honoring original, local, evidence based, bestpractice, effective, research methodologies, diagnostic tech-niques and therapeutic modalities.

The remainder of this article is an attempt to answer some ofthe above questions and unpack some of the issues. It attemptsto clarify terms and contexts, examines the notion of a psychol-ogy of indigenous healing and reports on investigations thatcontinually reveal essential structures and practices of a peren-nial psychology underlying modern scientific, academic andprofessional forms of this discipline.

Indigenous Healing

One aim of this article is to illuminate some perennial psy-chological features of Southern African indigenous healing. Hu-manity has its roots in Africa, with South Africa a probablesource of early migration (Jobling, Hurles, & Tyler-Smith, 2004),

and thus there is the inferential implication as to the ultimate Af-rican origin of all forms of healing. The term “indigenous heal-ing” therefore refers to universal forms of healing that began inAfrica and were developed further both locally and internation-ally (see also Sodi & Bojuwoye, this issue). The ensuing discus-sion centers on Southern African forms, with special referenceto the Nguni, especially Zulu, and, to a lesser extent, San cul-tural groupings. While these groups are not representative ofAfrican healing in general or Southern African healing in particu-lar, the available evidence points to such similar patterns inother indigenous cultural groupings that some transferability offindings can be assumed (Gumede, 1990; Edwards, 1985,Oosthuizen, Edwards, Wessels, & Hexam, 1989). After all, in-digenous, traditional healing has long formed the foundation for

all modern healing.Health and wellbeing. The World Health Organization

views world health as not merely the absence of disease but aholistic, energized and vital global state of physical, mental andsocial well-being as aptly conveyed in the Nguni/Zulu/Xhosaterm impilo (Doke & Vilajazi, 1972; WHO, 1946; 1999). Graham(1990) notes that the origin of the English term, "healing", is de-rived from the German terms heilin (whole) and helig (holy) aswell as related old English terms hael (whole), haelen (heal) andhalig (holy). Etymologically speaking, therefore, to heal is tomake whole or holy with the term holistically embracing bothphysical and spiritual aspects of humanity. This is instructivelyportrayed in the related Nguni /Xhosa/Zulu terms ukuphilisa or

elapha (heal) and philile (whole). Healing also typically involvessome transformation from illness to health. Such transformationis graphically represented in the San notion of twe : a term whichexplicitly captures the tensile, organic, healing experience of“pulling” out an illness (Dent & Nyambezi, 1969; Doke & Vilajazi,1972; Katz, 1982; Stewart, 1971).

In post-apartheid South African society, such transforma-tion has also meant caring and humanity (ubuntu ) and an ongo-ing everyday form of healing, beyond truth and reconciliation,that is slowly making its way in the experience of generations ofpeople growing up together from childhood in freedom (Ed-wards, 2002). It has meant the harmonious collaboration of allcommunity helping resources in the struggle against illnessessuch as HIV/AIDS, poverty, unemployment, crime and endemicin all its and myriad forms. At present there are approximatelysix thousand psychologists, ten thousand social workers, thirtythousand medical doctors and one hundred and twenty-fivethousand nurses to care for nearly fifty million people in SouthAfrica. This relative scarcity of modern, professional, healthcarepersonnel means that other community helping resources dothe bulk of the work, especially some three hundred thousand

indigenous healers and over one million African IndigenousChurch (AIC) faith healers whose healing is essentially spiritualin nature (Edwards & Edwards, 2008).

Indigenous knowledge. Indigenous healing refers to thoselocal, time honored, traditional, cultural ways of local peopleemploying local knowledge to survive. Though local in theirmanifestation, indigenous knowledge systems may or may notbe based on evidence or essential scientific processes. How-ever, they are of global interest for their heuristic, creative prac-ticality, application and contextualization. Whether traditional,conservative, dynamic, and/or activist in intent and effect, prod-ucts of such systems inevitably originate in oral communities inthe absence of writing (Loubser, 2005). Breath based speech,song, meditative, contemplative and/or intercessory traditions

form an essential and historical context for all forms of knowl-edge and culture (Edwards, 2009). Such richness has not beengiven due recognition.

Recognition and appreciation of those oral traditions whichinformed and shaped literature is critical in any hermeneutic en-deavor involving experiential explication and mutual under-standing. It is particularly crucial to understand the evolving roleof breath, speech and writing on the human psyche and con-sciousness. For example, compare Homer’s understanding of“psyche” as one’s breathing life force without which one wasdead, with the objective abstract consciousness involved in un-derstanding the written word “psyche” (Polleti, 2002). Oral tradi-tions have the advantage of revealing reality in freshly appre-hended, proximal immediacy, whereas the written word is moredistant, encouraging further cognition. Indigenous knowledgesystems play an integral role in the experiential, behavioral, cul-tural and social life of communities as attested to by the unprec-edented rise of the African Indigenous Church movement,which readily incorporates and integrates traditional ancestraland Christian orientated consciousness, beliefs and practices(Oosthuizen et al, 1989). Through their immediate presenceand adaptability, which is obvious in every spoken, gesturedword, event and relationship, the vibrant living reality of such in-digenous church groups reveal an authentic and original, con-temporary and perennial psychology as described below.

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A Perennial Psychology

In contrast to such contemporary terms as "indigenous" or"folk psychology", the term “perennial psychology” describes apsychology that is at least as old as humanity. It includes suchessentially spiritual, original and holistic aspects of psychologyas implied by the above mentioned, original Geek meaning ofthe term “psyche” as breath, energy consciousness, soul and/or

spirit that leaves people at death to continue in some other form.In Zulu culture, the intimate relationship between the living andthe dead is revealed through the importance attached to the im-mediate apprehension, images and concepts of umphefumulo (breath, soul), isazela (consciousness), umoya (spirit), isithunzi (shadow), and the ancestors or “living-dead” (abaphansi ,amadlozi, izinyanya). The essential spirituality of this perspec-tive is apparent in the inclusive understanding of umoya asbreath, wind, soul and spirit. Subtle distinctions are also recog-nized. For example umphefumulo (soul) generally refers moreto the individual expression of spirit and umoya (spirit) to theuniversal expression of soul. Jung makes a similar distinctionwith his images of the breath-body and spirit-body (Edwards &Edwards, 2008; Judith, 2005; Jung, 1957) (see also Geils, this

Issue).Similar to Huxley’s (1958) “perennial philosophy” the term

“perennial psychology” has also been used by Ken Wilber(1977, 2000) to describe a spectrum of consciousness model ofpsychology that integrates all known approaches to psychol-ogy, psychotherapy, spirituality, and consciousness. The modeluses the analogy of a rainbow or an electromagnetic spectrumto describe an approach, first called “spectrum psychology,”then later “integral psychology.” Wilber’s comprehensive re-search has pioneered a marvelous mapping of different states,stages and systems of consciousness development, rangingfrom the spiritual traditions of Hinduism, Taoism, Judaism, Bud-dhism, Christianity, and Islam; though quantum physics andtranspersonal psychology to various postmodern and New Ageapproaches. However, there appears to be a relative lack ofemphasis in Wilber’s research on that above mentioned, oldestoverarching system of all (i.e., ancestral consciousness, beliefsand practices). This has African origins and forms the underpin-ning essential context for all spiritual traditions and/or religioussystems (Bynum, 1984, 1999; Edwards, 1985, 2009; Edwards,Thwala, Mbele, Siyaya, Ndlazi, & Magwaza, 2011; Fortes &Dieterlin, 1965; Mbiti, 1970; Murdock, Wilson & Frederick,1980; Myers, 1993; Ngubane, 1977).

As used in this article, the term perennial psychology there-fore broadens Wilber’s conception to include ancestral con-sciousness, beliefs and practices, as apprehended through di-rect experience, rites, customs and rituals in memory ofancestors ranging from personal,familial and communal humanancestors through animals and reptiles to ultimate sources and

contexts, including God and/or the Godhead, and beyond (Ed-wards, 2009; Edwards, Makunga, Thwala, & Mbele, 2009; Ed-wards et al., 2011; Gumede, 1990; Holdstock, 1979, 1981). This“umoya” psychology is ultimately concerned with those typicallypre-personal unconscious, physiological, behavioral, lived, ob-served, verbal and non-verbal phenomena of life such asbreathing, sensing, imagining, gesturing, moving, talking, anddancing. It includes all those experiential and relational aspectsof “consciousness” as interiority of “breath” and, most impor-tantly, umoya includes those universal and transpersonal formsof consciousness typically referred to as Spirit. It is epitomizedin the humanity (ubuntu ) of an indigenous Zulu divine healer

(isangoma) who heals through ancestral energy (ukwelaphaamandla namadlozi ) using a public divination method (vumisa)involving a process of becoming whole again in all aspects;body, mind, soul and spirit; in total cultural and ecological con-text. This will be discussed in greater depth later.

This perennial psychology implies an understanding ofSpirit as Source of Self that extends beyond ego intotranspersonal realms. Self includes one’s individual self, familialand universal human ancestors, the yet unborn, community, na-ture and the entire universe, where everything is interrelatedand every part is a microcosmic replica and reflection of thewhole (Hammond-Tooke, 1989; Hountondji, 1983; Mbiti, 1970;Myers, 1993; Ngubane, 1977). More recently Koestler (1977)and Wilber (2000) have described the fundamental links in thisuniverse or “kosmos” as holons, which are always both wholesand parts of other wholes, in an ongoing process of evolutionand involution, ascending and descending currents in a greatnest of inter-being, linking, transcending and including forms ofconsciousness experienced as matter, body, mind, soul andspirit. Spirit is viewed both as ground and final level in the greatnest, the interior aspect to all material phenomena and psychol-

ogy which includes the study of the structures, states, modes,developmental, behavioral and relational aspects of conscious-ness and their manifestations in behavior such as breathing(Edwards, 2009; Hammond-Tooke, 1989; Myers, 1993; Wilber,1977, 2000). Working from this essentially spiritual orientation,which includes accumulated evidence as to the common Afri-can, especially South African, origins of contemporary humanity(Jobling, Hurles, & Tyler-Smith, 2004), let us examine early Afri-can forms of healing in greater depth.

Ancient African Healing

Myers (1993) has articulated fundamental philosophical as-sumptions of ancient African healing. The main ontological as-sumption is that reality is at once spiritual and material, with anall-pervading spiritual energy as source, sustainer and essence

of all phenomena. Everything is spirit manifested where “Spirit”is known in an extrasensory fashion via energy/conscious-ness/God and an extended Self-concept which includes ances-tors, all of nature and the entire community. Spiritual healinglogic embraces polarities yielding “both/and” conclusions, withaxiology and ntuology respectively emphasizing the value andinterrelationships of communal, human, spiritual networks. Thisis an essentially holistic worldviewthat has become increasinglyvalued and recognized in modern forms of healing which takeinto account the influence of relativity, quantum and holographictheories, uncertainty principle and dissipative structures. Thisresults in a positive view of illness as a necessary re-ordering ofa system grown increasing coherent and complex, with greaterinstability and potential for novel restructuring interactions. It

also leads to the possibility of perfect health through harmoniz-ing all forms of spiritual energy (Capra, 1983; Chopra, 2000;Graham, 1990).

Ancient Egyptian views on healing were based on the visionof a harmoniously interrelated universe suffused with the ener-gies of heaven and earth. The sun god, Ra, radiated cosmicforces of light on microcosmic humanity, whose ultimate pur-pose in life was to become enlightened, through opening to thelight and channeling, distributing and merging this light withearth energy, which was symbolized in the form of a rearing ser-pent. Successful energy channeling was depicted in Egyptianpaintings and sculpture as a snake rising from the forehead ofenlightened persons such as energy healers. The vital energies

Perennial Psychology Indigenous Healing 337



of heaven and earth were believed to merge in a vital human,spiritual, energy body called ka. The aim of the Egyptian Mys-tery System, some five thousand years ago, was to educate andto enlighten humanity with regard to such beliefs and practices.Healers were intimately acquainted with the cycles of the sun,seasons, and especially those related to the flooding of the Nile,and other rhythms of life, music and movement (Graham, 1990;

Gumede, 1990; Myers, 1993).

Southern African Healing

African spiritual healing emphasizes the dynamic interrelat-edness of all life given through the ancestral sources of infinitespiritual energy, revealed through dreams and the extended fa-milial. communal unconscious (Bynum, 1984; 1999; Myers,1993; Ngubane, 1977). Direct information we have about theearliest history of healing comes from rock paintings tens ofthousands of years old and located in many cave sites in South-ern Africa. It is therefore appropriate to describe a typical spiri-tual healing danceby the “first” or “real” people, as the SouthernAfrican Kalahari !Kung refer to themselves.

!Kung healing involves health and growth on physical, psy-

chological, social and spiritual levels; it affects the individual, the group, the surrounding environment and the cos- mos. Healing is an integrating and enhancing force, far more fundamental than simple curing or the application of medicine. Sometimes, as often as four times a month, the women sit around the fire, singing and rhythmically clapping as night falls, signalling the start of a healing dance. The entire camp participates. The men, sometimes joined by the women, dance around the singers. As the dance intensifies,n/um (“energy”) is activated in those who are healers, most of whom are among the dancing men. As n/um intensifies in the healers, they experience !kia (“a form of enhanced consciousness”) during which they heal everyone at the dance.The dance usually extends far into the night, often ending as the sun rises the next morning. Those at the dance confront the uncertainties of their existence and reaffirm the spiritual dimension of their daily lives (Katz & Wexler, 1989, p. 23).

San healers initially physically experience empathy in theform of a lower abdominal “gut feeling” called gebesi, which iscritical to the experience of !kia as they unwind in the dance,open themselves (hxabe ) and twe or pull the sickness out (Katz,1982). This gebesi experience is similar to that described asumbellini by Nguni people and kundalini amongst certain yogicpractitioners. Healers also describe an experience known askowhedili , which refers to an aspect of !kia where there is muchpain experienced as they expel sickness from themselves(Katz, 1982). Personal observations of such a dance attest tothe dramatic intensity and lived healing experience so carefullyresearched and described by Katz (1982). These deep em -pathic, transpersonal connections are inextricably related to the

drumming sound of energy (num ) and altered consciousness(!kia) in a mutually facilitative pattern of healing, which thus be-comes a shared resource for all members of the community.Organismically sensing vast chemistry and electricity of ances-tral, spiritual presence through nerves, guts and bone, healerstransmit an empathy which allows others to experience time-less, spaceless realms of ongoing self-exploration. Vast healingis thus effected.

Ancestral Healing

In local Zulu folklore ancestors are addressed in many waysand various terms are used. The theme of respect(ukuhlonipha) is central and ancestors may be given special re-

spectful names. Generically they are typically referred to asamadlozi (spirits), abaphansi (those underground) amakhosi (chiefs) izinyanya, izithutha, abangasekho (those who aredead). Various special sacrificial ceremonies (umsebenzi ) arealso typically performed, for example for thanksgiving(ukubonga), “scolding” ancestors for misfortune (ukuthetha),appeasement (ukushweleza), homestead fortification

(ukubethela) and reintroducing the spirit of a relative to the localancestral body corporate (ukubuyisa). Emphasis is both on re-cently departed ancestors and the unbroken line that links allancestors directly to ultimate Being (Ubukhona), the Creator(Mvelinqangi ) or God (uNkulunkulu ).

Ancestral Communication

According to traditional Zulu culture, there is a continuousrelationship between the living and the ‘living-dead’(abaphansi ). This becomes apparent when considering termssuch as ukufihlwa and ukutshalwa that are used when buryingthe dead. Ukufihlwa means burying an ordinary citizen whileukutshalwa means burying a member of a royal family. Symboli-cally, ukufihla and ukutshalwa relate to rebirth. The actual burialservice/ process called umsebenzi wokumlanda signifies thebeginning of a new life as an ancestor who will always be pres-ent in guiding the living. These concepts provide definitive de-scriptions of the continuity of life in the Zulu context, which isalso metaphorically likened to sowing and watering seeds ofcorn that will produce crops to feed both family and community.

The ukulanda process deserves special explication. In thecase of a person who has died away from home, symbolic use ismade of a special type of twig called “ihlahla” from a tree knownas “umlahlankosi ” which acts as a communication link betweenthe living and the deceased person. The job of carrying the twigand communicating with the deceased person is assigned to aclose family member, usually an elderly person who is conver-sant with the family tradition. For example, during the process ofbringing the spirit of the deceased home from the site of an acci-

dent, the elderly person drags the twig on a small cotton-likethread, continually talking with the deceased person and re-minding him or her to come home (Knight, 2010). While West-ern psychiatry may reject this notion and/or negatively label therelated behavior as mental illness, in Nguni culture this is re-garded as respect for the completion of a process that links theliving and the living dead. In addition to signifying respect for thedeceased and his or her recognition of existence after death asan ancestor through bringing home and ceremonially integrat-ing the spirit of the diseased with the body of ancestral spirits(ukubuyisa umsebenzi) , this traditional ceremony has the addi-tional symbolic purpose of clearing and cleansing the environ-ment so that it becomes accident free for other users. In sometraditional Zulu circles, elderly people still tell stories

(izinganekwane ) about places where such accidents happened,where the deceased were not properly removed and broughthome to rest and become good spirits. In this context, suchteachings help in the process of instilling a love of culture andthe importance of the living dead ancestors. Children still find itfascinating to spend time with elderly people in a learning pro-cess with regard to their own origins, creating a cultural beautyand richness where sons and daughters remain young as longas they have their parents (Edwards, Makunga, Thwala, &Mbele, 2009).

Traditional Zulu people also perform a special purificationritual (inhlambuluko ) a month after the burial of the deceased. Aspecial herb is used for cleansing and a goat is slaughtered. Al-

338 Edwards



though some Zulu people use sheep, goats still remain an im-portant part of sucha ritual. Only the immediate family membersare expected to attend inhlambuluko. This has however beenextended to church members who become part of the familyand sing throughout the night as a sign of acknowledging thetransition from ordinary life to the life of the living dead.

Communal SpiritualityAncestors are known to dislike noise within the home

(umsindo ekhaya) and prefer emptiness, peace and silence(ukuthula), which is scarcely surprising as, besides their livingpresence in the consciousness of their descendants, they alsooccupy that timeless, space-less realm, which is pregnant andfull in its very emptiness. Bynum (1984) has described the fam-ily unconscious in terms of an active, intense, and immediateshared energy field, characterized by affective interactional pat-terns, communal dreaming, telepathy and various other psiphenomena. Such phenomena are fully experienced in Africanextended family kinship ties, through ongoing communicationwith the world of the recently deceased and older living dead an-cestors, all of whom continue to be freshly experienced as re-sponsible for shaping the lives of contemporary humanity.

Family and communal spirituality and spiritual communityare repeatedly affirmed in religious worldviews, communal ritu-als and sacrifices (umsebenzi ) in remembrance of ancestors(amadlozi/izinyanya) and God (uNkulunkulu, uMvelinqangi ). Inaddition to those mentioned above Berglund (1976), Ngubane(1977) and Gumede (1990) have described a host of spiritualityorientated preventive and promotive health beliefs and prac-tices for the child and the adult, family and community. Suchoriginal indigenous forms of communal spirituality as locatedwithin traditional Zulu communal ways of living have also beenarticulated in related papers (Edwards, Makunga, & Nzima,1997; Makunga, Edwards, & Nzima, 1997). A central emphasisis placed on related concepts such as intersubjectivity, mutual-ity, humanization, socialization, as expressed in such terms as

ubunye, simunye and ubudlelwane , and conveyed in such idi-oms as: izandla ziyagezana (i.e., one hand washes the other)and kuhlonishwana kabili (i.e., respect is mutual and should bereciprocated). This is a spiritually grounded community that en-sures a form of humanism as revealed in the practice of ubuntu ,which implies essential caring, respectful humanity and benefi-cial humane relationships as will be discussed in detail later.

Inspirational spiritual healing occurs readily in everyday lifeand is especially common in ceremonial, ritual, communal spiri-tual gatherings (umsebenzi ). For example, a sneeze is believedto be an indication of ancestral presence and is followed by anexhortation to the ancestors (makhosi !). A six-year-old childmay be required to breathe deeply (ukuhogela) the burningfumes of izinyamazane (pieces of animal skin and fat) as a pre-

ventive and strengthening tonic when being given a secondname, which characterizes his or her earthly existence to date.Men working together in slow motion, physical activity, such asdigging a trench, may chant in time to deep abdominal breathingrhythms before taking a breather (ukukhokh’ umoya) in order toregain energy and strength. Such spirituality as expressed indeep breathing, rhythm and harmony is also a characteristic oftraditional singing and dancing.

Psychodynamics of Ancestral Healing

In this context, the term, “psychodynamics,” refers to an um-brella concept explaining the often hidden, unapparent, psycho-logical, familial, social, cultural and spiritual tensions, forces,

mechanisms, reasons and/or causes underlying phenomena, inthe form of visions, dreams and hallucinations, that may appearto persons concerned with ancestral visitations. Such phenom-ena can become amplified under conditions of stress, death,and bereavement. Nocturnal dreams lose their apparent distor-tions and intensity in the light of day, and gross reality becomesclear and sharp after eating and sleeping well. Skilled helpers

and personal insight may be needed to interpret reality as phe-nomena, which may seem confusing and threatening initially,become readily understandable.

From a psychodynamic perspective, ancestral visitationsand their communications will be as threatening or reassuringas these personages had been in their former physicalexistences and as perceived by the perceiver. For example,verbal abuse, corporal punishment and familial rejection bypowerful parents and/or elders are clearly very threatening ex-periences for a vulnerable child. Such experiences will remainrooted in the consciousness of the child, be amplified and cor-roborated by familial and sociocultural belief systems and, afterthe death of such elders, may assume gigantic proportions andreadily manifest as abaphansi basifulathele (ancestors have

turned away), requiring appropriate appeasement rituals. Onthe other hand, if parents and grandparents have been affirm-ing, kind and loving, after their death, their continued recogni-tion (abaphansi banathi ), kindness and love is more likely to beexperienced by future generations. In terms of reciprocal par-ent-child relationships, bad behavior is punished/rejected andgood behavior rewarded/praised. Children learn to bring aboutrewards of parental recognition, love and praise through properbehavior. These are very good reasons for surviving genera-tions to continue to communicate and honor their ancestors, bewell behaved and perform appropriate ceremonies to ensurecontinued health, protection and prosperity.

From a local African perspective, ancestors are regarded ascustodians of the lives of future generations. They occupy a po-

sition of dignity and awe among their descendants. From time totime through certain ritualistic procedures that differ from groupto group, they are celebrated and consulted for guidance. Asthey are the living-dead, ancestors are believed to know morethan anyone alive, to have extra-ordinary powers and to be atany place at any time. It is believed that they can bring good luckand bad luck equally if they are pleased or angered respec-tively.

Spiritual healing through ancestors provides a sense of se-curity, anchoring and confirming their descendants’ identity,sense of belonging and purpose in life. When a new person

joins the family, s/he must be reported to the departed elders ofthe family (abaphansi ); e.g., a new bride or a newborn child.Bynum’s concept of the family unconscious and Jung’s collec-tive unconscious explicate different levels of this ancestralconnectedness (Bynum, 1984; Ivey et al. 2002). It is reasonableand understandable that ancestors remain in high regard assource of spiritual healing, custodians of the lives of future gen-erations, occupying a position of dignity and awe among theirdescendants, are celebrated and consulted for guidance, be-lieved to know more than anyone alive, to have extra-ordinarypowers and to be at any place at any time, bringing good or badfortune equally if they are pleased or angered. In addition, it isalso particularly understandable that those family and/or clanancestors who were held in high regard in the community areespecially well-remembered and revered.




Healing Dreams

Buhrmann (1978, 1989) mentions Old Testament dreamsregarded as messages of great importance for the individual orthe community, with the best documented use of dreams for thepurpose of healing illnesses, coming from ancient Africa, Arabiaand India. In the traditional South African context, dreams re-main in significant regard as communication from the ancestors

with regard to guidance, warnings and the appointment ofsomeone for divinity as in the process of becoming a diviner(ukuthwasa) as discussed above. Once the dream messagehas been made clear in indicating what is required of the individ-ual, family or clan, it is acted on to prevent serious illness or mis-fortune (Chinkwita, 1993; Mfusi & Edwards, 1985; Ngubane,1977; Thwala, Pillay, & Sargent, 2000). In traditional Zulu cul-ture, people often report that they can physically sense that theyhave been visited by abaphansi and warned against some mis-fortune. In such a case, the dreamer will try to remember thecontent of a dream and go to a local dream interpreter for furtherclarification for no charge. In the past, especially in rural areas,grandparents performed dream interpretations. It seems bothlogically and intuitively accurate to assume that grandparents

would have been trusted with such a role because of recognitionthat their greater age would have allowed them more experi-ence of all realms of consciousness along the gross- subtlecon-tinuum through waking dreaming and sleeping.

Healing Involving Music, Song, Rhythm and Dance

African healing typically includes a focusing of energythrough movement as in rhythmic, musical, hand clapping, sing-ing and dancing in some form of ceremonial spiritual-communalcontext. Zulu-speaking people are famous for their rich singingvoices and sense of rhythm. Dance in Africa, as many otherforms of behavior, is not an event in itself, but a connectednesswith others and the external world (Mkabela & Luthuli, 1997).People dance in groups, singing, clapping and whistling. Zuludancing is very energetic when performed by men and unmar-

ried girls. Men incorporate battle and hunting movements intheir dancing, banging their shields and sticks to great effect,while women dance more modestly. Married women ululate asthey watch the dancing. In contrast with the many westerndance forms, Zulu dance has a downward directedness that tiesthe dancer to the life-giving energy of the earth. Men’s dancesare very energetic and demonstrate a warlike nature and regi-mental structure in choreography. In the old days, soldiers(amabutho ) would have a special song and dance for their par-ticular regimental division (Knight, 2010). This collective move-ment energy provides sustenance and strength (Mkabela &Luthuli, 1997). Through the rhythm of the dance, energy is mo-bilized, motivation sharpened, communal spirituality stirred andthe ongoing spiral of life and health amplified. Mthethwa (1989)has noted that there are basically two types of traditional Zuludances, spectacular and spiritual. In contrast to indlamu (aspectacular dance) which involves much rehearsal by a particu-lar group, with steps not easily learned by new members, origi-nal ritual, ceremonial, sacred, and/or wedding dances (isigekle,ukugiya, ukusina) have to be simple and slow to cater for all,young, old, ancestors and God.

In isiZulu there is the saying, umsebenzi uyaphilisa (workheals). The word for work (umsebenzi ) has many connotations,including physical exercise, health, therapy, sustenance, heal-ing, sacrifice, love, function and traditional ceremony. In earlierdays, African women’s work was primarily perceived to be prep-aration of food, bearing children and tilting the soil to get food.

Women sang to lull their children to sleep (shushuzela izingane )and sang while working through a field (bacula behlakula).Through such activity women received strength to carry on de-spite life challenges they were facing. In Southern African coun-tries, where they were used as migrant labor to do menial workin road and railway construction as well as work in the diamondand gold mines, men would leave their customary families in ru-

ral areas to live in the cities where they started new families. Inintense and emotionally charged groups, men danced and sangpraises to work, to inculcate awareness, amass strength, moti-vate one another and promote endurance under difficult condi-tions. A popular song of endurance, shosholoza is nowadayssung to motivate players in sport to do well in a game (Roux, Ed-wards & Hlongwane, 2007)

Healers

San healing is typically communal and egalitarian,with heal-ers typically operating synergistically during healing dances.Healers have always been people of great respect in the com-munity with multifaceted roles including that of diviner, priest,medium with the ancestors at all ceremonies. Their functions in-clude healing, fertility, life and death; protector and provider ofcustoms, cohesion and transformation, legal arbiter, ecologist,specialist in preventive, promotive and therapeutic healing,medicine and pharmacology. Universal characteristics of heal-ing include healing dialogue, healing power, healing exchange,focus on spirituality and use of community resources. A sharedworld view encourages expectations of illness being healed,emotional arousal, information exchange, healing approaches,methods and techniques, new learning, change and transfor-mation involving individual, familial, communal, social, eco-nomic, political and cosmic contexts..

In 1990, it was estimated that indigenous healers catered for80% of the health needs of the African population. They areusually consulted before modern doctors, particularly in the lessdeveloped and rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal (Gumede, 1990;

Mpofu, 2003; Mpofu, Petzer, & Bojuwoye, 2011). Through re-cent legislation and establishment of a Traditional HealersCouncil, the South African government has paved the way forlegal recognition of traditional practitioners and referrals be-tween modern and traditional health care sectors (Edwards &Edwards, 2008). Although various generalists and specialistsexist, there are basically three categories of indigenous Zuluhealer, the traditional doctor (inyanga) diviner (isangoma), andfaith healer (umthandazi ) all of whom work with breath/soul(umphefumulo ) and spiritual power or energy (umoya).

Traditional doctors. Izinyanga are usually men who areapprenticed to a practicing doctor, sometimes an older relativeand use mainly herbal medicines. Doctors (izinyanga) use awide variety of treatments including massage, steam baths and

poultices as well as herbal medicines used in a ritual and sym-bolic context. Medicines are typically classified by color andgiven in sequence as follows: imithi emnyama refer to blackmedicines given at night (e.g., ubulawo is a liquid medicine usedas an emetic or purgative); imithi ebomvu are red medicinesgiven at dawn or dusk (e.g., insizi or powdered herbs rubbedinto incisions); imithi emhlophe are white medicines given in theday (e.g., intelezi or general liquid medicine used to free onefrom imperfections after sickness is taken out by red and whitemedicines). Other treatments include: izinymazane , whichmainly consist of animal fats for preventive care or immuniza-tion; ishilambezo , liquid medical tonics and preventatives forpregnant women; ukuphalaza- emetics or purgatives for vomit-

340 Edwards



ing; ukuchatha, enema or laxative; ukugcaba, incisions made at joints to strengthen vulnerable areas; ukugquma steam bathand ukuthoba- fomenting treatment for muscular swellings andpain. Arguably, although traditional doctors practice psychol-ogy, their main orientation is herbal and/or pharmacological.

Divine healers. The isangoma is a man or woman who ex-periences a calling by his or her ancestors to become a healerand after an internship under a qualified diviner, practicesmainly divination. In traditional diagnosis, diviners (izangoma)will work through their accepted mediumship with the ancestralshades and close relationship with the ill, to identify the illness,its cause and required treatment. Contemporary indigenousZulu healing is based on the spiritual energy of the ancestors.This energy takes different forms as reflected in ukububula/ nokubhonga kwedlozi, the religious, spirit-power and supernat-ural force of the ancestors breathing through the Zulu di-vine-healer (isangoma). The energy is strengthened by healingand good deeds, and is weakened by evil spirits and abuse.During a typical divinatory session (vumisa), after contactingthe spirit of the ancestors, the isangoma may breathe this spiritinto the divinatory bones, before throwing them. Likewise cli-

ents may be required to inhale this ancestral, spiritual,breath-energy from the bones and use it in various healing ritu-als. Depending upon the depth of the past evolutionary ances -tral call, diviners may breathe like roaring lions (ukubhodlakwengonyama) or even pythons in their silent communication(inhlwathi igingile ). However, typically the isangoma is breathedby recently departed ancestors who had previously appeared toher in dreams, called him or her to become a diviner and accom-panied her through a creative illness in the form of a religiousconversion experience until he or she completed his or her ap-prenticeship under a qualified diviner in a spiritual rebirthmacro-process called ukuthwasa. This is a perennial way of so-ciety caring for and being cared by persons, first spiritually af-flicted and then purified (Edwards, 1987, 2009; Makunga, Ed-wards & Nzima, 1997; Mfusi, & Edwards, 1985; Ngubane,

1977).

The micro-process of being breathed by the ancestors dur-ing divination occurs in response to a request by clients, whoconsult the diviner for various reasons, such as illness preven-tion, health promotion, prosperity, and romance (Makunga, Ed-wards, & Nzima, 1997; Sokhela, Edwards, & Makunga, 1984).While diviners differ in divinatory methods, the essence of theprocess consists of the diviner invoking her ancestors and act-ing as medium for their messages concerning the client. In anongoing emotionally charged dialogue, clients verbal and non-verbal responses become progressively more enthusiastic withthe divination experienced as becoming more true and real, in aform of consensual validation as to the assessment of the prob-lem and solutions offered. The end result typically consists of

agreement as to some form of culturally accepted ritual cere-mony for the ancestors, for example involving protection, ap-peasement and/or thanksgiving (Edwards, 1999; Gumede,1990; Ngubane, 1977).

In everyday life the exclamation ‘makhosi’ (ancestors) isgiven after a sneeze in recognition of ancestral spirits workingtheir way through the descendent. Ancestors are experiencedas living-dead continuing to care for descendents in an ex-tended link from the Source. Such consciousness may ulti-mately bring awareness of all humanity, world and inhabitantsof planet earth being breathed by Universal Breath. The spiritualcalling by recently departed ancestors and/or God often occurs

in dreams. The calling is followed by a spiritual rebirth experi-ence until completion of an apprenticeship under a qualifieddiviner in a macro-process called ukuthwasa. Thereafter the di-vine healer experiences being breathed by the ancestors and/orGod during the divine healing process (Edwards, 1985; Ed-wards, Makunga, Thwala, & Nzima 2006; Mfusi & Edwards,1985; Ngubane 1977). With their time honored spiritual healing

traditions, as evident in such isiZulu terms as umphefumulo (breath/soul) and umoya (spirit), divine healers essentiallyhonor the subtle energetic functions of the breath as conscious-ness, psyche, soul and spirit, in both immanent and transcen-dent form. For example, during his initial isangoma apprentice-ship, Credo Mutwa (2003) graphically describes his maternalgrandfather’s teaching as follows:

He taught me the art of breathing properly. He taught me the secret art of joining my mind to that of the great gods in the unseen world. He taught me how to sit still - very, very still – and eliminate all the thought from my mind and call upon the hidden powers of my soul. In short my grandfather taught me the Zulu version of what is called in English, “meditation.” How to breathe softly and gently like a whisper until you feel something like a hot coiled snake ascending up your spine and bursting through the top of your head – afearsome thing that is known as umbilini. This umbilini, my grandfather told me, is the source of the sangoma’s powers.A sangoma must be able to summon this umbilini at will through the beating of the drum and through meditation,very, very deep meditation (p.13).

Faith healers. The African Indigenous Church (AIC) move-ment, whose earlier religious roots also formed part of the foun-dation for the African National Congress in 1912, deserves spe-cial mention for its role as buffer in preventing violent civil warbetween warring political groups during and after the Apartheidstruggles (Edwards, 2002; Nyembe, 1994; Oosthuizen et al.,1989). AIC churches promote communal spirituality and practi-cal public health in the form of food, money, surrogate family

and work to anyone who asks for help (Bakker, 1996; Dube,1989; Nyembe, 1994; Oosthuizen et al., 1989). Church activi-ties representa healing highway of truth, reconciliation,celebra-tion of diversity, wisdom and love (Louw, 2011). A Xhosa Zionisthealer has described such healing in terms of different levels ofconsciousness (Edwards, 1989). As opposed to isazelaesifileyo (dead consciousness), isazela esiphilileyo refers tothat form of living consciousness of prayerful, close connectionto God, with isazela sengquko implying a transpersonal level(e.g. clear conscience and Christ consciousness). Illness is un-derstood in three forms: as arising in the unconscious, in con-scious awareness and through consciousness (e.g., anxiety ortrauma).

African Indigenous Churches meetings can be found at any

time throughout Africa. In their bright and symbolically coloredclothing, groups gather wherever convenient, at the river or themountain, near the sea, at a vacant plot in town or at the busstop. Spiritual energy (umoya) is invoked through bible reading,prayer and singing in a healing circle. In more formal meetingsheld in churches, community halls or houses, faith healers orprophets (abaprofethi ) may close windows and doors to keepout distractions and amplify spiritual energy for an evening, dayor weekend of intense individual, family and community healingand spiritual purification (ukuhlambuluka) in a religious cere-mony which includes rituals, music, drama and dance(Nyembe, 1994; Oosthuizen et al., 1989). As in the San andcountless other examples of spiritual healing, illusions of a sep-




arate, individual identity are shed as such empathic experi-ences and practices facilitate enhanced transpersonal collec-tive consciousness and shared healing.

The calling of faith healers and prophets may occur in tradi-tional Zulu cultural context and resemble that of the traditionaldiviner (isangoma), with a Christian orientation. The Holy Spiritis said to impart various gifts such as prophecy, teaching andhealing, which are essentially inspired gifts as denoted by theGreek word theopneustos , meaning God-breathed or God-in-spired. The fruits of this inspirational inbreathing include love,

joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentle-ness and self-control. The vital importance of this inspirationalfunction of the Holy Spirit was dramatically and literally empha-sized in the words of the early Church father Origen, who ex-horted followers of Jesus Christ not to allow any inappropriatedesire to draw breath in his or her heart (Deist & Burden, 1980;Graham 1978). The communal spiritual healing function of theHoly Spirit becomes readily and dramatically apparent to any-one who has participated in, experienced or even simply ob-served a public African Indigenous Church meeting in South Af-rica, whose Christian faith embraces ancestral spiritual energy

(umoya), and Holy Spirit (Umoya Ongcwele ). Any petty, doctri-naire, theological conflicts are usually not apparent. Christ istypically regarded as the ancestral, divine, Son of God Thepeace, truth, power, love and wisdom in inspirational African in-digenous healing is experienced at one and the same time andplace in the body and breath of any particular individual in com-munal ancestral spirituality as graced and mediated by God,Christ and Holy Spirit. Christ’s two great commandments of lov-ing God and neighbor becomeimmediately and publicly demon-strated (Dube, 1989; Edwards, 2009; Nyembe, 1994;Oosthuizen et al.,1989).

With approximately 11 million local members, African Indig-enous Church members form spiritual healing groups that canbe found at any time and place throughout South Africa. In their

brightly colored attire, such spiritual communities gather wher-ever convenient, at the river or the mountain, near the sea, at avacant plot in town or at the bus stop, where inspirational, spiri-tual breath-energy is invoked through bible reading, praying,singing and dancing in a healing circle while invoking the HolySpirit through chanting “woza umoya” (come spirit). Suchchurches and their faith healers (abathandazi ) have become in-creasingly popular in modern times as they are able to providetheir local community with a communal-spiritual circle that ad-dresses many needs; traditional ancestral reverence, old andnew testament inspirations, a substitute extended family, assis-tance with employment contacts, caring psychological experi-ence of family and sense of community. Healing rituals are ac-companied by music, drama and dance. This is a marvelousform of communal spirituality where community development,

healing and education are harmoniously integrated. As the larg-est organized religious group in KwaZulu-Natal and in SouthernAfrica, such groups are responsible for most local, everydayspiritual healing and practical help (Edwards, Makunga, &Nzima 1997; Oosthuizen et al. 1989).

Psychology of Illness Prevention and Health Promotion

Indigenous Zulu psychology of illness and health is a holisticcosmological matter characterized by forces of creation, espe-cially ancestors (amadlozi ) and destruction (ubuthakathi )(Berglund, 1976; Gumede, 1990). However distinctions are madebetween those illnesses, which are relatively more natural(umkhuhlane ) and psycho-cultural-spiritual (ukufa kwabantu ) in

origin respectively (Ngubane, 1977). This is similar to the natural:supernatural distinction made when considering lay theories of ill-ness in an international perspective (Edwards et al., 1983).Umkhuhlane refers to illnesses that just happen such as a fever orsenile dementia. While the role of psycho-socio-cultural and reli-gious factors are recognized in such illnesses, these latter factorsare especially prominent in the ukufa kwabantu forms, where three

main forms may be distinguished.Illnesses associated with spiritual relationships includ-

ing ancestors and/or other spirits. Some illnesses are be-lieved to be related to ancestral displeasure (abaphansi basifulathele ). This may have been because certain rituals wereforgotten or customs neglected (ukulahla amasiko ). What is re-quired in such cases is to perform an appropriate ceremony(umsebenzi ) in order to re-establish balanced relationships withthe ancestors. Alternatively, an individual may receive a call bythe ancestors to become a diviner (isangoma), which is followedby a creative illness or religious conversion phenomenon thatoccurs in many religious systems (ukuthwasa). This spiri-tual/cultural rebirth experience does not necessarily precludethe diviner belonging to another religion, such as an African In-

digenous Church (AIC) or Western-style Christian church.How-ever, this creative illness needs treatment either to bar the spirit(ukuvala idlozi ) or to allow the neophyte (ithwasa) to undergotraining to become a diviner under a qualified divine healer(isangoma). A third type of illness with regard to spiritual rela-tionships generally occurs via alien spirit possession throughthe spirit of a person who has died away from home and forwhom no ceremony was performed to integrate this person’sspirit with the body of family ancestral spirits. The ceremony hasbeen described above and is referred to as ukubuyisa. Indiki and amandawe are other examples of such alien spirit posses-sion. In this case treatment with both ancestral ceremony andtreatment by a healer who had experienced similar alien spiritpossession is needed to restore psychological, social, cultural,spiritual and community equilibrium and promote health

(Gumede, 1990; Mpofu et al., 2011; Ngubane, 1977).

Illnesses associated with human relationships.Ubuthakathi refers to all forms of destruction, especially those ofmalicious human beings, witches and sorcerers who are believedto employ magic, familiars and noxious substances to harm theirvictims. Such disordered relations are recognized as occurring insituations characterized by jealousy, rivalry, conflict, aggressionand violence. Freud subsequently recognized human destructive-ness as a basic cause of illness with the concept of thanatos.Common types of illness attributed to sorcery are as ufufunyane/ amafufunyane and umeqo . Ufufunyane/amafufunyane was origi-nally attributed to the use of grave dirt but today is more often as-sociated with auditory hallucinations and culture contact stresseswhere the ill person is disturbed through hearing voices of persons

of different racial and ethnic groups (Edwards, 1999). Umeqo typi-cally refers to hemipharesis or conversion disorder believed to berelated to stepping over the harmful concoction of a sorcerer (Ed-wards, Cheetham, Majozi, & Mkhwanazi, (1985). These and othertheories as well as treatment by traditional healers have been ex-tensively discussed elsewhere (Berglund, 1976; Edwards, 1985;Gumede, 1990; Mzimukulu & Simbayi, 2006; Ngubane, 1977).Treatment by traditional healers and/or modern therapists essen-tially consists in re-establishing spiritual, human and environmen-tal relationships, performing appropriate rituals to both protect andstrengthen the vulnerable individual, family and community as wellas promote their future health, well being and fortune.

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Illnesses associated with environmental relationships.As indicated before, ordering and harmonizing environmentalrelationships are viewed as critical for preventing illness andpromoting health. Specific examples of disordered environmen-tal relationships include umkhondo omubi , which refers to adangerous track or ecological health hazard such as lightning.Various practices, such as covering water and mirrors during a

thunderstorm and planting lighting conducting rods rather thantrees near the home, were followed to prevent being struck. Inaddition, ukubethela ceremonies performed by heaven herds(izinyanga zezulu ) were to protect the home and promote health(Berglund, 1976; Gumede, 1990). Umnyama refers to dark-ness; contagion or pollution associated with stresses of majorlife and death events e.g. birth, death, menstruation, sexual in-tercourse and fatal accidents. Health is promoted and illnessesprevented if moderation and abstinence is practiced during be-reavement. In this way stress is minimized and social supportenhanced. People who do not respect such taboos stand muchgreater chance of illness, trauma and crises, a common exam-ple being ukudlula, a form of obsessive compulsion.

Ngubane (1977) and Gumede (1990) have extensively de-

scribed how traditional Zulu worldviews are permeated withsuch beliefs and practices related to ecological influences oncommunity health. Families and communities have a ongoingresponsibility to strengthen themselves against such ecologicalhazards as lightning (ukubethela ceremony ) and various formsof social conflict, jealousy and sorcery (ubuthakathi ). Traditionalhealers, diviners (izangoma), doctors (izinyanga) and faith heal-ers (abathandazi ) are extensively consulted in order to balanceand order the environment (ukulungisa endaweni ).

The Psychology of Healthy Relationships

The psychology of healthy relationships is given special em-phasis in the everyday practice of respect (ukuhlonipha). Beingalive and healthy (impilo is used for both concepts) implieshealthy relationships with God (uNkulunkulu/Mvelinqgangi ), an-

cestors (amadlozi/izinyanya), other people (abantu ) and thenatural environment/world (endaweni/emhlabeni ). Health isthus a collective responsibility to harmonize such relationshipsby finding the right tune or path (indlela) towards the ideal ofbeneficial humane relationships filled with dignity and respect(ubuntu ) (Dube, 1989; Oosthuizen et al., 1989).

Traditional views on survival, life and health are inextricablyinterrelated through emphasis on ensuring proper relationshipswith the body of ancestors and God. People work at this rela-tionship through ceremonial and ritual gatherings to prevent ill-ness and promote health. Such gatherings become communalspiritual labors of love as conveyed by the term umsebenzi where ancestors are appropriately remembered in the provisionof spiritual protection and social support for the collective. A

great variety of ceremonies to mark special occasions havebeen extensively discussed (Ngubane, 1977; Gumede, 1990).

Empathic human relationships. In Nguni contexts thisdeep social empathic process is known as umuntu umuntu ngabantu , which literally means “a person is a person throughothers,” “I only become an I through you”, and “I am because weare” all of which refer to what Martin Buber has termed: “I-Thourelationships” (Buber, 1958; Edwards, Makunga, Ngcobo, &Dhlomo, 2004). Ubuntu refers to humane care, dignity and cul-tured humanity, developed through processes of mutuality, hu-manization, socialization and communal spirituality (Edwards etal. 2004). Ubuntu in the sense of the “I-Thou relationship” con-

stitutes the epitome of the human, empathic, interpersonal, so-cial and transpersonal encounter. In theory and practice ubuntu constitutes social empathic patterns through consensual cul-tural dialogue which adds significantly to the feeling and mean-ing of all concerned, through accurately encouraging depth ofcommunication of feelings and social healing, as evident in thefollowing discussion.

For everyday practical purposes, ubuntu may be simplytranslated as meaning “humanity” or “beingness” (Mpofu,1994). Etymologically, ubuntu is the abstract form of the termsumuntu (a human being) and abantu (people), derived from theroot –ntu, which has various connotations, such as African, wayof life, human nature, language,one with human feelings and di-aphragm (Dent & Nyambezi, 1969). However, in itsabovementioned depth, ubuntu connotes a vast interconnectedsense of community. It encompasses all social relations andcommunal spirituality. Special emphasis is on humanity inmodes of being both human and humane.

Ubuntu implies fundamental existential questions as to themeaning of life in general and human existence in particular.Firstly, ubuntu implies that meaning in life is only possible

through human relations as poetically expressed in the saying“umuntu umuntu ngababantu” . Secondly, ubuntu implies thatmeaning in life is dependent upon the quality of human relation-ships, on creative good quality dialogue as found in empathic,humane relationships. Ubuntu is revealed in everyday meetingand lived dialogue. It is found in authentic affirmation of another.Thirdly, ubuntu implies communal spirituality in family ceremo-nies. As emphasized above, traditional Nguni views on survival,life and health are inextricably related in the emphasis on ensur-ing proper relationships with the body of ancestors and God.People work at this relationship through ceremonial and ritualgatherings to prevent illness and promote health. Fourthly,ubuntu implies involvement in the humanity of caring, helpingand healing. As members of a sacred tradition, either in the form

of a spiritual calling as in the case of divine healers (izangoma),or of a caring practice, passed on over generations in a familyrecognized as healers in the community, as in the case of tradi-tional Zulu doctors (izinyanga). Such ubuntu in healing is an es-sential, central, necessary and sufficient highway to authenticpractice. Genuine healers will always know this and distinguishtrue professionalism as characterized by the ubuntu of commit-ted, human care, from the more problematic and corruptive in-fluences of economic and political aspects of professionalism.Fifth, ubuntu implies some essential ingredients of such essen-tially human and humanly essential relationships. Ubuntu means humanity in all its universality, differentiality and unique-ness. It is everyday empathy in practice. Six, isangoma divinehealing epitomizes that quality of empathic understanding thatGendlin (1962, 1996) has succinctly described as sensing the

meaning which the client is experiencing so as to help the clientfocus on that meaning.

Wholeness and life. The holistic nature of preventive andpromotive practices cannot be overemphasized in spiritual, hu-man and environmental relationships. It is believed that peopleare most vulnerable when in new environment/s, exposed to dif-ferent climatic conditions, situations of conflict and strife and ne-glect of important ancestral ceremonies. On the other hand ifappropriate rituals are performed to ensure ancestral care(abaphansi banathi ) and promotive treatment is taken (umuthu wokuqinisa) to prevent sorcery and environmental hazards,harmony and balance result. Health is highly prized. Ceremo-




nies are gratefully performed to give thanks (ukubonga). Thesegatherings constitute a marvelous form of community healthpsychology. Animals killed for the occasion provide muchneeded protein.

When a person is ill traditional doctors attending are notpaid. Historically, only a small fee was given (ugxa) for the doc-tor to open his bag (ukuvula isikhwama), a practice that hasbeen retained by some traditional healers. A traditional doctoronly expects to be paid when health is restored to his clients,who are often taken in to his home for an extended period(Gumede, 1990). Such beliefs and practices are found through-out Africa. Indigenous healers are sanctioned by the communityas accepted medium with the universe especially in terms ofspiritual, human and environmental relationships. As mentionedabove, Myers (1993) has referred to as such relationships asntuological, rather than technological. I once visited a traditionalhealer in Uganda, who cared for over a hundred clients in a tra-ditional hospital. All clients had relatives staying with them in thehospital. Over time, the patients had built different hospitalrooms with various purposes, e.g. divination, demon exorcizing,massage, purifying steam baths. All clients were treated free of

charge and would pay the healer in some form according to theirconscience after becoming healthy. Without any formal profes-sional qualification, the healer was a community health psychol-ogist gifted by his spiritual calling, community recognition andtherapeutic effectiveness in facilitation of the community of pa-tients in healing themselves.

Empirical Research

The psychology of indigenous healing is a fertile field for fu-ture generations of psychology researchers, teachers and prac-titioners. There is need for further in depth qualitative and quan-titative, conceptual and empirical research into variouspsychological themes and issues, such as perennial compo-nents of traditional and modern healing (Edwards, 1986; Frank,1972; Torrey, 1972; Oosthuizen et. al., 1989), empathy (Ed-

wards, 2010; Edwards, Makunga, Ngcobo, & Dhloma 2004;Mkhwanazi, 1989), and transpersonal spirituality, especially an-cestral consciousness (Lumsden-Cook, Edwards, & Thwala,2006; Lumsden-Cook, Thwala, & Edwards, 2006). For exam-ple, an African breath psychotherapeutic workshop (Edwards,2009) was developed around the concept Shiso, an ancientisiZulu respectful (hlonipha) term for a human being (Doke &Vilakazi, 1948), which became an acronym for a particularbreath-based healing method, standing for Spirit (Umoya),Heart (Inhlizyo ), Image (Umcabango ), Soul (Umphefumulo )and Oneness (Ubunje ). The workshop takes the form of fivesteps, one for each letter of the acronym.

Spirit. Umoya is invoked through dancing in a circle chant-ing woza umoya in a breath-coordinated way. This can also be

done in standing or sitting positions, using a cleansing and puri-fying technique (ukuhlambuluko ) of continuously exhaling usingdiaphragmatic breathing while aspirating woza umoya.

Heart. An emphasis on heartfelt experience begins throughstanding or sitting with hands over one’s heart and feeling itsbeat as energy, oxygen and blood is circulated.

Image. The next stage involves forming an image of thesubtle energy system of the breath/soul/spirit-body.

Soul. Contemplative focus on the soul-body follows. For ex-ample, initially this can be kinesthetically visualized as a spark

at the center of the heart, expanding into spirit permeating theentire kosmos.

Oneness. As consciousness expands, the experience ofbeing breathed by the Holy Spirit, brings awareness of the inter-connected inter-being of everything, the shared, collectiveground of Oneness.

In a pilot study investigating the effects of Shiso on spiritual-ity perceptions and experiences with a small group of nine pro-fessionally registered psychologists’ findings indicated signifi-cant improvement in self-perceived ratings of spirituality on astandardized scale by all participants. Individual student de-scriptions and focus group discussion indicated significanttransformations of consciousness. The pilot study findings ledto further workshops with enlarged samples. Quantitative find-ings from three workshops involving a total sample of fifty-nineparticipants, indicated statistically significant increases in spiri-tuality perceptions as measured on the standardized scale andas compared to a control group of forty one subjects. Each ofthree workshops were significantly more effective than a controlgroup in improving spirituality perceptions. Qualitative findingsagain indicated significantly improved spirituality experiences.

The sequential format of the workshops is valuable in elicit-ing various perennial aspects of the great chain of being(Wilber, 2000), especially immanent Spirit, which is always al-ready present (Umoya), body in the form of heart ( Inhlizyo ),mind as image (Umcabango ), soul as breath (Umphefumulo )and the collectivity of transcendent spirit (Ubunje). It is possibleto hypothesize from a qualitative, transpersonal, spiritual per-spective that the workshops were dealing with the integration ofwhat have been described as typical, universal human dualismsof self-other, life-death, body-mind and ego-shadow as well asfacilitating psychic, subtle, causal, unity and/or non-dual con-sciousness transformations. Further empirical research isneeded in this regard. Finally, while it is recognized that suchchanges may simply reflect transitory states, the evidence from

various spiritual and psychotherapeutic traditions is that suchan experience can lead to spirituality stage changes and pro-found healing effects (Corsini, 1989; Edwards, 2009; Ivey,Andrea, Ivey, & Simek Morgan 2002; Wilber, 1977, 2000;Wolberg, 1977).

Summary and Conclusion

This article has considered various philosophical, concep-tual, cultural, environmental and practical questions in relationto the notion of a perennial psychology of indigenous healingwithin the general context of indigenous knowledge systems Ithas examined ancient and Southern African healing with spe-cial reference to ancestral consciousness, communal spiritual-ity, psychodynamics, continual communication, the role of

dreams, music song, rhythm and dance. The roles and methodsof various local healers were discussed in depth. The psychol-ogy of illness prevention described interrelated spiritual, humanand environmental relationships. The psychology of health pro-motion focused on healthy human relationships with special ref-erence to ubuntu , wholeness and life. Finally empirical researchinto perennial components of traditional and modern healing,empathy, transpersonal spirituality, ancestral consciousnessand African breath based psychotherapeutic workshops werediscussed.

The aim of this article was to answer some pertinent ques-

tions about the cultural authenticity of indigenous healing. I con-

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clude that structures and practices involved in Southern Africanindigenous healing do indeed illuminate an essential, perennialpsychological theme that is essentially spiritual and communalin nature, especially in relation to the all pervadingrole of the an-cestors and their ultimate spiritual healing Source, preventingillness and promoting health. Ancestors are experienced as liv-ing-dead continuing to care for descendents in an extended link

from this Source, the practical consequence for all concerned iscontinual work (umsebenzi ) to ensure human, spiritual relation-ships characterized by harmonious order, dignity, respect, em-pathy and ongoing healing.

Investigations continually reveal essential structures andpractices of a perennial psychology underlying modern scien-tific, academic and professional forms of this discipline. This au-thentic psychology has a vibrant living reality, an immediatepresence as revealed through every living, spoken, gesturedword, ephemeral event, experience, behavior and relationship.This is an original psychology of breath, consciousness, en-ergy, soul and spirit animated with ancestral presence(amadlozi/izinyanya), Being (Ubukhona) and God(uNkulunkulu, uMvelinqangi ) in that living, full empty silence of

original Spirit (Umoya). These are vast, deep realms wheremuch remains to be remembered, discovered and described.This is an infinitely fertile field for future generations of psychol-ogy researchers, teachers and practitioners.

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A Psychology of Indigenous Healing

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