A Journal of Newar Studies (Newāh Vijñāna) · The Journal of Newar Studie~ ISSN153(r-8661...

122
AD 2007/08 Numbe . NS 1128

Transcript of A Journal of Newar Studies (Newāh Vijñāna) · The Journal of Newar Studie~ ISSN153(r-8661...

Page 1: A Journal of Newar Studies (Newāh Vijñāna) · The Journal of Newar Studie~ ISSN153(r-8661 1128Numbcr-62007/01', Publisher IntI. Nepal Bhasha Sewa Samiti Center For Nepalese language

AD 2007/08Numbe .

NS 1128

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Newih ViiiinaThe Journal of Newar Studie~

ISSN 153(r-86611128Numbcr-62007/01',

PublisherIntI. Nepal Bhasha Sewa Samiti

Center For Nepaleselanguage &Culture

Portland, Oregon USA

EditorDaya RShakya

Assistant Editorc;Sudip R. Shakya

Subin Shakya

AdvisorProf. Todd lewis

DesignerSudip Shakya

www.digitalbabu.com

Moiling Addres~

Newah Vijnana1719 NE 47th Ave.

Portland, OR 97213

Cover:Source: Nepal ]'vlandala Forum,

Shankhadhar Sakhw,(http:'ishankhadharsakhwa.org)

EditorialIn a relatively short time span, Nepal has gone through various phases of change,especially in political scenario. From our previous issue of "Jewah Vijnana tillnow, we witnessed the secondjana andolanuprising and afterwards the Nepalesepeople got a rare opportunity to choose their own go\·ernment. Even though thefinal version of constitution has not been finalized, the Nepalese people succeededin bringing the interim constitution that guaranteed the right to preserve, promote,and develop their own language and cultural heritage. Now. Nepal is no longerrecognized as a monolingual country but the current constitution recognizes alllanguages of 1\epal as National languages. However, the Kha..l language is stillmentioned as the language of official use and 238 years of Shah dynasty was puton hold until the constitutional assembly election is held. During the Shah dynasty,especially Rana and Panchavat period, Newars have experienced various kinds ofsuppressive hassle including education, communication and public services.

Furthermore, the past government has also devalued the importance of Nepal Sam­bat. For the last 28 years. the Newar people have struggled for recognition of Ne­paJ Sambat as the national calendar of Nepal. It was not until secondjana andolanthat Honorable Prime ~linister Koirala assured that Nepal Sambat as its nationalcalendar cannot be ignored. Since then, all government media started using it asthe original calendar of Nepal. However, the struggle has not ended because thegovernment regulation is still running under foreign-born calendar, the BikramSambat. The l\Jepalese communities around the globe are still celebrating the Bi­kram Sambat as the official !'\epalese l\Jew Year and usc of Bikram Sambat as aNepali calendar is still prevalent but we believe that its use will soon end.

Not only Nepal Sambat but also the consideration of reestablishi ng Nepal JJandalaas a state, has also surfaced. "Jepal !vlandala is not a new word but it has comedown to "Jepalese people from the ancient time. According to recently establishedNepal tvlandala Forum C\MF), the 12 adjacent districts of current Kathmandu Val­ley used to be known as boundary of ancient Nepal ;Halldala. We encounter suchevidences on existence of Nepal Mandala in a chant done in Sanskrit verses by a\'ewar Buddhist priest. This chant is used to resume the ritual offered to any deityand to recognize the host person by honoring the cosmic details and it is still inpractice. Due to numerous undocumented historical evidences, historians struggleto gain full support to recognize the actual boundary of Nepal Mandala. Currently,Nepal Valley consists of yen (Kantipur), vala (Lalitpur), and khwapa (Bhaktapur)but i\e\I'ar settlements such as Dolakha, Dhuhkhel. Newakot, Chillall8' Tistlll/8and Palung regions are ignored. We believe that these regions were within theboundaries of ancient Nepal Malldala and it shall not be overlooked.

Focusing our attention to current issue of Newah Vijnana, we have included anarticle dealing with Nepal Sambat and Buddhist chant for fUrlher understandingof this matter. In addition, we have also included articles dealing ,vith Newarsin Sikkim, \'ewar linguistics, the i\ewar tradition of Kumari and many others assupplementary material to bring awareness of current issues on Ncwars. We recog­nize that the struggle for the "Jewah identity, both academically and personaJly, isstill in its infancy but we can say that the progress is gaining remarkable strength.\\"e hope that articles in Newah Vijiiana provide an understanding of this i\ewahstruggle. We are grateful for your continuous support and we look forward to in­clude more articles in future issues. Subhave 'thank you'.

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AD 2007-08

ENGLISH

Newoh Vijfiona

-.:rcn-:~Number 6

NS 1128BS 2064-65

Ritual and Identity in Diaspora: The Newors in SikkimBuddhist Hymns and the Renaissonce of Theravoda Buddhism in NepalNewar Classifiers: ASummary of the literatureTaboo Words and Expressions in Newor languageKumari in Newar CultureNewah Solidarity CampaignViewpoint On Nepal SambotNepalbhosa Online Faunded for Newah languoge and PeopleBook Review:

Newor(Nepol Bhosho)Caturmosa Celebration of DeothIntroducing on Unusual Book 'Upadesh Sangroha' in Nepal Bhosha

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Ritual and Identity in the Diaspora:

The Nevvars•In SikkirnBal Gapal ShresthaLeiden University

Introduction

The Newars are the original inhabitants of the Kathman­du Valley in Nepal. The \vord Newar is derived from thename of the country Nepal itself. Despite the 1769 Ciorkhaconquest of the Nepal Valley and their subjugation by thestate, the Newars managed to maintain their distinct arts,crafts, culture and traditions. Their culture has remainedhighly influential throughout the history of Nepal (Toffin1984 and 1993; Levy 1992; Gell ner 1996) The Newarsare also considered to be a skilled and successful tradino

b

community, and their involvement in trans-Himalayantrade was alreadv well established many centuries aooThey have succe~ded in maintaining this image in Sikkil~also (Subba 1989: 134; Sinha 1981: 192). As an educatedcommunity, the Newars also occupy many important ad­ministrative posts in both Nepal and Sikkim.

The Newars of Nepal have been widely studied (e.g. Ne­pali 1965; Toffin 1984, 1993; Levy 1992; Gellner 1996;Shrestha 2002). Ample literature exists on the Nepali di­aspora both in India and Bhutan (Subba & Datta 1991·Timsina 1992; Hutt 1994,1997) and on Sikkim as a stat~(Temple 1977; Nakane 1979; Jha and !vlishra 1984; Bha­sin 1989; Subba and Datta 1991; Dhamala 1991; Lama2001 and Sharma and Sharma 1997). However, no re­search has yet been carried out on the Newar diasporain Sikkim. This is partly due to the fact that Sikkim re­mained largely closed to outsiders even after it mergedwith India in 1975. In fact, little research has been car;iedout on the Newar diaspora in general and the few stud­ies which exist refer to the Newar diaspora inside Nepal(Lewis & Sakya 1988)

Although the Newars of Sikkim are numerically very fewthey have played an important role in ethnic p:)litic:s andare active in trying to promote their language, culture,rituals, traditions and religions across Sikkim. At a time

when Newars in the homeland are facing various prob­lems including threats to their language and culture be­cause of state negligence and globalisation, the Newarsof Sikkim are actively preserving their cultural heritageand language. In 1998, the State Government of Sik­kim introduced several laws and sanctioned state budoetlines to facilitate the promotion of the languages and c~l­tures of the Newars and other groups (Pradhan and Josee1998). The school curriculum now includes the Newarlanguage, and language interpreters are employed in theState Legislature to translate speeches delivered in Ne\varinto other languages. In 2003, the State Government ofSikkim also recognised the Newars as an Other Back­ward Class (OBC), for whom a percentage of jobs andhigher studies are nmv reserved. It is notable that in theirhomeland, Nepal, Newars and other ethnic groups haveso far achieved very little recognition of their cultural andlinguistic rights (Kraemer 1996; Gellner 1997; Shrestha1999). Against this background the Nepalese minorities'achievements in Sikkim are significant.

From January to 'vlarch 2004, I travelled to and residedin Sikkim and Kalimpong to conduct anthropological re­search on the Newars of India. During mv stav in SikkimI was able to gather a wealth of inf;rm~ti01~ on \·ariou~aspects of the Newar diaspora community resident in thestate. !vlore specifically, this fieldwork gave me a gocxlopportunity to meet members of the community whowere active in revi\·ing their language, culture and ritu­als. I was permitted to observe their religious and ritualactivities and to experience how the diaspora Newars aredetermined to revive and preserve their heritage. !\ly find­ings are presented in this paper.

Historical Background

Although the question of early migration is still to beaddressed by historians, it is belie\ed among Newars of

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Darjeeling and Sikkim that some of their ancestors beganmigrating to the region soon after the Gorkha conquest ofNepal in 1769. Tanka Subba writes: 'a few family histo­ries of the Newars of Sikkim reveal that their ancestorsmigrated to Sikkim at the time of consolidation of Nepalby the GorkhaKing Prithivi Narayan Shah' (1989: 1). Thissuggestion remains problematic because the Gorkhas hadnot entered the south-western regions of Sikkim until thefirst Gorkha-Sikkim war of 1788-1789. They were furthermade to e\'acuate following the Anglo-Gorkha Treaty ofSugauli (1815).

\dany have suggested that with the arrival of the legend­ary Laksmidas Pradhan (Kas~iu), a Newar from Bhak­tapur, in Sikkim, many other Newars migrated there also.There are a number of stories in circulation about howand when Laksmidas left Nepal. \Vhile some suggest thatLaksmidm; escaped from the Nepal \'Cilley to save his liferight after the Kot massacre of 1846, others believe that heleft Nepal long before this incident. According to BhmanPrasad Pradhan, Laksmidas and his family had alreadymoved from Bhaktapur to Kathmandu and were engagedin business there when he escaped from Nepal (Pradhan1993: 4-5), but Cakraraj Timila believes that Laksmi­das and his family were living in the Inaycho quarter ofBhaktapur at the time of his departure1 Both Cakrar~i

and Bhuvan Prasad provide vivid accounts of Laksmidas'tribulations after he left home and before he ended up inSikkim. According to Cakraraj, Laksmidas first began histrade in Darjeeling by selling gundruk, a form of driedand fermented vegetable. Bhuvan Prasad Pradhan (1993:9) writes that the location where Laksmidas used to sellgundruk is still known as Gundri Bazaar to this day. Onlylater did Laksmidas succeed in establishing himself as asuccessful businessman in Darjeeling.

On 1 February, 1835, the East India Company took overDarjeeling, ending Sikkim's control of the area. While in1839 Darjeeling was home to only 100 people, within tenyears its population had reached 10,000. In the follow­ing thirty years, Darjeeling saw a rapid population growthwith the continuing influx of Nepalese migrants. In 1901,the Newar population of Darjeeling was 5,880 of a totalpopUlation of 249,117 (O'l\lalley 1907 43) The Brit­ish go\ernment also made Laksmidas the first MunicipalCommissioner of Darjeeling.

Daya Prasad Pradhan writes that Laksmidas <:md his broth­er Chandravir arrived in Sumbuk around 1850 (1997: 2).Similarly, Pranab Kumar Jha states: 'Laksmidas Pradhanwith his uncle Keshav Narayan came to Darjeeling in1853 from Nepal and probably no other Newar had cometo Darjeeling before them' (1985: 130). I-Ie further sug­gests that they settled in Sikkim in 1867 in order to workat the copper mine in Tukkhani in South Sikkim and went

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on to work in a number of other copper mines later. SomeNewars of Sikkim have suggested that the then king in­vited Laksmidas to Sikkim to act as the collector of landrevenues, as Laksmidas had become famous in Darjeelingas a successful businessman.

After the 1861 treaty was signed between British gov­emment and Sikkimese authorities, the British began toencourage Nepalese settlers in Sikkim 2 Some minis­ters, Lamas and Kazis, including Chebu Dewan as wellas Maharaja Sidkeong Namgyal and his sister, were op­posed to Nepalese settlers in Sikkim. However, PranabKumar Jha writes, in 1867, during the reign of ~vlaharaja

Sidkeong Namgyal the Sikkimese authorities accorded afonnal lease grant to Laksmidas Pradhan. In an appealto the Govemment of Bengal to protect his land rightsand possessions in Sikkim, Laksmidas had received thelease from the Lama Shahib of Phodong and the Rajah ofSikkim 3 Lal Bahadur Basnet also mentions the formalgranting of a lease in 1867 to two Newar brothers (1974:44). Daya Prasad Pradhan has published a family noteoutlining the partition of the lands received in 1867 byLaksmidas and his son Laksmi narayan Pradhan, Chan­dravir Pradhan and his son Mal1eshwor Pradhan, KanchaChandravir Pradhan and his son Laksminarayan Prad­han, Lambodar Pradhan and his son Laksmidas Pradhan(1997: 37, Appendix Ka). Despite this documentation, Icould not trace any formal written deeds regarding the1867 land lease to Laksmidas.

The lease of lands to Laksmidas \"as continued in lat­ter years by Khansa Dewan and Phodong Lama, both ofwhom \vere considered to be pro-immigration leaders. Adeed dated 1874 states that Phodong Lama and KhangsaDewan leased lands to Laksmidas, Chandravir, Jitmanand Lambodar in exchange for payments of Rs. 500 to theRajah and Rs. 700 to Lama and Khangsa Dewan. The areaof land mentioned in the deed was as follows:

Boundary of land on the North of East from RooeNaddi to its confluence to the Tista River, on theEast South all along the Tista ri\"Cr, on the South andWest all along the Burra Rungit up to its suspensionBridge over the Rungit river, on the North-West fromthe Rungit suspension Bridge along the old road upto Pukka village along the Government Road to Ko­olow Ektompani, from the Jhora of Koolow Ektorp­pani up to the l\lanfur river, on the East from theNorth of l\lanfur all along the l\lanfur Jhora up toits source4

The deed also authorised the Newar settlers to investigateand fine criminal acts according to Nepalese legal custom,with the exception of murder cases. The Newar migrantsin Sikkim were also responsible for introducing a range

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of new technologies and crops in the agricultural sectorin Sikkim.

Laksmidas invited his brother, Kancha Chandravir Prad­han (Kasaju), from Nepal to assist him as his own re­sponsibilities increa'ied. There are a number of stories incirculation about this Chandravir. According to BhmanPrasad Pradhan. Chandravir was a wrestler and to thisday, people in Sikkim tell of how, \vith this great physicalstrength, he overpowered individuals \vho \vent againstthe rules, denied paying revenues or even attacked Nep­alese settlers.

As the head of Nepalese settlers in Sikkim, Laksmidasbegan inviting hundreds of Nepal is to Sikkim to look afterthe lands under his control, including i\!agars from thehills and Newars from Bhaktapur of a variety of differentcastes. In this manner, a large number of Newars weremigrating to and settling in Sikkim by the beginning ofthe 1870s5 Quoting a passage from the History (1 Sik­kim, Chie Nakane confirms that Sikkim saw an influx ofNepalese Gorkhalis from 1871 (1966: 251).

In the 1870s, mining copper was added to the responsi­bilities held by Laksmidas. The Sikkimese court was di­vided on the issue of Nepalese migration. On account ofthese divisions, .fha writes, trouble and riots sometimesbroke out between Laksmidas Pradhan, the head of theNepalese community, and Lasso Kazi, the Sikkim Vakeelin 1872 (1985: 56). A document dated simply as 3rd dayof the 3rd month of the Ti betan year Iron Dragon (1880'7)under the king Thutob Namgyal, describes a riot in Rhe­nock between pro- and anti-Nepalese groups. The samedocument aI so mentions the fines slapped on those whodisobeyed the Newar leader given authority to collecttaxes and govern. 6

The exact date of the birth and death of Laksmidas re­mains unclear. His son Lambodar owned the largestlanded property in Sikkim and the British honoured himwith the title Rai Saheb for his service and loyalty to thecolonial authorities. Quoting family papers, Jha offers thefollowing copper mines as ones in which Laksmidas andhis family worked in: Tuk Khani near Turuk in South Sik­kim, Rinchi Khani in Rinchinpong in vVest Sikkim, Bho­tang Khani ncar Rangpo Bazar in East Sikkim, PacheyKhani near Rhenock in East Sikkim and Rathok Khani inNanlthang in South Sikkim (1985 130)

In the past, traders in Sikkim had practiced the barter sys­tem. The British authorities later granted them permissionto use Nepalese currency in Sikkim as some Nepalesetraders requested for it to be permitted in 1849 to casetheir trade? In 1881, following a request from Nepalesetraders, the king of Sikkim formally sought approval from

the British authorities in India to begin minting Sikkim'sO\vn coins. On 4 June 1881, the Bengal Government re­plied granting the Sikkimese authority to mint their owncurrency (Sharma and Sharma 1997: 45-47). Subsequent­ly, on the 3rd day of the 10th month of the Water-Sheepyear in the Tibetan calendar, the Palace in Sikkim wrote toLaksmidas granting him permission to start minting. Therelevant portion of the text translated from the originalTibetan is provided below:

Be it known to all the A10nks and laymen residingwithin the Kingdom in general and those led by theNewar trader Lakshmidar in particular that in ac­cordance with their request made in the petitionsubmitted by the latter requesting Jar permission tomint coins (doli) we had written to Lord Eden Sahebthrough the Political Officer and obtained his con­currence. In pursuance thereoforder has been issuedto Lakshmida1; the Nev.'ar Trader, and others com­municating grant ojpermission to mint coins 8

In 1883, having been given the contract to mint for fiveyears, Laksmidas introduced the first Sikkimese coinsinto the market9 The mint did not last long: it was endedin 1887.

There are also a number of stories about ChandravirPradhan (Maske), another Newar in Sikkim, who is alsobelieved to be one of the earliest Newars to settle in thekingdom. According to Daya Prasad Pradhan, ChandravirPradhan came from Nepal to Darjeeling with his fatherat the age of five in 1830, and later mewed to Sikkim forbusiness in 184510 He cooperated with Laksmidas invarious contracts (thekedarn and they also collaboratedin mining copper and minting coins for the Sikkimesegovernment The title of taksarr 'minter' was bestowedby the Sikkimese government on Laksmidas, ChandravirKasaju, Chandravir Maske, Jitmansing Pradhan, i\farghojGurung and Pratapsing Chetri for their contributions inminting coins for the state.

British officers found Laksmidas, Chandravir and theirfamilies to be extremely reliable partners. There are anum ber of testimonials written by British government of­ficers to Laksmidas and Chandravir dated between 1875and 1895 One such testimony dated 31 May, 1875, statesthat the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal was satisfIed withChandrm'ir's performance at the copper mi nes of KatongGhat in Sikkim. A similar testimony dated June 1895praises Laksmidas for his contributions in road construc­tion in Sikkim,ll

Laksmidas was also engaged in lending money to govern­ment ofticers in Sikkim, A handwritten document dated1882 presen'ed by \ 1rs. Kalpana Pradhan of Tadong

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tells that a person named Yamthang Kaji, a high-rankingSikkimese government officer, borrowed money fromLaksmidas and did not pay him interest nor return themoney he had borrowed. In a formal letter, Laksmidasrequested the then king of Sikkim to take the necessarysteps to arrange for the loan to be paid, including the ac­crued interest.

Laksmidas and his family O\vned many estates in Sikkim.Jha provides the following list of their holdings in 1913:Kitam, Chidam, ~amthang, Singtam and Chakung ownedby Rai Saheb Lambodar Pradhan; Pakyong, Rungpo,Pedang, Rigoo, Pathing and Temi owned by Rai SahebLaksminarayan Pradhan; Ney and Broom owned by Suri­man Pradhan; Pachey Khani and Taza owned by Dalba­hadur Pradhan; Rhenock mvned by Ratnabahadur Prad­han and ~larming owned by Sherbahadur Pradhan (1985:132).

Many of the descendants of Laksmidas, ChandravirKasaju and Chandravir Maske received the prestigioustitle of Rai Saheb from the British administration. Theywere also renowned as landlords (zamindar! or con­tractors (thekedar!. One among them was Rai SahebBalkrishna, popularly known by the name 'Baburam',and the grandson of Laksmidas. He built the famousbaunna dhoka darbar 'the palace with fifty-two doors' inl"amthang. The then king of Sikkim found this construc­tion embarrassingly ostentatious, as it \vas only fittingfor kings of l"epal to make palaces with fifty-two doors.Consequently, Baburam was fined a rupee, a large amountfor the time. Baburam, however, being a wealthy land­lord, chose to rather pay one thousand rupees and closeone of the doors of his palace (Pradhan 1998: 55). Ba­buram's historic mansion still stands in Namthang, wherehis grandson Dharma Pratap Kas~iu and his family nmvreside. It is interesting to note that the Chief '\finister,Pawan Kumar Cham ling, inaugurated the first Instituteof ~ewar Language and Culture in Sikkim at this verysite in 2000. Local Newars tell that whenever Baburamleft his house a band would accompany him and that anyBritish officers who \"isited the area were also recei\"edwith a band. A song was e\"en composed with his name:kasko baja, kasko baja, Baburamko baja 'Whose band isit') Whose band is it') It is the band of Baburam', and isstill popular among the people in Sikkim.

A house similar to the Palace in Namthang \\'as also builtin Paclley Khani by one of Chandra\"ir Pradhan's descen­dants. A ~ewar styledjhingale ghar, a house with a tiledroof, \vas also constructed by the descendants of the lateChandra\"ir, but the historic building is now in a dilapidat­ed state. The chairman of the Sikkim Newar Organisationhas suggested that the building be reno\"ated as one of theimportant Newar heritage sites.

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Se\"eral of the descendants of Laksmidas, Chandra\"irand Chandravir Maske also built temples, health centresand schools in different parts of Sikkim. Nowadays, thedescendants of Laksmidas, his brother Chandravir andChandra\"ir Maske, who can be found across Sikkim, arestill considered to be quite socially well-to-do.

In the course of my research, it became clear that the Nep­alese migration to Sikkim continued through the twenti­eth century. An unpublished family genealogy whichI recei\ed from Dhruba Pradhan Bhansari tells that hisforefathers moved to Sikkim from Boya Bikhumca ineastern Nepal in 1870. In a brief unpublished memoir,Chakraraj Timila, who has now returned to Nepal andli\"es in Bhaktapur, writes how his grandfather, father anduncle left Bhaktapur to set up grocery shops in the Tistaarea in 1917. In 1918, his father and uncle married thedaughters of Sikkimese Newars, and then settled downthere. For some people it is still a living memory. For in­stance, the 63-year old \1r, Maniklal Pradhan of Tashid­ing told me that he came to Sikkim with his father whenhe was only five years old. For a period, he rememberstra\"elling back and forth to Nepal to his ancestral homein Banepa. Others, however, do not remember when theirancestors mo\"ed to Sikkim and from which part of Ne­pal they came. Many ha\"e just a \"ague sense of \vhichpart of Nepal their forefathers inhabited before comingto Sikkim, and they ha\"e ne\"er returned to their ancestralhomeland in "epal.

The Newars of Sikkim appeared engaged not only as trad­ers and landlords but also as officials in the Sikkimesegovernment, ser\"ing at the Palace and the royal court inGangtok since 1910. Some Newars becanle magistratesof towns and \"illages, with the authority to adjudicate indispute scttlements. A few also became councillors, a postsimilar to that of Minister during the rule of the Chogyal.

After the merger of Sikkim with India., a few Newarssucceeded in occupying ministerial positions in the StateGo\"ernment of Sikkim. Other Newars are also known associal reformers and educators in Sikkim. To honour suchindividuals, the Government of Sikkim named roads afterthem, for instance, the Kashi Raj Pradhan Marg (Road) inGangtok, named after Kashi Raj Pradhan who is remem­bered across Sikkim as a reformer and an educator.

The 1891 census of Sikkim returned 727 Newars out ofa total population of 30,558 Sikkim12 In 1994, the totalpopulation of the Newars was 20,000 while the presentl\ewar popUlation is estimated to lie between 30,000 and35,000.

Socio-Economic Position

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The Newars of Sikkim are engaged in various occupa­tions, including governmental service, politics, teaching,agriculture, trade and business. According to KeshavChandra Pradhan, from the 1910s until the 1980s, Nevv­ars occupied many important administrative posts, but thefigure has been dropping steadily as members of othergroups have gradually replaced them. At present, l\/lr. Ra­jiv Shankar Shrestha and Mrs. Jayshree Pradhan serve asPrincipal Secretaries, and are anlOng a handful of Newarsstill occupying high-level posts in the Sikkimese adminis­tration. During my field research, two Newars were pres­ent as elected members of the 32-seat Sikkim LegislativeAssembly Both were memhers of ruling Sikkim Demo­cratic Front, and for some time one had been a cabinetminister. In the May 200-+ election, however, only one ofthem was able to contest the election and was returned asa MLA from the constituency of Gangtok.

The Newars are still renowned as traders and remainengaged in diverse businesses and industries. Many areengaged in tourism, hotels, handicrafts, bakeries, trans­port and the publishing media. Among them, the Bhansarifamily's Tripti bakery is one of Sikkim's most prominentindustries. Similarly, Bahu Kaji Shakya, a Gangtok­based sculptor, has won many prestigious Indian nationalawards for his contributions to the handicraft industry ofSikkim. Shakya produces traditional Nepalese-style Bud­dhist and Hindu images, statues and jewellery. He ownsa workshop in Rumtek and has a showroom in Gangtok,and one of his sons is following in his father's footsteps.A few Newars, such as RK. Pradhan of Rhenock, are en­gaged in the film industry

A number of Sikkimese Newars have made their reputa­tion in the garden nursery business. The late Chandrm'irKasaju's son Rai Saheb Ratnabahadur initiated a nurseryin Rhenock under his father's name, which is still knownthroughout Sikkim as the 'Chandra Nursery'. Already inthe middle of twentieth century, some Newar traders hadbegun exporting flowers, plants and fruits from Sikkim toIndia and other countries. Some such entrepreneurs, suchas Keshav Chandra Pradhan, a former Chief Secretary ofSikkim are world-renowned in the field of plant hushand­ry and have won international awards from Australia, theUnited Kingdom, the Lnited States and Japan for theirwork in this field. Pradhan is now retired and grows manyvarieties of orange and hybrid flowers in his well-tendedgarden.

Newars are also found in the grocery business in manysettlements across Sikkim, while others are engaged inagriculture. Newars were the first to introduce cardamomfarming in Sikkim, now one of Sikkim's most popularcash crops. Ganesh Kumar Pradhan of Rhenock is wellknown for his antique collection Through personal ini-

tiative, he has gathered old coins, notes, historical docu­ments, manuscripts, blx)ks, driftwood and drift stones.l\lr. Pradhan also grows bonsai and hybrid plants in hisfamily garden. His contributions have not only won manyprizes but also admiration and praise from all over Sik­kim. During my fieldwork in 200-+, I had the good fortuneto view his archival collections. The Newar communityof Sikkim are rightfully proud of Mr. Jaslal Pradhan, whoparticipated in the Olympics as a player and boxing coachfor India.

Data from 1989 would suggest that 27% of the total :'\rewarpopulation of Sikkim own less than 5 acres of land, while66% are landless and that only 10% of Sikkimese Newarspossess assets in urban areas (Shrestha 1996: 8). This sur­vey, conducted among 7,025 Sikkimese Newars in 1994,revealed that 33% percent were illiterate and only 5%had a graduate qualification. Educated Newars are for themost part concentrated in Gangtok, the state capital.

While many believe that most of Nevvar society is richand as some individuals occupy high government posts,the reality is quite different According to former chair­man of the Sikkim Newal) Guthi, l\lr. Keshav ChandraPradhan, less than 5% of the Newar population in Sikkimonce served at the Chogyal' s court, have hi gh governmentpositions or run business houses that can be considered tobe affluent The rest are comparatively poor. Analysingdemographic data for Sikkim, Bhasin and Bhasin showedthat 4Oc:;, of the :'\rewar population lived on less than 500rupees income per annum and that only ~% had an annualincome of between IC 20,001 and 25,000 (1995: 119).

Within the Nev,'ar community, then, there is a genuineschism hetween the wealthy and the economically de­pressed families. To a certain extant, there is little mu­tual trust between these two classes. One of the aims ofthe Sikkim Newal) GUfhi is to help the poorer sectionsof Newar society through financial assistance and othermeans. However, despite the best efforts of the SikkimNewa~] GUlhi, v'ery little sign of cooperation between thepoor <md affluent Newar communities is noticeable. Asone of my informants put it, "Unlike other communitiesin Sikkim, the :'\rewars lack a feeling of mutual coopera­tion, instead they emy each other's success". While othercommunities in Sikkim generally view the Newars as ahard-working people, some portray them as oppressors,since during the time of the Chogyal they worked as con­tractors and landlords and used harsh measures in collectrevenue and were authorised to vvhip people who failedto provide forced labour (jhara). Older people such asDaya Prasad Pradhan dismiss such claims and suggestrather that i'\evvars, 111 their capaci ty as contractors andlandlords, were responsible for much development, suchas opening schlxlls and health centres, constructing roads

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and making rest places.

Newar Castes

Traditional Newar society in Nepal is a complicatedstructure with caste divisions and internal hierarchies.The nineteenth century chronicle, the Bha_avaMsavali,credits the fourteenth century king Jayasthiti ~lalla withintroducing the caste system to the Nepal Valley (Lam sal1966: 37-50). In Nepal, caste discrimination is still feltin all traditional Newar settlements and i"ewars still usetheir caste or occupational names.

Against the background of Nepal, the disappearance ofcaste hierarchies among Sikkim's Newars is remarkableand may be the single most salient feature of the dias­pora population. \\lith a fevv' exceptions, all Newars inSikkim are nov,: called Pradhan. The term Pradhan, thefamily name of one caste of Nepal's Newars, has come tostand for all Newars in Sikkim and Darjeeling. At certainperiod, this was not without controversy. During a dis­pute between two rival groups in Darjeeling, each claim­ing higher status over the other, the Nepalese authori­ties wrote a letter stating, 'Pradhan is among the highestclasses of the Newars' (Singh 1991 102) According toBhuvan Prasad Pradhan (1993 13), the British Govern­ment in India awarded the title of Pradhan to Laksmidasfor his excellent service in 1913. Laksmidas later askedfor all Sikkimese i"ewars to be permitted to usc this titleas their family name to prevent caste divisions withintheir community. A different interpretation is advancedby Khagendra Pradhan, who believes that Laksmidas or­dered all Sikkimese i"ewars who had escaped Nepal toexclusively use Pradhan as a surname to protect their livesafter the 1846 Kot massacre, thereby helping them hidetheir actual identity (1998: 57).

Changing all NewaJ' surnames to Pradhan helped to elimi­nate caste hierarchies among the Newars of Sikkim. Dur­ing my fieldwork, when I asked about their former castesdivisions and names, many did not know as they had lostcontact with their relatives in Nepal. However, some ofthe Newars who continue to have regular contact withthei r relativ'es in Nepal were aware of hav'ing caste namesother than Pradhan. Among them, I recorded Vajracharya,Shakya, Tuladhar, Shrestha, Kasaju, Maske and Karm­acharya, among others. Some have also adopted the word'Newar' as their family name, particularly in Kurseong,where all Newars seem to call themselves Ne\var. Re­cently, even though a few families in Sikkim have beguntracing their former caste names, aJ1d some Shresthas,Shakyas and Tuladhars have started to use their familynaJnes, it does not seem likely this will rev'ive the castehierarchies which were so effectively eliminated aJl10ngthe Newars in Sikkim.

6

It is interesting to note that while caste hierarchies haveall but disappeaJ'ed among the Newars of Sikkim, the term'Pradhan' has become a new caste in Sikkim's existingethnic hierarchy. Pradhans have acquired a high statusalongside Bahuns and the Chetris and it is widely believedthat the political association between the Bahuns, ChetrisaJ1d Newars of Sikkim is a long established one, predatingthe faJ110US NBC (Newar-Bahun-Chetri) political group­ing under the Chief \'1inister, Nar Bahadur BhaJ1dari.

Guthi: Socio-Religious Associations

The system of gutllis, or socio-religious associations, isone of the most important components of Newar society. 13

In the traditional context, guthis are responsible for orga­nising the religious and ritual activities of a community.In i"epal, Licchavi inscriptions from the third to eighthcenturies refer to gOfj[hf, the Sanskrit word from whichguthi is derived, can'ying out rituals aJ1d social work.MaJ1Y inscriptions from this period describe gOfj[hf finan­cial arrangements and their tasks. It appears from theseinscriptions that such associations were important notonly from the viewpoint of establishing and maintainingthe temples, monasteries, shrines and rituals but were alsoinstruments of development in the fields of water supply,agriculture, health and public entertainment. Among theguthis, the sf guthi, the funeral association, is most im­portaJ1t because membership in this guthi determines thelocal affiliation and social position (in particular caste sta­tus) of a person. The sf guthis are a unique institution ofNewar society. The main function of a SI guthi is to carryOllt funeral processions when a death occurs in the houseof one of its members. 14

When migrating to Sikkim, the Newars brought their reli­gion, culture and rituals with them. Daya Prasad PradhaJ1(1997 2) mentions the formation a guthi in Sumbuk vvhenthe Newars settled there around 1850, but he does notelaborate on it. Historical evidence shows that Rhenock, asmall town in East Sikkim, vvas one of the earliest Newarsettlements in the region. In the past, Rhenock was con­sidered to be a gateway between Kalimpong and Nathu-lapass, as it lay on the trade route to Tibet. The Newars whosettled in Rhenock established a traditional guthi before1900. This guthi consisted of eighteen household mem­bers at its initiation ,md its main function was to gatherat a Shiva temple every evening where devotionals songs(bhajan) were sung. The Rhenock guthi also orgaJ1isedperformances of lakhe dances and the worship of Krishnaevery year during the gai jatra festival. Most signifi­cantly, members of the guthi were obliged to help otherswhen someone in their family died, which is also the mainfeature of a Newar sf gUlhi in \Jepal. It is the task of theeldest member of the guthi to inform all the members as

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soon as someone dies and then all are obliged to attend thefuneral procession. On the fourth day after death, mem­bers must bring certain focxlstuffs and a specific amountof money to the bereaved family. Guthi members also as­sist the grieving family during the gaijatra festival whena cow procession in the name of the recently deceasedperson is organised. Those who fail in fulfilling their guthiduties are penalised. Rhenock is the only place in Sikkimwhere the Newar Sl guthi is kept alive. However, unlikethe SI guthis in Nepal, the Rhenock guthi does not restrictmem bershi p to one caste but rather incl udes all the Newarfamilies in Rhenock.

In January 1990, the Newars of Rhenock restructured theirguthi, introducing new regulations such as financial sup­port for the bereaved families of dead members and pro­viding interest-free monetary loans. At the same, the guthiis committed to reviving Newar culture and language inthe area and has been involved with religious activitiesand traditional dances. Unlike the first Newar guthi, therevived guthi also now functions as a branch of the SikkimNe11'af) Guthi, which means that it has become active inthe process of achieving ethnic rights for Newars.

After the formation of the Sikkim Nel1'af) Guthi, in allsettlements where a branch office of the organisation ex­ists, financial contributions by guthi members to the fam­ily members of the dead for the funeral costs have beenmade mandatory. It is notable that when a death occurs ina Newar family in Sikkim, all the neighbours and friendscome forward, without caste or ethnic restriction, and pro­vide physical comfort and financial support to the griev­ing family. This tradition of supporting bereaved familiesalready existed among the Bhutia and Lepchas, and itsadoption by Newars may be taken as a sign of their ef­fective integration in Sikkim. The financial contributionsto bereaved families may be quite substantial: one suchfamily told me that they had recently received a total ofIC 150,000 (about US $3(00) from their relatives, neigh­bours and friends.

Aside from the example at Rhenock, there is a notable ab­sence of traditional Newar guthis in Sikkim. Particularlysurprising is the absence of SI guthis, the funeral associa­tions, not only in Sikk.im but also in other parts of India.The only exception appears to be Kalimpong. Accordingto Yogvir Shakya, Newal's who settled in Kalimpong fortrade with Tibet initiated a funeral society (bica~J guthi)around 1930. This guthi included all Newar castes andthe organisational minutes were written in the Newarlanguage. IS While a minute dated 1955 shows that therewere ~3 mem bers in the guthi at the time, nowadays theorganisation consists of only eighteen mem bers. Other lo­cal \Jewars, who also called themselves Pradhan, do notparticipate in this guthi but have rather established a Ka-

limpong branch of the All India Nel1'ar Association.

The Newars of Darjeeling never initiated a guthi as suchbut rather a Newa~J Samaj or \Jewar Society back in 1921.Although the Newa1;J Samaj did not carry out the task ofa Newar guthi or SI guthi, it was nevertheless active insocial and religious work. A decade after its foundationit was renamed Nepali Asamartha Sahayak Samiti, orthe Committee to Help Deprived Nepalese, but since the1970s it returned to its original name of Newa.X Samaj. Itsmem bers regular! y gather to sing devotional Newar songs(bhajan) and have helped destitute Nepalese in Darjeelingon several occasions. The Society has also organised thecelebration of J\ewar festivals such as Mha paja. In 1991,when it celebrated its 75 anniversary, Newa1;J Samaj in­\'ited a large number of Newar artists from Nepal and or­ganised a Newar food festival in Darjeeling. The organi­sation built a house of its own at Chandmari in 1965 andsince then has been providing meeting space to Newarsas \vell as members of other communities. In .June 1993,aiming to promote Newar language, culture and rituals,the Newars of Darjeeling established a new organisationcalled Darjeeling Newar Sanga!han, which succeeded inopening twenty branches in West Bengal by 1998. It hasnow been renamed the All India Newar Organisation andhas established branches across India in many of the set­tlements where a sizable number of Newars reside. Since1997, the Kalimpong branch has been publishing a newsbulletin known as Sukunda (a traditional oil lamp used inNewar rituals) under the editorship of Yog\'ir Shakya, alocal teacher and a social worker. In 20~, Sukunda wasturned into a news bulletin of the All India Nel1'ar Or­ganisation.

Religions and Rituals

Though there are a few Newar Christians and I'vIuslims,Newar society in Nepal can as a whole be considered aHindu-Buddhist mix. In Sikkim, however, there are a fairnumber of Christian Ne\\'ars alongside Newar Hindu andBuddhist practitioners. The mixture or blending of Hinduand Buddhist religious features is prevalent among theNewars in Sikkim as it is among the Newars of Nepal.The majority of Sikkimese Newars nevertheless identifythemselves as Hindu. The process of Hinduisation hasa long history among the Newars of Nepal, particularlyal'ter the implementation of the 1856 legal code, the !'du­luki Ain. Although most lay J\e\\'<lrs practice both Hinduand Buddhist rituals without making much distinction,they prefer to be referred to as Hindu because it is thereligion officially propagated by the state in Nepal It islikely that the Newars may also have followed this sametrend in Sikkim. The adoption of 'Pradhan' as a surname,even though the name used by both Hindu and Buddhist

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Newar families in Nepal, is particularly prominent amongthe Hindus, and may have helped the Newars to labelthemselves as Hindu in Sikkim. Newars with a Buddhistpriestly background, however, such as a family I met inPakyong, despite using Pradhan as their surname definethemselves as Buddhist because their ancestors wereBuddhist Vajracharya. Similarly, most Shakya families inSikkim and Kalimpong practice Buddhism and refer tothemselves as Buddhists.

Christian Newars do not practice any Hindu or Buddhistrituals or traditions, but are nevertheless proud to callthemselves Newar. Rather, they follow the life cycle anddeath rituals according to the Christian traditions. In cer­tain cases, when a Christian Newar is married to a HinduNewar they follow some of the Hindu rituals along withtheir Christian rituals. Since all the \Jewars once wereHindu or Buddhist, even if they later converted to Chris­tianitv, some are of the view that Christian Newars shouldretun; to the Hindu and Buddhist religious path. So faronly a few have done so. Catholic and Evangelical Chris­tians whom I interviewed said that they were not inclinedto discard their present religious affiliations and adoptHindu or Buddhist practices. Both were born into Chris­tian families as their grandfathers had already convertedto Christianity. The Newar organisation in Sikkim is flex­ible enough to include all religious denominations in itsmembership. Only at one location did a Newar activisttell me that their branch office did not extend membershipto Christian Newars

The religious and ritual life of Newars in Nepal is guidedbv calendrical festivals, and many spend a good part oftheir time participating in feasts and organising festiv·a1s.Newars in Nepal observe one or another festival, feast,fast or procession of gods and goddesses almost everymonth. A common feature of all Newar cities, towns andv'illages is that they are home to a specific annual festivalor procession (jatra) of the most important deity of thatparticular locale. Besides such observances, and makingpilgrimages to important religious sites, another impor­tant feature of \Jewar society is the masked dance portray­ing various gods and deities.

In Sikkim, however, aside from a few places such as Rhe­nock, the l\ewars have lost most of their rituals and tradi­tions. While major festivals such as Dasain and Tihar arecelebrated with much fanfare, many small festivals are nolonger follO\ved, and the feasts and festivals which havesurvived have been fundamentally transformed. In fact,one could say that they are not celebrated according to"ewar tradition. Unsurprisingly, those "ewars who arein regular contact with their relatives in Nepal and whocontinue to visit Nepal from time to time follow the calen­drical festiv'al cycle more rigorously, in line with Newar

8

practices in Nepal. Such families are, hovvever, very fewin numbers.

'vVhat remains of the Newar ritual calendar in Sikkim isnot particularly different from the one used in "Jepal, evenif Sikkimese "Jewars do not observe many of the festi­vals and rituals. Mha paja, the worship of the self, is oneof the most important Newar festivals in Nepal, but hasbeen largely forgotten by the Sikkimese population. Onlysince 1995, with the aim of promoting Newar religion,has the Newar Association of Sikkim, the Sikkim Newa~l

GUThi, started to celebrate Mha paja. Since 2000, the Sik­kim N('ll'a~l GuThi has also revived festivals such as lndrajaTra, another important Nevvar event.

Daya Prasad Pradhan ofTadong, aged 86, remembers drag­gin'g away a straw effigy of Gathe t\lagar (gathammugab)together with a sweeper in Pakim and even seeing month­lo~g lakhe dances when he was a young boy (Pradhan1997: 30). The tradition of dragging away of effigies ofgaThammuga~J together with a scavenger is still a livingtradition in Kathmandu. 16 ~!lost of the Newars I inter­viewed in Sikkim, however, did not remember celebrat­ing the festival of gathammugab, even though they docelebrate gumpunhi or janai parI)ima by drinking kvafi,an special soup made of different beans. Aside from Rhe­nock, there is no other place in Sikkim where the tradi­tional cow processions in the name of recently deceasedrelatives still takes place during gai jatra.

While many Sikkimese Newars know about father's dayand mother's day, only a fevv families celebrate theseevents as they are followed in "Jepal. The festival ofpw(jaram, when alms are given to Buddhist monks, is notpracticed in Sikkim. l\lost of my informants did not knowof the festival of catha, during which the crescent moonand Ganesh are worshipped, even though the tradition ofsl'arha sraddha, the sixteen days dedicated to offeringritual food to deceased ancestors, is still \videly observedin Sikkim. Except for one or two families 1 met, the tradi­tion of offering lights to the heavens during the month ofkartik, a ritual knO\vn as alamata, is not observed.

Very few Newar families in Sikkim still observe all theNev~'ar feasts and festivals, but Ghyocakusalhu (MagheSankrantiJ, the eating of molasses and ghee in January,,Srfpamcamf, the beginning of spring and the worship ofS'arasvatf, the goddess of knowledge in JanuaryFebruary,Shiv'a Ratri (SiIacarhe) in February, Holipunhi, the festi­v'al of colour in February/March, and Caitradasain andRamanavamf in i\larchApril are still celebrated by manyLarge portion of the Newar community of Sikkim do notcelebrate the festival of Sithinakhal), the worship of thelineage div'inity, but some still do. Some are even said tosacrifice a goat during this festival. When an animal is

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sacrificed, the division of the head of the sacrificed animalinto eight parts and its distribution among the elder mem­bers of the household is an important ritual element forNewars in Nepal but in Sikkim is unknown to almost all.

As in Nepal, Bhimsen is considered to be one of the maingods for Sikkimese Newars and many worship him as alineage deity. Other Newars regard Durga or Buddha astheir lineage deities. As a part of some rituals, the Newarsin Sikkim worship the mountain deity Kanchenjunga. Allthose who consider themselves to be Sikkimese recogniseand worship Kanchenjunga in some form. Ie ReligiousNewars may also go on pilgrimage to the sacred sites ofSikkim, such as to the Kheocheplari and Tsomgo lakes.

Now that many are searching for their Newar identity,Sikkimese Newars are keen to revive traditional festi­vals. Alongside cultural promotion by the Sikkim NcwabGurhi, there are some impressive individual initiativessuch as that launched by Suryavir Tuladhar who is build­ing a remarkable l"ewar temple.

The Temple of SvayambhiiBhimiikiili

As stated abO\'e, the mixture of both Hindu and Buddhistreligious features is prevalent among Newars in Sikkim asit is among the Newars of Nepal. In this regard, the estab­lishment of a SvayambhCl Bhimi'ik51T temple in G<mgtokis noteworthy. This temple is famous for its presentationof features of Newar religion, but is also l1lled with allmanncr of deities including a statue of Sill Baba, a modernliving god in India. People from all Sikkimese communi­ties and from further afield visit this temple. Me SuryavirTuladhar, the founding priest of the temple, is one of themost active l"ewars in Sikkim promoting l"ewar cultureand language. He is also one of the few Newars in Gang­tok who actually speaks the Newar language. For a pe­riod, the temple grounds were used to teach the Newarlanguage as well as Nepalese car,va dances. Surymir'scombining of l"ewar Hindu and Buddhist religious prac­tices including Tantric and Tibetan Buddhist (Lmnaist)forms all in one temple is particularly unique.

As a Newar, Suryavir's aim was to decorate the templewith Newar features. Being born into a Tuladhar fam­ily, he was not supposed to perform any priestly dutiesat the temple, but succeeded in turning himself into apriest because there were no other Newar priests in Sik­kim. This should be seen as a significant departure fromthe traditional concept of priesthood as practised anlOngthe l"ewars of Nepal and can be understood as the imen­tion of a religious identity in a diaspora community. !\lostinteresting is the mixing up of Hindu (Saiva. Vai;;~Jav).

Tantric, Newar Buddhist and Tibetan Buddhist practicesin Suryavir's way of worshipping the deities In this re­gard, the structure of the temple is very inventive, witha pagoda-styled roof, enshrined SvayambhCl Caitya anda temple altar with images of Siva mld Kill! beneath theCaitya.

Every morning, the priest performs a nitva paja for morethml two hours as a form of daily worship at this temple.Some of his followers live there as his pupils, includinga girl who becomes possessed by a divine serpent everymorning and every day treat a number of patients whilepossessed. The priest Surym'ir himself is also a faith heal­er mld treats patients after completing his daily worship.He is believed to have the power of communicating withthe gods.

Among the Newar population of Nepal, animal sacrificeduring festivals and rituals is common, particularly at thetemple of Kill!. In Sikkim, however, animal sacrifice israre mld is virtually forbidden at most temples in the state.Vegetarian offerings, replacing of animal sacrifice withfruit or coconuts, have become common in Sikkimesetemples Similarly, no animal sacrifice is pennitted at thetemple of SvayambhCl BhimakaIT.

When performing fire sacrifices, Surym'ir blends Vedic,Tantric and Buddhist components, a form of performmlcewhich would be impossible in Nepal, but which is toler­ated in Sikkim because the system has been created inaccordance with local needs. Such creative ritual inven­tions are necessary and accepted, in large part becausethe Newar migrant populations in Sikkim lack not onlythe appropriate priests, but also knO\\'ledge of the tradi­tions of rituals practice. In fact, it is only in recent yearsthat Sikkimese of Nepalese origin have began to reas­sert their ethnic identities thus compelling them to inventrituals of their own. Through the rituals that he performsat the temple, Suryav'ir wants to demonstrate not only aseparate Newar or l"epali identity, but also to prove thatthe Nepalese of Sikkim are flexible, tolerant and ready toadopt elements from all other religions. Such invention isnecessary to attract devotees from all communities, sinceSikkim is home to mmlY Nepalese communities as well asto its original inhabitants, the Bhutias and Lepchas.

Devotees from all communities regulm'ly visit the templeto pay their respects to gods and goddess The priest stateshe exists in order to perform righteous (dharma) tasks andthus serve disadvantaged people.

Life Cycle Rituals

The diffusion or erosion of language and culture are someof the most challenging problems faced by minorities in

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any multinational or multicultural society. In the case ofmigrants, such challenges are all the more pronounced.I discovered that many life cycle rituals observed by the"lewars have all but disappeared in Sikkim. Only a fewpeople, whose regular contact with ancestral relativesin "lepal remains uninterrupted, have maintained all theNewar life cycle rituals. Otherwise, the Newars of Sik­kim are completely dependent on the Parbate Brahminsfor the performance of life cycle and death rituals. Conse­quently, we may speak of a major ritual transformation. Italso appears that there are not a sufficient num ber of Par­bate (Hindu hill dwellers) Brahmins working as priests inSikkim, so most of them are actually invited from Nepal.Some of these Brahmin priests remain in Sikkim for yearswhile their families stay in Nepal, with the result that thepriests travel back and forth a great deal. Because of thepolicies of the State Government of Sikkim, these Brah­min priests are not permitted to receive Indian citizen­ship.

In their attempt to reintroduce Newar life cycle anddeath rituals, the Sikkim Newar Organisation is consid­ering inviting Newar Brahmin and \'ajracharya priestsfrom Nepal. How feasible such a plan is, and how soonthey will be able to do so, is still unclear. All over India,Newars are facing the same problem. In the recent past,in their attempt to revive life cycle and death rituals, In­dian Newars have not only consulted experts from Nepal,but have al so translated ritual manuals from Newar intoNepali, the lingua franca among the Newan; in India, inorder to facilitate distribution and comprehension withintheir communities. In this context, the publication of thebooks Newar Jati (the Newar Nationality) by BhaichandaPradhan (1 C)07) and .lanillo-dekhi STjyasalllll7ako SamskarPaddhafi (A 1\1anual of Lifecycle and Death Rituals) com­piled by the Indian Newar Organisation, Central Commit­tee Darjeeling (2003) are particularly noteworthy.

While life cycle rituals are still very important to someNewars in Sikkim, they do not follow the rituals in themanner of Newars in Nepal. For instance, some do ob­serve Macabu Bvamke, the birth purification rite, MacaJamkva, the rice feeding ceremony, lhi, the ritual mar­

riage for female children, Barha Tavegu, the twelve-dayconfinement for girls, Busam Khavegu, the shaving ofheads, and Kavta piija, the worship of loincloth. In mostcases, however, the Iituals perf0I111ed during these cer­emonies no longer follow the Newar tradition becauseParbate Brahmins are employed as priests, who simply donot know about Newar rituals.

After childhood and adolescent rituals, marriage is themost crucial series of life cycle rituals in Newar society.Similarly, the Bura Jamko, an old age ceremony, is veryimportant ceremony for Newars. It can be observed many

10

times: first, when one turns 77 years, 7 months, 7 days, 7hours and 7 minutes; the second time when one reachesthe age of 83 years; the third when one turns 88 years and8 months, and so on. This old age ceremony has long beenabandoned by Newars in Sikkim. ~vlost recently, in 2000,the Karunadevi Smarak Dharmartha Guthi attempted torevive this tradition by observing the Bura Jamko of Mr..Jay Shankarlal Shrestha in Rhenock, when he turned 83.

The Jamko was observed as a public ceremony for threedays with various progranlmes attached, and the eventwas widely publicised across Sikkim so that others wouldthink of following suit. 18

Death Rituals

In Newar society, rituals are as important for those whohave died as for those who are alive. In Sikkim, even afterdeath, the Newars employ Parbate Brahmin priests. Fu­nerals may take place on the day of death, but in mostcases occur the following day. As far as possi ble, sonsof the deceased must bear the dead body to the crema­tion ground, but relatives and neighbours may also help tocarry the body. At the cremation ground, the chief mourn­er lights the body and it burns down to ashes. The chiefmourner and any other sons then shave their heads andbathe in the river.

Returning home, sons of the deceased keep their distancefrom others for ten days during which time no one cantouch them. They also cook their own food. Every dayfor ten days, they may perfonn .rraddha at a nearby river.On the tenth day, a purification rite is performed and closerelatives may also shave their head. On the eleventh day,365 floating bowls made of leaves (khochi hagaullc) areprepared. On the twelfth day, pi]a are offered to the de­

ceased. On the thirteenth day, a §raddha is performed, andbeds, sheets, dresses and utensils (sarva dana) are given tothe priest in the name of the deceased. Those who joinedthe family in the funeral procession and extended theircondolences must be invited for a feast meal on this day.All of these visitors gi\'e the family an amount of moneyas a gesture of their support. Such a feast may not containmeat Nowadays, many stop wearing the mourning dresson the thirteenth day, but some continue to wear mourn­ing clothes until they perform a ,I-raddha on the 45th day.

l\lonthly §raddha is no longer common, but most Newarsin Sikkim do perform a ,rraddha at sixth months and ayear after the death. Wearing white for the whole year hasnow become a rare practice. Such rituals perfonned afterdeath in Sikkim, as expected, do not match to the ritualsperformed by Newars in Nepal.

Newar Ethnic Identity in SikkimWhile the Newars of Sikkim feel themselves to be distinct

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from other ethnic groups because of their separate cultureand language, as has become clear from the discussionabove, most have failed to maintain their language, cul­ture, rituals and traditions.Only in 1982 did a group of Newar youngsters, led byRajiv Shankar Shrestha, for the first time take the initia­tive to establish a SiHlm Ne11'al) Guthi, an Association ofthe Newars in Sikkim, with the aim of achieving ethnicrights for the Newar community residing in Sikkim. Thisearliest attempt at organizing the Newars of Sikkim forthe pursuit of ethnic rights faced some initial obstaclesand thus ended without any success. A few years later,in 1990, several planning meetings \vere held at the resi­dence of \11'. Daya Prasad Pradhan (\1aske) in Tadongculminating in a large meeting at the auditorium of SikkimSahitva Parisad on 3 October 1993, at which an ad hocbody of the Sikkim Ne11'al) Guthi under the chairmanshipof the late \lohan Pratap Pradhan (Kasaju) was formed.Later that year, this organisation succeeded in turning it­self into a state level-Newar association in Sikkim, theS'ikkim Ne11'al) Guthi.

The Guthi also launched a campaign to have the Newarsrecognized as an Other Backward Class (OBC), but asthe 1998 OBC report prepared by the State Governmentignored their campaign, they had to wait for a further fiveyears for this recognition to be achieved. In 1996, whilewaiting, a group of dissatisfied members of the Sikkim

Newal) Guthi formed the Nel1'ar Kalyan Tadartha Samiti(Newar \/Velfare Ad Hoc Committee) under the chairman­shi p of Khagendra Pradhan, even though this organisationreunited with the mother organisation, the Sikkim Ne11'al)Guthi, in 1999. At the annual convention of the SikkimNel1'al) Guthi in 2000, the organisation chose a new name:All India Nel1'ar Organisation, Sikkim (Akhil BharanyaNewar Samga[h<m, Sikkim), to link it with other Newarorganisations of India of the same name. This namechange aroused some controv·ersy. Those in favour of thenew name argued that it was necessary to give the organi­sation a broader perspective and appeal, since in other re­gions of India also the Newars were organised under theAll India Nel1'ar Organisation. Those against the namechange, however, argued that it was inappropriate be­cause it discarded the word guthi, a fundamental term fora l\ewar organisation. Especially those who had initiatedthe Sikkim Nel1'al) Guthi did not appreciate the new name,but for the sake of Newar unity did not openly contest it.

All Newars in Sikkim are in principle members of the AllIndia Nel1'ar Organisation, Sikkim. In most places that Ivisited, people told me that they believe it necessary tohave a national-Ievell\:ewar organisation promoting theirwelfare and the revival of their threatened culture and lan­guage. However, some Newars I spoke to felt an ethnicorganisation to be inappropriate because it would even-

tually separate them from other populations in Sikkim.While I was observing the Sikldm Maha.fanti Paja (Sik­kim Great Peace Worship) in Gangtok in 200..+January,a l\ewar participant even suggested that I not disclose toothers that my study was on the l\ewar community sincethe Sikkim Mahasanti Puja was a four-day joint effort byover two dozen religiously-motivated youth clubs, tradeunions, workers organisations and business houses. Dur­ing this grand event, Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim, Christian,Sikh and Sai Baba followers were all actively involved. Iwas informed that the main aim of the paja was to show­case the religious hannony among Sikkim's peoples, andto appease wandering souls of all the beings who had diedan unnatural death in the recent past. In this capacity, ac­cording to \1r. S.K. Pradhan, the spokesman of the event,while a major objective of the paja was to bring peaceto Sikkim, its ultimate aim was to bring about peace andtranquillity in the whole world. Followers of the differentreI igions each had their own room and altar at which theycould perform appropriate religious activities for theirfaith.

Nepali is now well established as a lingua franca in Sik­kim. Among Sikkimese Newars, the practice of speak­ing the Newar language at home is extremely 100v: mostuse Nepali as their mother tongue. In particular, thosefamilies who have lost contact with Kathmandu Newarshave completely lost the ability of speaking the Newarlanguage. Only a few families in Gangtok, Rhenock,Namthang, Namchi, Jorethang, Legship, Tashiding andGeyzing still do speak Newar. Tashiding, a small villagesituated in West Sikkim, is the only place where I foundscveral families still speaking Newar with one another.However, with the establishment of the Sikkim Ne11'al)Guthi, l\ewars of Sikkim have begun to feel it necessaryto learn their ancestral language. In a bid to teach Newarto Sikkimese Newars, the Sikkim Newal) Guthi startedsending students to Kathmandu to learn Newar and alsoinvited language teachers from Kathmandu to Sikkim toteach the tongue. From 1998, the Guthi also supplied twoNewar language schoolteachers: one at Aritar in East Sik­kim and another at Mallidanda in South Sikkim. Sadlythis venture did not last long In February 2000, the In­stitute of Newar Language and Culture was establishedin Namthang Kothi in South Sikkim to reviv'e the NewarLmguage and its culture. The government also introducedthe Newar language as a subject at some schools, appoint­ed Newar language teachers and published course booksin the Newar l<mguage.

The Newar Organisation of Sikkim is also keen to main­tain cross border contact and cultural exchange betweenthe Newars of "Jepal and Sikkim. Prominent Newar lead­ers, such as Padma Ratna Tuladhar, Malia K Sundar,Naresh Bir Shakya and Laksmidas \lanandhar have been

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invited to Sikkim to participate in their programmes. Onoccasion, cultural teams from Nepal, and well-knownNewar language, dance and music teachers, have alsobeen invited. Similarly, Newar leaders in Sikkim havevisited Nepal to participate in programmes organised bythe Newar National Forum (Nevva.\: De Dabu) and theNewar Association (l':epalbh~Ul \lamka.\: KhalaX) ofNepaL

The emergence of the Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) asthe largest party in the Legislative Assembly of Sikkimhas played an important role in empowering the state'sethnic groups. The SDF government introduced vari­ous regulations in favour of the different ethnic groupsof Sikkim, including giving equal rights to all languagesspoken in the state. In 1994, the local government desig­nated Newar to be a state language along with all otherlanguages spoken in Sikkim, and further introduced a reg­ulation permitting J'..iewar to be spoken at meetings of theSikkim Legislative Assembly (SLA). In this regard, since1994 the SLA has employed a Newar language translatorand editor and has been publishing proceedings of par­liamentary meetings in the Newar language using Newarscripts. I was able to collect a Proceedings of the SikkimLegislative Assembl.v translated into the Newar languageusing the l':ewar script, an important document because itspeaks of the Sikkimese government's practical commit­ment to supporting languages from different communi­ties. Sadly, no other Newar language proceedings havebeen published since. The Sikkim Herald, a governmentweekly, is released in Newar and other official languagesof the state, another example of Sikkim's liberal policytowards minority languages.

In 2003, the Sikkim government included the l':ewars inthe Other Backward Class (OBC) category, together withBahuns, Chetris, Sanyasi and Jogis. This means that thegovernment now reserves a total of fourteen percent ofjobs and seats for higher studies for these groups. Whilethe State Government of Sikkim has nov\' recognisedthese groups as OBC, the Central Government of Indiahas yet to do so.

Concluding Remarks

I have found the people of Sikkim to be generally happyabout the State Government's policy towards their lan­guages and cultures, and most believe that this policy hasincreased mutual understanding between Sikkim's differ­ent ethnic groups. At first glance, one notices peaceful andharmonious relations between the different ethnicities inSikkim, but competition and envy anlOng these groupscan be sensed as soon as one delves a little deeper. Almostall communities in Sikkim have their own ethnic organi-

12

sations and are actively organising themselves to strugglefor their rights.

Some are of the opinion that the policy of empoweringsmall communities with rights to their languages and cul­tures is divisive. They believe that the Nepalese commu­nities of Sikkim were for a long time seen as one groupbut are now fragmented because each one is seeking aseparate and distinct ethnic identity. Only politicians, theyargue, benefit from such a 'divide and rule' policy. KumarPradhan, a prominent Nepalese scholar in India expressesa similar opinion about Darjeeling (2005: 24). The major­ity of Nepalese in Sikkim are nevertheless pleased withthe State Government's policy towards their cultures.

Nepalese populations in Sikkim, who have been livingthere for almost one and a half centuries, believe them­selves to be no less indigenous than those officially de­clared as indigenous. The Bhutia and Lepcha popUlationsof Sikkim are considered to be the most indigenous andthe Indian government has consequently accorded themthe status of Scheduled Tribes meaning that a higher per­centage of government jobs, higher studies and politicalseats are reserved for them. All the Nepalese communi­ties, such as the Bahuns, Chetris, Rais, Limbus, Tamangs,Gurungs, Magars and Newars are generally considered tobe outsiders, despite their long term residence in the state.Consequently, a division between the Nepalese commu­nities and the Bhutias and Lepchas can be felt, and theNepalese communities feel themselves to be somehawcloser to each ather than ta the Bhutias <md the Lepchas.Not everyone agrees with such a perceptian, and someNewars suggest that their food habits are much c1aser tothose af Bhutias and Lepchas than ta a traditianal Bahunar Chetri diet.

The Newars in Sikkim are proud to be referred ta as Newar.With their long history of a distinct culture and languagehailing from the valley of Nepal, the Sikkimese Newarswant their heritage to be accorded due respect whereverthey live. While they are legally Indian, Sikkimese New­ars are culturally Ne\\'ar and since the 1990s have beenactively researching their roots and are presently strivingfor a reinforced sense of their Newar identity

Acknowledgements

First of all, I wauld like ta express my gratitude ta the\lanagers of the Frederick Williamson l\lemorial Fund,whose generous grant enabled me to carry out this re­search in Sikkim in 2004. ] am also fortunate to be thefirst post-doctorai fellm\' at the Centro Incontri Umani,Ascona, Switzerland (2004-2006), which gave me the op­portunity to write up my Sikkim research and produce thispaper. I am most indebted to the executive mem bers of the

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Centro Incontri Limani, particularly to Professor BruceKapferer and Dr. Angela Hobart for their support. Thanksare due to Dr. Giovanni and Laura Simona for their untir­ing assistance and war.mth during my Ascona residence.I am grateful to Professor J.D.!\1. Platenkamp of MUnsterUniversity for inspiration and his support of my research.I am grateful to Professors J.c. Heester.man and D.H.A.Kolff, and drs. Han F. Vermeulen of Leiden University,Professors Axel .\fichaels and William Sax, and Dr. Mar­tin Gaenszle of Heidelberg University, Professors JeanClaude Galey, Corneille Jest and Gerard Toffin of CNRS,Paris, Dr. David N. Gellner of Oxford University, Dr Na­than Porath in the UK, Profes~mrs Tirtha Prasad ~dishra

and Nirmal \lan Tuladhar of the Centre for Nepal andAsian Studies, Tribhuvan University, and folklorist Ke­sarLaJ Shrestha., '.:areshvir Shakya and .\laJla K. Sundarof Kathmandu, for their encouragement and support ofthis research. Thanks are also due to Dr. Anna Balikci­Denjongpa and .\lark Turin and the anonymous reviewerfor reading an earlier version of this article and providingme ,,,ith helpful comments. The hospitality and the care Ireceived in Sikkim were tremendous. With much respectI express my gratitude to all those who welcomed me.I would particularly like to thank Guru Suryavir Tulad­har, Bhanu Prakash .\larmik, Rajiv Shankar and RachanaShrestha and Krishna Basnet of Gangtok, GajablaJ andSurendra Pradhan of Legshi p, Deepak Pradhan of Pel Iing,B.;"'. Pradhan of Demtang, and \'og"ir Shakya of Kalim­pong for their kind hospitality and help. I am indebted toKalpana and Deepak Pradhan, Dhruba Pradhan Bhansariand Pradhumna Shrestha ofTadong for providing me withcopies of documents in their possession. Finally, I wouldlike to thank my wife Srilaksmi and our children Amu,Aju and Nugah for their support, love and tolerance forthe periods I \\'as absent from home during my research.

, In 2004, noted l\epali folklorist, Kesar Lal Shrestha

kindl~c supplied me with an unpublished family note

written by Cakraraj Timih.l.

~ The 1861 treaty obliged Sikkim to compl~c with British

wishes relating to internal and external affairs. See

Basnet (1974: 192-98), Appendix '13', for the full tex1

ofthe treaty.

3 The letter was dated 20/10/1889, but there is mention of

a land lease received about 22 years earlier. See Jha

(19%: 56 & 128) Appendix I. See also Sharma and

Sharma (1997 13) Vol. I.

4 See .iha (1985: 55-7 & 128-29) Appendix II and Ill. See

also Sharma & Sharma (1997: 13-14) Vol. I.

S See Jha (1985: 130-32) Appendix IV. See also Kotturan

(1983: 82)

b See Sharma and Sharma (1997: 53-55) and also Basnet

(1974: 46).

7 SeeJha (1985: 130) and Sharma and Sharma (1997: 56).

8 The teAt is reprinted in Sharma and Sharma 1997: 49).

9 See Bhattacharyya (1984) for more on coinage in Sik­

kim.

'" See the genealogy published by one of his descendants

in Pradhan (1997 1).

" Family documents in the possession of Mrs. Kalpana

and Mr. Deepak Pradhan ofTadong.

'~Thiswas the first census conducted in Sikkim, see Risley

(1972: 27)·

'3 See Gellner (1992: 235-47); Nepali (1965: 191-7); Regmi

(19672) and Shrestha (2002: 32-35).

'4 See Toffin (1984: 2°9-13); Quigley (1985: 30-49) and

Ishii (1996) for the functioning of sf guthis in l\epal.

'S See Kesar Lal Shrestha (2004: 3) for more on this

guthi.

'0 See van den Hoek (2004: 23).

'" Balikci-Denjongpa has elaborated secular and Buddhist

perceptions of the mountain deity Kanchenjunga

among the Lhopos (Bhutia) of Sikkim (2002: 31).

,8 See the Smarika (2000) published on the occasion.

(This article has been reproduced from Bulletin of Tibetology

IVaI 41, NO.1, ~Iay 2005J, published by Namgyal Institute of

TibetoloKv, Gangtok, Sikkim, India)

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Buddhist Hymns and theRenaissance of TheravadaBuddhism in Nepal'Phra Sugandha (Anil SakyaFMahamakut Buddhist University &Mahidol University, Bangkok, Thailande-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

The renaissance of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal began in the early 20th century amidst the previously existed NewarBuddhism and other forms of Tibetan Mahayana Buddhism. Nel1'ar Buddhism preserved SansA.Tit as their canonicallanguage, whereas Tibetan Mahayana Buddhism used the Tibetan vernacular. Later. when Theravada Buddhism wasreintroduced into Nepal in 1920.1', Pali was added as another canonical language. However, Pali. being an unfamiliarlanguage, \I'as not popular enough to use widely in the propagation ofTheravada Buddhism. Therefore, as an alternativeto SanslcTit and Pali, Nepal developed the use ofNepal Bhasa vernacular in translations, commentaries and devotionalsongs. Among all the religious works in Nepal Bhasa. Buddhist hvmns have a unique and significant role in theTheravada Buddhism renaissance. MoreovC7; it has an indirect implication to Nepalese politics and social reflections ofthe time of tIle renaissance. Gyamnala, which literally means 'Garland of VVisdom', are Buddhist hvmns which have aspecial place in the history (~f'Buddhism in Nepal. One ofthe earliest Buddhist hymns was composed in 17th century. Thesinging ofBuddhist hymm can be sung as devotional chanting but often accompanied by musical instruments. However.Theravada monks are excluded from singing the hymns ifit is accompanied by musical instruments. Still nearly 40cci:of Buddhist hymns are composed and authored by Theravada Buddhist monks. This paper will investigate how thoseBuddhist hymllS have been used as a powerfitl illStrumellt ill the renaissance of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal.

I. Introduction:

This paper is an exploration about a new aspect of Buddhiststudies. Within Theravada monastic context, musicand singing are something considered as a 'taboo' or abreaking precepts. Howe\'er, I see that singing and musicare important aspects of emotional, psychological andde\'(ltional reflection of people in the society Therefore,devotional songs C<U1 be asimple tool of delivering messageof awakening and or the reflection of socio-political aspectof the society. Hmve\er, I see that the study of hymns andmusic are another aspect of Buddhist studies that seemsto be neglected subject Accordingly, I am looking at therole of the Ciyanmala, Buddhist de\'()tional hymns withinthe context of Thera\'ada Buddhism revivalism in Nepaland to see how Nepalese Theravadin community havedeveloped an assumed Theravadin 'taboo' to be 'singingfor salvation.'

The Gyanmala is a modern Buddhist hymn that originatedas a part of the Theravada Buddhism re\'i\alism in Nepa]

14

in 1920s. ]t is a unique type of Theravada Buddhist liturgyas it is a text comprising of words, music, chanting versesand actions used in rituals and ceremonies, whetherprivately or publicly, in vemaculars3 According to PeterSkillinglliturgy in the Buddhist sense is "an individual'sand a community's participation in Buddhism, and toa degree their identity as 'Buddhist'" Moreover, hedescribes, "Liturgy is a social act, an integral part ofliving Buddhism, and it is a key to what ideas were abroadduring certain pericx:ls. ]t is also a teaching vehicle for bothmonastics and lay followers, That is, it is through chantingthat they express themselves as Buddhist, relate to theTriple Gems, and learn the fundamentals of Buddhism."The Ciyanmala in the modern Nepalese context functionsnot only as a religious or devotional hymn but also as areflection of the psychological and socio-political facts ofpeople of the time.

The Gyanmala is sometimes referred as a type of Bhajans.Bhajan is a song or a music composition, for worship oroffering prayers to the deities, popular among Hindu,

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Sikh and Buddhist communities. The songs are simple inmelody, but use soulful language celebrating the many­splendours of God and expressing the deep feelings oflcwe for God or the deities. Although the Gyanmala canbe categorised under the age-old tradition of bhajan, ithas its own unique style of singing and rhythm. Unlikebhajan, the Gyanmala is not fixed for a particular festival,day or time, nor is it a hymn to praise any god. It canbe organised and sung anywhere regardless of occasion,time, or religious affiliation. Everyone can participate inthe Gyanmala hymn-singing without preparation becausethe Gyanmala 'in itself, nothing necessarily or essentiallyTheravadin in the act of singing such hymns means thatthe participants include both the most ardent Theravadaactivists and other Buddhists who have a much morevariable and ecumenical attitude toward Buddhism 5

Although one of the oldest substantial pieces of writtenPali to survi\'e in the world (dated c. 800) is found inthe Kathmandu Valley,6 Pali is a relatively new Buddhistcanonical language for Nepal. When the revival ofTheravada Buddhism began in the 1920s, Pali \\'asunfcul1iliar among Nepalese. To ease the transmissionof the Buddhist doctrines among Nepalese, the pioneersof Theravada revivalism invented the Gyanmala whichbasically translate Pali verses and discourses intovernaculars and more specifically in the style of simplehymns. The \'ernacular translations include basic versesfrom taking refuge in the Triple Gems, observing fiveprecepts to the life of the Buddha and his doctrines (seeAppendix I). Beginning with the Gyanmala, other newvernacular translations of Pali Canon have been translatedand used in Nepalese Theravada monastic communitiesas an alternative to the Pali.

II. Theravada Revivalism in Nepal

Traditional Buddhism in the Kathmimdu Valley is knownas 'Newar-' Buddhism, a name which reflects the ethnicityof its adherents, the Newars. The Newah or Newars are agiven name for the indigenous people of the Valley and'\Jewar Buddhism is the Valley's unique brand ofBuddhismgenerally categOli sed under the Vajrayana Buddhism. Theother dominant type of Buddhism which exists in Nepalis 'Highlands' Buddhism, and its main adherents areTamang, Sherpa, .\lagar, and Gurung ethnicities who livealong the Nepalese highlands, and are influenced by someforms of Tibetan Buddhism.

The Kathmandu \'alley is famous for as a source ofSanskrit and vernacular (i.e. Nepal Bhasa) Buddhisttexts. The Buddhist world is much indebted to the Britishresident Brian Houghton Hodgson for his collections ofSanskrit and \'ernacular Buddhist nHmuscripts from theValley, which he sent to the Societe Asiatique in 1837

Sakya/Buddhist Hymns and... Buddhism in Nepal

and other parts of the \\-'Orld. Huge collections of thosemanuscripts are still available in British Library. Based onthose manuscripts in 1844 Eugene Burnouf stressed thefact that Indian Buddhism had to be studied on the basisof the Simskrit text from Nepal and the Pali texts fromCeylon8 In addition to Sanskrit Buddhist manuscriptsused by Newar Buddhists, of course, among the highlandsBuddhism Tibetan vernacular is their base of canonical]imguage. This may raise the question on the role of Palilanguage in Nepal. It seems that Pali is not used by anyform of traditional Buddhism existed in Nepal prior toits introduction by recently re\'ived Theravada Buddhism.Despite the existence of a few old Pali manuscripts in theManuscript Departments of Nepal, the Pali language isunfilll1iliar among Nepalese. This changed after 1920s,when the long-lost Theravada tradition was reintroducedin Nepal with its more 'Protestant' form of Buddhism.

Theravada Buddhism was reintroduced in Nepal in thelate 1920s. The renaissance of Theravada Buddhismtook place in Nepal together with the first stirrings ofmodern NeWill' ethnic activism 9 Nepal in 1920s wasruled by the Rana Regime which was pro-Hindu in termsof religious affiliation and politically it was a traditionalautocratic state. Despite the suppression of the pro­Hindu government. the re\inll of Buddhism in Nepalwas ignited by Jagat ~dan Vaidya who later changed hisname to Dharmadi tya Dharmaeharya. In 1921, he wasexposed to the Theravada Buddhism in India when he metAnagarika Dhill'mapala. Since then he dedicated himselfto learning Pali and towards revival of Buddhism inNepal. It is speculated that he might be the first Nepaleseto reintroduce the Pali language in modern Nepal. In 1923,he attempted to establish an organization for the revival ofBuddhism (Buddha Dharma l'ddhar Sangha) and basinghimself in Calcutta, India he began to translate and publishPali texts into Nepal Bhasa vernacular in his magazineentitled 'Buddha Dharma wa Nepal Bhasa' (Buddhismand Nepal Bhasa vernacular) and other magazine namedDharmadUla' (Dharma lvlissionaries).

Some of the Pali discourses first appeared in NepalBhasa vernacular was the translations of discourses fromSutta-pitaka or 'Basket of Discourses.' For example,Dhammacakkapavattana sutta (Discourse on Turningthe Wheel of the Dharma in motion), Sigalovada sUlfa(Di scourse on Layperson's Code of Discipl inc) andHvaka sutta (Discourse on Being a Lay Follower)were translated and printed between the years of 1925­30. In 1931, the Dhammapada from Pali texts was firsttranslated and published in Nepal Bhasa vernacular. Itwas translated by Dr. lndra :-Ian Yaidya, a brother ofDharmaditya Dhill-macharya and was published by Sadhu.\ilan Bhisakacharya in Calcutta, India. Although the firstattempt of this trimslation was not well translated and was

15

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not a complete version it could be considered as one ofthe first vernacular versions of the Pali Canon in modernNepal. These publications were printed in Calcuttaand discreetly imported into Nepal. In 1940, the firstpublication entitled 'Paritrana' (the Book of ProtectiveBlessings) which comprises of the popular discourses forchanting in Pali together with its translations in NepalBhasa vernacular was published. In 1942, the completeversion of the Dhammapada text together with its newtranslation in vernacular (by Bhikkhu Amritananda)was published. In 1946, with the publication of thebook enti tled 'DlulT1na wa Vinaya' (Doctrines andDisciplines) in vernacular introduced Nepalese about thePali translations of Abhidharma and book of Discipline(vinaya).

This revival of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal wascoincided with the visit of a charismatic Tibetan Lamaknown as Kyangste Lama. In 1924, the Lama's sermonsencouraged five Newars 10 to follow their Tibetan teacherto Tibet and join the monastic order. When they returnedto Nepal as newly ordained monks, it raised a big debatewithin the ruling government, who finally ruled that theordination was an unlawful conversion. As a result, whilethose newly ordained monks vvere collecting their alms onthe street they vvere arrested and exiled from the countryin 1926. \Vhen Buddhism was publicly disallowed by theruling government and everyone was forced to followHinduism, it raised dissatisfaction among the Buddhists.This dissatisfaction later turned to be a positive force forreviving Buddhism in Nepal.

In 1926, ~lahapragya (Prem Bal1adur Khyahju Shrestha),the senior most of the five exiled monks re-ordained asa Theravada novice-monk in Buddha Gaya under thepreceptorship of a Burmese monk U Kosala. Followingthe footstep of Mahapragya, Karmasheel (Kul Man SinghTuladhar) who was also previously ordained in the Ti betantradition in 1928 later re-ordained as a Theravada novice­monk in 1930 in Kusinagar lJ After being re-ordained inTheravada tradition, Karmasheel first returned to Nepaland, shortly aftem'ards, the exiled monk rVlahapragyasecretly entered the country to begin the work forrevivalism of Theravada Buddhism in Nepal.

III. What is Gyanmala?

This spirit of rev'iving Buddhism in Nepal gave birth to theGyanmala hymns, a public devotional singing composedbased on the life of the Buddha and teachings of theBuddha. This was regarded as a revolutionary action notonly in the field of renaissance of Buddhism in Nepal butit has directly developed to be an educational tool forawakening the indigenous people of Kathmandu Valleysocially, politically and religiously. Today, Thenwada

16

assemblies, at all times and in all places, begin with theGyanmala devotional hymn-singing. Although Theravadamonastic codes (e.g. eight precepts) seems discouragesinging, it must be regarded as one of the fundamentalconstituents of the modern Nepalese Theravada teachingand transmission of the Buddha's doctrines. AmongTheravada community in Nepal, devotional hymn­singing are not considered as breaking the precepts. Onthe contrary, most of those hymns and liturgies werecomposed by Theravada monks themselves and they wereencouraged to sing widely in public or private as a meansof path to salvation.

It can be said that the Gyanmala hymn provides betteraccess to Buddhism for the masses than sermons. MostTheravadin assemblies begin with a public hymn-singingof Gyanmala mainly accompanied by the harmoniumand tabla. In modern context, this might be added withadditional musical instruments such as electronic pianoor even a guitar. The singing is done in a group and inpublic. It is sung ahead of the Buddhist ceremonies, forexample, Buddha veneration ceremony (Buddha Puja) orany Buddhist programmes as a crowd pulling mechanism.They have also developed the Gyanmala hymn-singingin various Buddhist places on a daily basis. Moreover,hymn-singing of Gyanmala is not limited only inmonastery grounds but it is also sung in different religiousprocessions. Nowithas become the most popular Buddhistactivity widely performed both in and out of the Valleyand developed to be the quintessential part of the modernTheravada Buddhism in Nepal.

The Gyanmala handbook itself went through numerousreprints (over 17 editions from its inception). TheGyanmala hymn-singing becomes a prominent feature ofBuddhist community life which is stimulated by regularlyscheduled competitions among different hymn-singinggroups allover the country. The numbers of Gyanmalahymns are increasing in numbers composed by bothmonastic and lay. Importantly, in terms of its participationthe Gyanmala hymn-singing functions as a gatheringpoint of all Buddhist groups without any discriminationof their personal affiliations. However, lyrics of Gyanmalahymns are mostly focus on the historical Buddha and hisdoctrines rather than local deities or V,~rayana Buddhistdeities.

The tenn 'Gyanmala' literary means 'Garland of\Visdom'Cgyan' means 'vvisdom' + 'mala' means 'garland'). L,terit becomes the specific name of the Buddhist hymn book.The present publication (the 17th edition) of the bookincludes 237 Gyanmala hymns. Its name is a reminder ofthe hymns, based on the sacred teaching of the BuddhaSome argue that the term Gyanmala in Nepalese contexthas a different connotation. The term Gyanmala is made

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of t\VO words: 'gyan' which means 'knowledge' and thevernacular term 'mahla' which means 'do you need.'Accordingly, it was a question asking people who donot understand about Buddhism that whether they wouldwant to be a wise') This is because Gyanmala hymns arefilled with the Buddha's wisdom 12.

There is also another connotation of Gyanmala. Some saythat it was not a question of asking someone whether heshe vvants to be a wise or not. But the term 'mala' shouldbe reinterpreted in vernacular as 'malah' which meanssearching and selecting. Accordingly, Gyanmala means'a group of selected teachings of the Buddha.'

However, Bhikshu Amritananda, a pioneer of NepaleseThera\'ada Buddhist monks claims that he was the one whochanged to the current nan1e 'Gyanmala' from previouslycalled 'bhajanmala' in 19-1413 He also warned that do notuse these hymns to indulge oneself on music, tunes, rhythmor lyrics of the hymn but as a source of salvation and aphilosophical reflection. One should put full attention onthe words they sing and practice accordingly after singingthose hymns. Therefore, Gyanmala's main purpose is to'sing for salvation' not for cntertainment per se.

Regarding its historicity, Gellner 14 writes that the firstattempt to compose a Gyanmala was done by PremBahadur KhyalljU Shrestha or later known as BhikshuMahapragya in early as 1920s. It was recorded that he\vas asked by his friend Dalchini Manandhar to composethose Buddhist hymns. In order to help him do ;;0,

t\lanandhar gave him a copy of Nepal Bhasa version ofthe Lalitm'istara, the life of the Buddha which was printedin Calcutta in 1914, through which he bccame a devoutBuddhist and joined monastic although based on hisfamily background he was a Hindu.

IV. Bhaian verses Gyanmala

Bhajan or devotional hymn is a song or poem set to musicin praise of a divine or venerated being. It is widelypopular among Hindu and Sikh religions. l-lymns fromIndia, the Sanskrit Rig-Veda, sun'ive from c.1200 B.C15

In Hinduism, the groundwork for bhajans was laid inthe hymns found in Veda in the Hindu scriptures. Theyare distinguished from the Sanskrit shlokas (hymnsthat accompany religious rituals) by virtue of their easylilting flow, the colloquial renderings and the profoundappeal to the mass. These are sung in a group comprisingdevotees, with a lead singer. The fixed tunes, repetitionof words and phrases lend a kind of tonal mesmerism.Anecdotes, episodes from the lives of Gods, preaching ofsaints, description of God's glories have been the subjectof bhajans.

Sakya/Buddhist Hymns and... Buddhism in Nepal

Bhajan khalahs (hymn-singing groups) that have beenin existence since the beginning of the Bhakti Era haveproved to be great social leveller where individualsunhesitatingly participate in the singing, relegating theirpetty differences to the background. The words, tunes,rhythms and the typical repetitive style of the bhajansgi ve a certain sense of joy.

Gellner16 writes that the modern style of hymns, knownas bhajan, was only introduced into Nepal in the 1880sfrom India. He states that 'at first the songs were entirelyin Hindi and were Hindu in affiliation.' This, however,contrasts with the fact of existence of Nevvar vernacularwhat Lienhard 1c called religious poetry. Some of thoseBuddhist religious poetries which are included in modernGyanmala hymns dated back to early as the late 17thcentury. The context of those religious poetries compriseof praising the Buddha or different scenarios of the lifeof the Buddha. There has been an age-old tradition ofsinging those hymns accompanied with indigenous musicor without. For example, one of the oldest hymns whichwas composed in 1865 entitled 'Buddha's descends toLumbini' (see appendix II for the hymn) is a popularhymn sung widely in all times.

Prior to the introduction of Gyanmala in Nepal, it isrecorded by Pradhan1s that there were already a groupof devotees perfonning regular bhajan or hymn singingaccompanied by harmonium and tabla in an inn atop ofthe sacred Swayambhu stupa of Kathmandu. But thesehymns were mostly about amorous acti\'ities of Hindugods and goddesses. The daily \'isitors to the Swayambhustupa early in the morning unfailingly saw these peoplesinging in the chorus.

When Theravada Buddhism was introduced in theKathmandu Valley, many younger were inspired, so muchso that in 1937, they began to conduct the recitation ofBuddhist hymns regularly at the Swayambhu stupa, thevery place where Hindu hymns were sung. However, sincethere was no book of Buddhist hymns in the \ernacular,they took Buddhist songs from a book in Hindi and fewvery old Buddhist religious poetries (hymns)19 In thebeginning, Bhikshu Mallapragya composed some of theBuddhist hymns in Hindi and vernacular. It quickly gotvery popular among Nepalese mass. Gradually, Gyanmalahymns in vernacular were composed and became verypopular.

AlthoughtheGyanmalacanbeconsideredasadevelopmentof the BhaJan in some ways, it is different in its nature andcontext. The Bh~i<m has more of a devotional or Bhakticharacter with hymns praising of God or deities, whilethe Gyanmala is unique in its message of awakening, self­conscious and the absence of references to God. Most

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Gyanmala hymns are composed based on the Buddha'steaching or the life of the Buddha. It is used alternativeto the sermon because Gyanmala can educate singers andlisteners to be aware of Buddha's doctrines as well as ameans of religious politics canlpaign.

In the beginning, Gyanmala was often used to educate themass about the awakening from ignorance and encouragepeople to keep five precepts. However, there are also fevvhymns which indicate the praising for the king (after hisdemise). Some of those hymns have an indirect effect ofarousing patriotic feelings. Still, some hymns teach aboutthe gender equality in Buddhism which have again indirecteffect upon the negating the Hindu ideas prevailing atthat time. As a whole, the Gyanmala pervades around thewhole Buddhist ideas of 'freedom from suffering', 'doingwell for the sake of the m~jority', 'conceptualizing theprinciple of impermanence' etc. Accordingly, it became avery effective tool ofTheravadarevivalism in NepaL ~/Iany

Gyanmala hymns emphasise on abstaining from alcoholwhich is a part of Newar Buddhism rites and rituals. Thesimplicity of vernacular language and the context of eachhymn are very powerful to convince the crowd. Crowdof any aged group and regardless of their educationalbackground can enjoy these hymns. Wherever there isa Gyanmala hymn-singing crowd is easily drmvn intolisten. Gyanmala hymn became the most popular meansto convey the Buddha's doctrines to the mass and a veryeffective means of transmitting Theravada Buddhism.

v. Monks and Music

The Gyanmala is the product of the Theravada revivalismin Nepal and monks themseh'es composed most hymns,however, Therm'ada Buddhist monks are forbidden bythe Vinaya, or monastic code, to participate in Gyanmalahymn-singing if it is accompanied by music. Based oneight precepts and monk's 227 monastic rules music isprohibited for one who observe those precepts.

Despite these restrictions, the history of TheravadaBuddhism shows that hymns and music have been part ofBuddhism. For example, at Wat Bovoranives, a 200 yearsold royal Thai Theravadin temple in BLmgkok, Thailand,there is a tradition of beating a Klang !vlahoratuek (rain­drum, frog-drum, Karen drum) before the daily morningand evening chanting of monks by a layman while amonk of a certain rank li ghts ceremonial candles beforealtar. This is still being practised now I was also told byHis Holiness Somdet Phra Nyanasamvara, the SupremePatriarch and the abbot of Wat Bc)\'oranives (who iscurrently 93) that, in fact, in old days together with thedrum beating there was also the tradition of blowingconch shell which has been lost now.

18

Going back further, if we look at the canonical texts vvefind several sources of singing hymns and music. Theform of praising the Buddha or Triple Gem has beenage-old practice within the Buddhist culture and it waspracticed even when the Buddha was still ali ve. Thereare so many records in Pali Canon which tell about thehymn-singings. For example, there is a story in the PaliCanonco that once the King of the Gods (Sakka) wishes tosee the Buddha who was residing and enjoying the blissof meditation in Magadha. Therefore, asked Pancasikha,a musician god (gandharva) in heaven to infonn Buddhawith his melodious music and songs. Pancasikha with hisyellmv beluva-wood lute approached where the Buddhawas residing near the Indasala Cave and from not too faraway Pancasikha, to the strains of his lute, sang versesextolling the Buddha, the Dhamma, the Arhants, and love.The Canon further states that it was appreciated by theBuddha himself: 'Pancasikha, the sound of your stringsblends so well with your song, and your song with thestrings, that neither prevails excessively over the other'This clearly shows that the Buddha was listening toPancasickha's music vvith his careful ears so that he wasable to give his comment on it

Another sources in the Pali Canon21 states that a Brahminnamed Pingiyani sung praising the Buddha to anotherBrahmin named Karanapali until the later overwhelmedwith the praising and took refuge in the Buddha.

In the Mahavagga of the Vinaya-pitaka of Pali Canon alsorefers that the newly enlightened Buddha went to visitKing Bimbisara. Upon their meeting King Bimbisara wasoverjoyed with the teaching of the Buddha King invitedthe Buddha together with his monks for lunch at his palacefor the next morning. It states that when the Buddha andthe monks were in their way to the palace, the King ofthe God (Sakka) transformed himself to be a young manand led the Buddha and monks with singing and praisingall the vvay to the palace. Along the way, people \verewondered that who Sakka is, whose appearance is veryhandsome and his praising hymn is very melodious. TheSakka answered their questions in hymn that he is theserv,mt of the Buddha. In fact, the modern tradition ofhaving music bands leading Buddhist processions wasprobably descended historicall y from this incident wherethe Buddha and his disciples were led by hymn-singingof Sakka.

Likewise, it is also states in the Pali Canon that after thecremation of the body of the Buddha the Mallas honouredthe relics for a week in their assembly hall, having madea lattice-work of spears and an encircling wall of bows,with dancing, singing, garlands and music"2

These are only few examples of hymn-singing and

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since its introduction.

The Gyanmala Hymn Group, in its turn, decided to parade

The success of Gyanmala enraged the pro-Hindu RanaRegime. By the year 19-+4, people in large numbers,began to attend not only the Gyanmala hymn-singingbut also other Theravada sermons in different places.Bigger masses of people gathered whenever occasionalceremonies were held at any Buddhist monastery. Suchgathering of people was not favoured by the ruling Ranagovernment at all.

In 19-+4, the govemment ordered eight Theravadinmonks and no\'ices in the Kathmandu Valley to signan undertaking that they would desist from teaching,performing ordination, or worshiping the Buddha. \\'henthey refused to comply, the Prime !\linister, JuddhaShamsher, exiled them to India. The harsh punishment bythe Rana Regime enraged devout Buddhists, especiallythe Gyanmala Ilymn Group.

PoliticalandVII. GyanmalaActivities

With the invention of unique Gyanmala book and'invention of tradition' of Gyanmala hymn-singing in1938, an association named 'Gyanmala Bhajan Khalab,Swayamabhu' (Gyanmala Hymn Group, Swayambhu)was also established. Two years later a similar groupwas formed in Kwa Baha, Lalitpur, and it named itselfthe Taremam Sangha24 Later many similar groups hadsprung up everyv,:here both within and out of the Valley.The latest numbers recorded of such group is 73. From1943, both the Gyanmala books and the Gyanmala HymnGroups became known by the generic term 'Gyanmala'(Garland of Wisdomj2s Despite its inception in 1938,the national level of such association was just officiallyregistered with the government of Nepal in 2002 underthe umbrella name of '0:ational Gyanmala Association'(Rastriya Gyanmala Samiti). In addition, it has extendedto other Nepalese communities living in India too suchas in Kalimpong. Through Gyanmala Buddhism slowlybecame more accessible to people. The new generation,especially the educated people, became more and moreattracted towards Buddhism. At the same time, it becamevery popular among old generations because it is easy tounderstand and to remember without reading books. I'vlostor older generations, particularly Viomen, are illiterateand by participating in the Gyanmala, it enables them toremember and understand Buddhism. Consequently, theGyanmala Hymn Group became all the more popular.People began to attend in large num bel'S wherever thesinging were held.

VI. History of Gyanmala Hymn

The hrst edition of the Gyanmala book was of 13 pageswith 18 hymns. However, it was republished in 1941with 20 pages. A year later in 1942, the first edition wasrepublished under the new title named 'Gyanmala' with45 hymns. The publications of Gyanmala till the year of19-:16 were all printed in India. Since then the Gyanmalabook has been keeping reprinting till now. The latestedition of Gyanmala book is the 17th edition published in1998. The over all copies of the printed Gyanmala is over40,000 copies since its inception in 1938. Although ineach publication some of the hymns might miss out thereare also adding of new hymns in each publication. Theover all num bel'S of hymns in total is around 250 hymns

Although monks may not engage in Gyanmala hymn­singing when it is accompanied with music but manyGyanmala hymns have been always chanted by monks asa part of their daily chanting in private and public

In 1930s, the novice-monk Karmasheel (later renamed asSangha I\1aha !\ayaka Pragyananda !\lallasthcl\'ir) startedthe work of Theravada revivalism in !\epal and not toolong he was succeeded in convincing many inhabitantsof the Valley, especially the younger, about the truth ofBuddhism and Buddhist identity. Shortly afterwards,Mahapragya joined him in the revivalism work. Oneof the remarkable things they did in their revinl! workwas encouraging Buddhist hymn-singing in vernacular.After seven years of hard work, in 1937, there were few!\epalese who were inspired by Theravada Buddhism andcourage enough to imply hymn-singing and music intothe re\'ivalism of Buddhism.

The hrst edition of Gyanmala was published in 1938 underthe title of 'Bhajan-mala' (Garland of Hymnsf3 It wasprinted in India by Bhikshu Pragyabhivamsa (a pennameof Bhikshu Dharmaloka of Nepal) at Kasia I"vlathaKunwar, Kushinagara in India. It had no name on the frontpage in order to avoid troubles with the Ranas' censorsIt was discreetly brought into Kathmandu by BhikllsuDhannaloka and was first sung on the Swayambhu stupa.

music in the Pali Canon. Therefore, although monks areforbidden from singing them it shows that it is okay toponder, listen and engage in one way or another if thosehymns were religious or spiritual not leading to delusionand ignorance. These age-old styles of praising hymnswithin Buddhism might be categorised under the bhajanbecause most of these hymns are praising the Buddha orTriple Gem. And it can be considered as the prototype ofthe Gyanmala in the context of the Nepalese TheravadaBuddhism. Most of those hymns were very poetic, simpleto understand and easy to sing as hy·mns.

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a protest in the city with Gyanmala hymn-singing fromSwayambhu Hill top to the temple of the Lokeshwar at.lana Baha, Kel Tol. On the full moon day of February(\lagha) unusually large numbers of Buddhists gatheredtogether at the Swayambhu Hill top and they protested inprocession by singing Gyanmala along the ,vay into thetown. This protest enraged the police even though it wasdone in a religious way with peace and devotion.

In November 19.+5, police invaded the SwayambhuGyanmala Hymn Group just after their daily hymn­singing. Police seized all Gyanmala books and somebooks were thrown away. Police charged people who,,·ere singing Gyanmala that they were using illegal bookswhich were printed in India and they were charged forforsaking Nepali, the national language. While there waschaos in arresting some discreetly collected the discardedGyanmala books before the police could notice anddisappear from the scene. Police harassed the Gyanmalasingers and listeners badly and released them only on bail.The police also charged the sellers of Gyanmala books.Ultimately in 19'+7, the charged members of GyanmalaHymn Group were told to present themselves beforePadma Shumsher, the Rana Prime \iinister. Fortunately,the Prime Iviinister did not uphold the charge by police andordered the police to give them freedom in their religiousbeliefs and hymn-singings in their own vernacular.Since then the Gyanmala tx)ok written in Nepal Bhasavernacular come to be legalized.

To celebrate the triumph, the Gyanmala Hymn Grouporganised a Gyanmala singing in downtown near thehouse of the Police Superintendent. The gatheling becamea big crowd and with a great enthusiasm hymns from theGyanmala book were sung in Chorus. It was observedthat the melodious voice of singers resounded throughoutthe local ity. Large num bel'S of people crowded around thechoir. Trays, bowls, containers of various items of foodwere brought by the neightx1urs for the participants Thehymn-slI1glI1gs went on almost for the whole night.

As the Gyanmala Hymn Group obtained the governmentalapproval to function they began to expand their activities.Having listened to the sermons of Theravada monksGyanmala Hymn Group expanded their activities as a partof practicing Buddhism from hymn-singing in variousplaces to different charity works and social sen· ices.Remarkably, some members of the Gyanmala HymnGroup rendered enthusiastic service to the sufferingvictims of the epidemic of Cholera which had broken outin Kathmandu during the summer of 19'+7.

Likewise, in 19.+8, in Lalitpur the Taremam Sanghajoined with Hindu singers organised by Tulsi \leher tosing Buddhist songs and 'liare Ram' around the city of

20

Lalitpur as a protest against the political repression ofthe Ranas. The police arrested about 150 people on thatoccasion26

This developed the culture of Gyanmala not only asa hymn-singing culture for salvation but as a means ofsocial welfare and political protest.

VIII. Context of the Gyanmala

The Gyanmala in Nepalese context is not functionedsimply as a vernacular Buddhist text alone, but it isinfluencing over several aspects of society. Althoughmost contexts of Gyanmala are dealing with the variousBuddhist doctrines based on Pali text there are also somehymns which indirectly hint about religious-politicalawareness. The current Gyanmala book is the 17th editionprinted in 1998. It includes 237 hymns of various contextswhich can be classified as follows:

CONTENT TOTAL INNUMBERS

1 Devotional 61

2Life of the Buddha and

35Disciples

3 Buddhist Teaching 25

-+Education and \loral

38Education

5 Inspirational 29

6 Moral Stories 18

7 Religio-politics 9

8 Miscellaneous 22

Total 237

Out of 237 Gyanmala hymns, 3'+.6% (82 in total) arecomposed by Therav·adin monks. Among those BhikshuMahapragya (27 hymns), Bhikshu Subhodhananda (22hymns) and Bhikshu Amritananda (15 hymns) composedmost of those Gyanmala hymns. However, l\lahapragyalater disrobed and lived as a Buddhist hermit until hisdemise. There are only 2 hymns composed by a Buddhistnun (Anagarika Madhavi). 23.6% (56 in total) of theGyanmala hymns are without the name of the composers.Out of those unknown composers some hymns are datingback as early as 186-+ (see Appendix II: 'Buddha Descendsto Lumbini').

Although there are many Gyanmala hymns of devotionaltypes they are different from bhajan style. \lost hymnspra.ise the Triple Gems in the sense of a role model rather

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than divine figures. For example, see the lyrics in theappendix I ('Wishes' and 'Recollection of the Buddha').

The Gyanmala hymn-singing is a very effective andpowerful tool in transmitting the Buddhist doctrines.I\lany Gyanmala hymns teach about five precepts (e.g.see Appendix 1: 'Homage to the Buddha'), eight precepts,wheel of life, suffering, karma, compassion, mindfulness,endeavour, detachment, peace, impermanence (e,g.

see Appendix: 'Good Friends l '), morality, meditation,wisdom (e.g. see Appendix 1: 'The Light of Wisdom hasextinguished'), anger, choosing good friends, cfil\'ing (e.g.see Appendix 1: 'Mental flan1e'), selflessness (e.g. seeAppendix 1: 'Why Pride,)'), Nirvana etc. Although manyhymns are not direct translations of Pali they are based onmain Buddhist doctrines in Pali. Nevertheless, there arefew hymns which are direct translations of original Palito vernacular, For example, some Gyanmala hymns aredirect translations of the Dhammapada and Discourse on38 blessings (Mangala sutta).

Many Gyanmala hymns are composed based on the life ofthe Buddha, his previous lives (specifically Vessantara),and the lives of main disciples both monks and nuns (e.g,see Appendix: 'Rahul on the lap of Princess Yasodhara,''Sundari's Love,' 'AmbraPali's wishes'). This is to makeNepalese aware of the life of the Buddha as a humannot a divine. Specially, there are a group of hymns thateducate audience about Lumbini, the birthplace of theBuddha and its location in Nepal. It was recorded thatit was only by Dharmaditya Dharmacharya, in 1920s,Nepalese Buddhists were informed about the location ofLumbini as in NepaL Because of Hindu influenced thelocation of Lumbini was not emphasised among NepaleseBuddhists although in the history there are evidence that!'dalla I(ings from the Valley knew about the existed ofLumbini in medieval period.

Still, there are few Gyanmala hymns which emphasiseon patriotic value among Nepalese and to love the King,the head of the country This is to educate audiencesabout the opposition towards the Rana Regime whomled the country for 104 years in total. In addition, fewhymns convey message about loving one's country andBuddhism And some hymns encourage the importance ofvernacular and ethnic identity In general, many hymnsgive a message of being a good member of society bypracticing Buddhist doctrines in their daily li\'es

IX. Conclusion

Bhikshu Amritananda, one who coined the term'Gyanmala' warns in his foreword of the Gyanmala hymnsbook that those who participate in Gyanmala hymn-singingand listening should not entertain themseh'es on rhythm

Sakya/Buddhist Hymns and... Buddhism in Nepal

of the hymns or propagate a purely devotional attitude,but impart Buddhist wisdom. This is firm evidence thatalthough the Gyanmala hymn has its nature similar toage-old tradition of Bhajan but in practicality it is useddifferently The Gyanmala hymn is the first attempt totransmit Buddhist doctrines in the vernacular and usedas alternative to the Pali in daily religious activities of

Nepalese Theravada community Pali is used and useful ina very limited literate group but the majority of Nepalese

Buddhists, particularly women, are illiterate, therefore,the very efficient way to cOl1\'ince them about Buddhistdoctrines is through Gyanmala hymn in the vernacular.

In the modern period, the Gyanmala hymn has developedinto the digital world as there are so many Gyanmalahymn CDs and cassettes from different Gyanmala hymn­singing groups available in market. These liturgies are notonly limited in Buddhist temple or Buddhist progran1l11esbut can be heard from radio and television broadcasting.All age group who participate in Buddhist ceremoniescan memorise many of those hymns and many even useas a part of their private daily worship in the house. Itis also sung in several cultural and religious parades andprocessions. Everyone sings those Gyanmala hymns witha great veneration and learn many Buddhist virtues fromthem.

As a final word. the Gyanmala hymn is one of the mostsuccessful in\'entions of Theravada revivalism in Nepal

and one of the most popular among Buddhist de\oteesto use as an alternative way to transmit Buddhism tothe masses. It has truly developed from being merelydevotional hymns to be a means of salvation. Recently,the popUlarity of Gyanmala hymns has expanded intowider Nepalese population by translating and composingsuch Gyanmala hymns in Nepali, the official language.A Gyanmala Hymn Group of Pokhara already succeedsthis attempt and many other groups based in KathmanduValley.

Endnotes:, This paper is presented under the title of 'Buddhist

H."mns in Theravada Buddhism in Nepal' in theFirst International Buddhist College BuddhistStudies Conference organized by Than HsiangTemple, penag, II!alaysia 11-13 August, 2006

, Phra Sugandha (Anil Sak.l·a), Assistant Secretary to HisHoliness Somdet Phra Nyanasamvara, SupremePatriarch of Thailand, graduated from CambridgeUniversity and PhD in social Anthropology fromBruneI University, United Kingdom with the ro.'·alscholarship from the King of Thailand. Currently,he is Deputy Dean of Faculty of Social Sciencesin Mahamakut Buddhist University and VisitingProfessor at Mahidol University in Thailand andSanta Clara lTniversity inC<lliforna, USA..

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3 A dictionary definition of 'liturgy' is a particular set ofthe words, music and actions used in ceremonies inreligions.

4 Skilling, Peter. 2002. 'Power, Compassion, Success :Random Remarks on Siamese Buddhist Liturgy.' Apaper presented at UKBAS Day Conference, 3 ,July2002.

5 LeVine, S. and Gellner, D. 2005. Rebuilding Buddhism:The Theravada Movement in Twentieth-CenturyNepal. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. P.124

b Gombrich, R. 1995. How Buddhism Began: TheConditioned Genesis of the Early Teachings.Malaysia: Synergy Books International p. 8-9

7 The correct word should be 'Newah.' Newar is the termused with prejudice by non-indigenous peoplewhen they refer to the indigenous people of theKathmandu Valley. However, as the term has beenused widely in most literature I am following thesame suite in using Newar instead of Newah.

8 de ,Jong, ,1.W. 1997 A Brief History of Buddhist Studiesin Europe and America. Tokyo: Kosei PublishingCo. P.25

9 Whelpton, J. 2005. A History of Nepal. Cambridge: CUPP·155

W They are 1. Prem Bahadur Khyahju Shrestha (aka.Nanikaji Khyahju Maske) renamed in Tibetanas Kalsang Serup (l\IahapraKva) 2. BuddhamtnaShakya renamed in Tibetan as Kalsang Dawa(Mahachandra) 3. Dalchini Saymi renamed inTibetan as Kalsang Chulting (Mahagyan) 4.Bekharaj Shakya renamed in Tibetan as KalsangChundi (Mahavirya) and 5. Gyan Shakya renamedin Tibetan as Kalsang Norbu (Mahashanti).

n l\lahapraKva and Karmasheel (at the age of 32) later gotfull ordination as a Theravada Bhikkhu in Myanmarin 1931 and 1932 respectively.

'0 An explanation given b~' Sukram Maharjan, thechairman of Hnyaipu G~'anmala Bhajan Khalahof Kirtipur. Quoted by Shantaratna Shakya in hisarticle on 'the narrative of Gyanmala Bhajan' (inNepal Bhasa) published in the Gyanmala souvenirpublication on the occasion of the 2"d NationalGyanmala Conference in Tansen, Palpa in 1996.

'3 Bhikshu Dhammalok l\lahasthavir and BhikshuAmritananda (eds) 1992 Gyanmala Blwjan:Buddhist Devotional Song Book. Kathmandu:Gyanmala Bhajan Association, Swayambhu. p.preface

" Gellner, D. N. 2004. 'Three Buddhist Hvmns fromNepal' Guthi Nepal Sambat 1125:12-13,'16 (http://www.ppguk.org/guthi/david.html) searched on 21August 2005.

's The OAford 'World Encyclopaedia (computer version)", ibid. Gellner 2004'7 Lienhard, S. 1992. Songs of Nepal: An Antholo~'

of NevaI' Folksongs and Hymns. Delhi: MotilalBanarsidas Publishers Private Limited.

,8 Pradhan, Bhuwan Lal. 1996. ',Jnanamala Bhajan Khalah'in G~'anmala (a souvenir). Kathmandu: GyanmalaMahasangha Nepah PP.32-38

w Ibid.on Walshc, Maurice. 1995. The Long Discourses of the

Buddha: A Translation ofthe Digha Nikaya. Kandy:Buddhist Publication Society. pp.321-324

0' Nyanaponika Theraand Bhikkhu Bodhi. 1999. NumericalDiscourses of the Buddha: An Antholo~' of Suttasfrom the Anguttara Nikaya. Oxford: A.ltaMira Press.PP·146-7

" Walshe, Maurice. 1995. The Long Discourses of theBuddha: A Translation of the Digha Nikaya. Kandy:Buddhist Publication Society. p. 275

03 According to the late Bhikshu Sudarshan it wasentitled 'Buddha Bhajan' (Buddha Hymns). This ismentioned in his foreword for the Gyanmala Liturgybook entitled Shree Annapurna Gyanmala BhajanKhalah, printed in 1998 by Gyanmala Liturgy groupof Asan, Kathmandu.

04 ibid. Gellner 2004os ibid. Gellner 2004,,, ibid. Gellner 2004

Bibliographyde Jong, J.W. 1997. A BriefHistory ((f Buddhist Studies

in Europe and America. Tokyo: Kosei PublishingCA).

Gellner, D. N. 2004. 'Three Buddhist Hymns from Nepal'Guthi Nepal Sambat 1125:12-13, 16 (http://ww\\'.ppgukorg/guthi/david.html) searched on 21 August2005

Gombrich, R. 1995. How Buddhism Began: TheConditioned Genesis Qf the Early Teachings.lVlalaysia: Synergy Books International

LeVine, S. and Gellner, D. 2005. Rebuilding Buddhism:The Theravada Jlovement in Twentieth-CenturyNepal. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Lienhard, S. 1992. Songs of Nepal: An Anthologyof NevaI' Folksongs and Hymns. Delhi: MotilalBanarsidas Publishers Private Limited.

Nyanaponika Thera and Bhikkhu Bodhi. 1999. NumeT'icaIDiscourses Q!'the Buddha: An Anthology (:f Suttasfrom the Angutlara Nikaya. Oxford: AltaMiraPress.

Pradhan, Bhuwan Lal. 1996. 'Jnanamala Bhajan Khalah'in Gyanmala (a souvenir). Kathmandu: GycwmalaMahasangha ?\epah

Shantaratna Shaha. 1996. 'the narrative of GvanmalaBhajan' (in Nepal Bhasa) in Gyamnala ~ouvenirpublication on the occasion of the 2"d NationalGyanmala Conference in Tansen, Palpa in 1996.

Shree Annapurna Gyanmala Bhajan Khalah, 1998.Gyanmala Litur~' group of Asan, Kathmandu

Skilling, Peter. 2002. 'Power, Compassion, Success :Random Remarks on Siamese Buddhist Litu~'.'Apaper presented at LTKBAS Day Conference, 3 July2002.

Walshe, l\Iaurice. 1995. The Long Discourses of theBuddha: A Translation Qf the Digha lVikaya.Kand~': Buddhist Publication Society

Whelpton, ,1. 2005. A History Qf Nepal. Cambridge:CUP

Newah Vijfiana-6

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Appendix I

Out of 237 hymns in the current edition of Gyanmalahymns book I have translated here 11 most' popul arhymns. Out of those eleven hymns five are composedby Theravada monks and the rest by laymen. All elevenhymns are of different themes and context. This shows asan example that what sort of message are there within theGyanmala hymns. These hymns are not able to give exactdate but these are the recent production of the six decadesof Theravada revivalism in \Jepal.

1. Homage to the BuddhaBy Bhikshu Mahapragya

This hymn is an equal to the Pali verses of \"eneratinneoBuddha and taking refuge in the Triple Gem.

Chorus:

Firstly, we are here with devotion to take refuge inthe Buddha, Dharma and Sangha.

Being afraid of the danger of sins here and nowvenerate (to Triple Gem).

If the Buddha would not be compassionate to me Iwill be suffering here and now.

\11' human life is going to be wasted in this worldand will enter into the hell again.

Five Precepts

I will never kill living beings and will not work asstealing.

Oh Lord! I will never commit adultery and sexualdesires again.

I will not speak untruth and drink distilled andfermented liquor.

Oh Teacher! I surely will abstain from these and keepthe precepts.

2. WishesBy Bhikkhu Amritananda

This hymn has a style of praying to the Buddha but ofcourse wi th a Dharmic understanding flavour. Arterwishing things from the Triple Gem, it is interestingto see that the hymn wish for a good king and futur~

Sakya/Buddhist Hymns and... Buddhism in Nepal

development of Buddhism.

Chorus:

o Lord Buddha! Give us an audience,Give refuge to us, the ignorant.

Bless us Lord with Enlightenment,Give us wisdom that benefits the world.

Show compassion to us, the Compassionate One,Give eyes of wisdom to us, the blinds.

By the power of the Buddha may all living beingsbe happy,By the power of the Dharma may we all bepeaceful.

By the power of the Sangha may the loving-kindnessbe grown,

tvlay we be able to devote to the Triple Gemeveryday.

May the King of Nepal be the righteous minded,And be able to make all living beings happyeveryday.

\lay our defilement be ceased with the growth ofdoctrine and discipline.

I beg, Your Lord! i\lay I attain the state of immortality('\i bbana). .

3. Recollection of the BuddhaBy Bhikshu Subodhananda

This hymn informs the audiences about the birthplace of theBuddha as in Lumbini and the place of enlightenment.

Chorus:

Lord Buddha who came to make peace in the world,

We are here to see you wi th the flower of hearts.

You were born in Lumbini to become the Buddha.

I'OU came to give peace to all gods, men and livingbeings. C

You renounced all royal luxuries to search forwisdom.

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You are the Saint \\7ho came to cease the suffering ofall sufferers.

You were the One who was enlightened under theBodhi tree at Buddha Gaya.

You gave the very wisdom to the world, the goodcurrent of peace.

You were the revolutionary who endured in patientto give the peace.

'iou destroyed all violence, untruth, and corruptions.

You were the one who equally showed wisdom ofnon-violence, precepts, and truth.

You were the one \\7ho sho\lved the path of peace tothe suffering people.

4. Good Friends!By Kanchabuddha Vajracharya

This hymn emphasizes on the Buddha's teachings on self­consciousness and impermanency.

Chorus:

Eh! Good friends! Why you are too egocentric inthis impermanent world?

Life is like a dream so give up your pride.

At the end, no body will come with us not mother,not father or brothers.

Nothing is permanent, one day we have to lem'e allwealth, people, happiness, and property.

i\t the time of singing hymn to the feet of the LordBuddha.

Seeing through the mental eyes and recollecting theimpermanent world.

Life becomes ilwaluable when one clears the net ofbecoming and li\es in peace and happiness.Our life is like a gcm so leave the pride.

5. Rahul on the lap of Princess YasodharaBy Cittadhara 'Hridaya'

This hymn depicts the very e\'ent when the Buddha first

24

returned to his hometown after enlightenment and howPrincess Yasodhara described the Buddha to her son,Rahula.

Chorus:

Like the moon amidst the stars,Like the commander of the Dharmic anny,That man preceding the Order of monksBe known, my son, he is your father.Like a fluttering flag in spring breeze,Like a suffusing fragrant of beautiful flower,That man preceding the assembly of monksBe known, my son, he is your father.

Like a sharp point of a spear,Like the mind preceding the senses,That man preceding the group of monksBe known, my son, he is your father.

Like the yoke preceding the wheels,Like the needle preceding the stitch,That man preceding the group of manBe known, my son, he is your father.

Goal of austerity is the supreme Enlightenment,Morality precedes meditation and wisdom,That man preceding all the restBe known, my son, he is your father.

Like the face of patient and compassion,Like the kinsmen of all sufferers,Discloser of the latest and simplest path,Be known, my son, he is your father.

!\ly son, go and beg him with your two hands,'Oh! Great Sage! Give me my share or inheritance.'

Owner of massive gems, wealth, and propertyBe known, my son, he is your father.

6. Mental flameBy Durgalal Shrestha

This hymn is another warning message for self-awakenand be aware of mental defilements.

Chorus:

I neg you, 0 people, do not agitateWhile my mind is blazing with desire.

l"nderstand,O people, do not jump aroundWhile danger and unhappiness chasing you after.

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Abandon, 0 people, the selfishness and prideBe understood, it is suffering even though it lookshappiness.

Learn, 0 people, to live in peace and happiness,By recollecting the Buddha even only for few daysof living.

Like the wheels follow the ox's hoof,Death follows the birth, 0 people.

One day we have to seek refuge from him,o people, although we dislike the death.

7. The light of Wisdom hos Extinguishedi

By Bhikshu Mohoprogyo

This hymn explains about the excellence of Buddhistteachings and how one can appreciate it.

Chorus:

Wind came through the window, the light just wentout.

Oh mother! How shall I close this window,)

The eighteen good human qualities are missing,\Vhile trying to find them, the light just went out.

Exceedingly beautiful, the jewel of understanding islost;

Searching searching, you cannot find it; the light justwent out.

The house of the five elements fie. the human body],it is so beautiful,

It may be beautiful, but it has no grace; the light justwent out.

If there is a window bolt I could hme closed it,But there is no bolt of understanding; the light justwent out.Oh devotees, listen to what the follovvers of theBuddha have said:[Peering out] through the window, thc five senseshave spoilt the mind.

8. Sundori's loveBy Dhormorotno Yomi

Sakya/Buddhist Hymns and... Buddhism in Nepal

This hymn describes about the love of Sundari \vith herfiancee Nanda whom Buddha convinced to ordain as amonk instead of marriage.

Chorus:

I am following Nanda, my beloved and beautiful one,swimming across the ocean of love.I will blissfully ,vear the robe,(after) f10ating this royal garments.

The Well-Gone (Buddha) established the SanghaIn which includes all refugees of the world,Lived in there hoping to cease the sufferingI am going there today holding the alms bowl.

Once I entered there with the wings of eagernessI will try to be free and pure.Reaching there I will be able to cutThe thorn of life with a dhanna knife.

I subdue this sOITowful f1ame with the coolingpreceptsBeing restraint I kill it blissfully.I will keep this cutting wound in my mindJust like the dust from my beloved feet.

Spending daily life happilyIn this royal luxuriesI don't want to die playing the braving musicNeither through listening to tasteful entertainingsongs.

But in a scary graveyard or side rode rest houseIf not in a deep thick jungleTiding once mind in the middle or side groundI die hearing that Nanda attained Arhat.

9. AmbroPoli's WishesBy Ashorom Shokyo

This hymn tells about a part of Ambrapali's life.

Chorus:

I take refuge in Buddha, I take refuge in Dharma, Itake refuge in Sangha.

Be understood, be understood that life IS

impermanent,It is full of craving, ignorance and anger.Casting the net of love and pride I curse myself

o \laster' I am here to take your refuge,

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Burning the mental defilement with the light ofwisdom,

We dedicated our supreme life for others

The truth and non-violence becomes me,After seeing through your teachings,

o l\laster! I take your refuge having distant fromdesire and ignorance.

10. Why Pride?By Abhayananda

The hymn emphasizes on the principle of impermanency

Chorus:

o Mind' don't talk with such a big pride\Vhy there is unnecessary desire just to live for fewdays?

Why such a pride claiming this is mine, this ismine?The king of death chases in no times

Look' This world IS not stable and it IS

impermanent.It is going round and round just like the potter'swheel.

Consider good company and good \\"isdomBe generous and restraint the five senses.

Devotion will cultivate once you have the wisdomHaving devotion you will attain liberation.

Listen, all good men, said by AbhayanandaFinally there is nothing despite what you have done(so far).

11. Remembering the BuddhaBy Samanera Sudorshan

This hymn not only talks about the awakening of theBuddha but also some sense of patriotic feeling amongsingers.

Chorus:

It's dawn, dear friends, let us go to take refuge in theBuddha and Dharma

26

To bring world peace, loving-kindness and unity letus wake up now.

Remembering the Buddha's birth, our sleeping timeis over now,Living in darkness up to now, don't you have to seethe light?

Remembering the Buddha's enlightenment, wake upall \;epalese;don't you need to wake up?Stand on your own feet; you will attain your ownpath of deathlessness.

While we are busy talking He (the Buddha) has died,aren't you going to wake up with understanding?

Appendix II

The following hymns are ancient religious poetries datedas early as 17th century but some of these hymns are alsoincluded in the current Gyanmala hymn book and widelysung in different occasions. These hymns are recorded byLienhard ii in his book Songs of \;epal: An Anthology of\;evar Folksongs and Hymns.

1. Buddha descends to lumbini

The Bodhisattva passes from his abode in the TusitaHeaven, in order to be reborn as Gautama Buddha, andGods and Lokapalas hasten to pay him respect. The songwas composed inA.D. 1865 during the reign of Surendra\'ira Vihrama Saha (A.D. 1847-1881)

Homage to the venerable Buddha is arriving at thegrO\e of Lumbini.

He arrives and causes Brahma to sweep the groundbefore him; Sarasvati to spread a carpet; Kubera,the king of the town of Alankapuri, to throw aboutmoney and wealth;

And causes the God Vayu to ny his fan; the god Agnito burn incense, the king of the 'Jagas, Varuna, tomake streams of water now;

i\Jahadeva to beat his drum; 'Jarayana to blow hisconch; ICing Yama to take his staff in hand and clearthe way;

Indra holds "U1 umbrella over him; crowd of monksto fan him wilh chowries (whisk made of Yak's tail);heaven to rain a shower of nowers. He arrives withfeelings of joy

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He arrives, borne by Sesanaga, together with ~airrta,

Jnanakara and others, and accepts their worship.

This song was composed in the year 'forest-elephant­jewel' (i.e 1865) when the glorious Surendra wasKing The singer, a poor man, says: I take refuge in theTeacher.

2. Buddho Sokyomuni

A song, describing the beauty and the virtues of BuddhaSakyamuni, composed during the reign of Srinivasa!\1alla of Patan (A.D. 1681-1(84) V. 4 probably alludes toBuddha's meditation before attaining enlightenment andto his temptation by Mara.

\"lost beautiful is the son of ivlaya Devi. He protectsthe universe.

Golden is his complexion and infatuating are theauspicious marks on hi s body; and extremely fittingis his ochre robe.

His eyes shine like lotus petals. He is beautiful, he,the Lord with curly hair.

He delights in doing good to others, making happywhosoe\'er has been miserable.

When thousands of beautiful women came to theplace where he practiced Yoga and meditation, hemade them fail in their attempt to distract him by thepower of his lo\·e.He has no longing for worldly things. He alwaysremains serene. He has attained the highest path ofenl ightenm ent.

Srinivasa \"lalla, king of Nepal, is the hope of thedistressed people in this \vorld.

3. Siddhortho Goutomo oddressesYosodhoro

Siddhartha Gautama addresses his wife Yasodhara beforeleaving home. The song was composed by AmritanandaPandit, a Sakyabhikshu by birth, who, because of hisoutstanding knowledge, was later promoted to the rank ofv.ajracarya. Amritananda is also known to have written thecontinuation of Asvaghosa's Buddhacarit<L He assistedB.H. Hodgson in his research-work on Nepal The songwas composed in A.D. 1832

You sllOuld not feel sorrow, '{asodhara. In adversityit helps to be composed.

Sokyo/Buddhist Hymns ond... Buddhism in Nepal

Intending to eliminate dying, being born, growingold, and sickness, I am nm\" leaving home and shallattain knowledge.

I shall fri ghten the hosts of \1ara. I shall kill the Ego­maker, and shall destroy all the sufferings of thisworld.

I shall come again in time. Sons I shall make monks,and then speak about dhanna.

In order to close the path of evil, I shall lead thepeople to the path of dharma. I shall rejoice in thecity of salvation.

Let us now see the year of the Nepal Era which is,let us say, 'eye-arrow-opening.' One may forgive thefaults (made) by the speaker.

4. Yosodhoro

Yasodhara, Siddhartha Gautanla's wife, here speaks to afemale friend, expressing her apprehensions after Gautamahas left home and entered upon the religious life. Thissong, too, was composed by Amritananda Pandit.

Oh fricnd: how will my Lord remember me'!

He is the jewel of the noble race of the Sakyas.He is the Lord of the three worlds. In this world thereis no wise man like him.

He may see their beautiful bodies, and, while looking,hi s mind may be attracted.He may sit in the company of the heavenly maidens.

I have become his royal consort, I am pregnant andmiserable.This life of mine, a sinful woman - how is it to besaved?

I, the singer, am an ignorant person. He is the Lordof all bliss.The numbers 'forest-suffering-ocean' will reveal theyear.

References:

'Tmnslated b~' David Gellner see Gellner 2004.

" Ibid. Lienhard 1992

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NevvarClassifiersA Summary of the Literature

Gwendolyn HyslopUniversity of [email protected]

••

Classifiers have been the focus of many studies in modernlinguistics, especially over the last 30 years, the currentinterest perhaps piqued by Greenberg (1972). Craig(1986) seems to be the beginning of examining classifiersin terms of typology, follovved up in Craig (2000) andAikhemeld (2000). The remainder of this section isdrawn exclusively from Aikhenveld (2000).

Not all languages of the world use classifiers, but thosethat do tend to be in geographic proximity to otherlanguages with classifiers. Languages can employ manytypes of classifiers, including noun classifiers, numeralclassifiers, classifiers in possessive constructions, v·erbalclassifiers, ,Old locative and deictic classifiers, all of whichare distinguished from a noun class or gender system ofthe Bantu (noun class) or Indo-Aryan (gender) type, forexample.

Noun classi fiers help to distinguish nouns in a noun phraseand are defined primarily by the fact that their presenceis independent of any outside constituent. Further, thechoice of the classifier is based on semantics and onenoun may take different classifiers depending on fluidpragmatic semantic notions. lvlore than one noun classi fiercan co-occur in the noun phrase, and they can be used,maphorically Finally, the size of the inventory can varyfrom a relatively small, closed set, to one that is largerand fairly open. Noun classifiers hme been observed inAustralian and Mesoamerican languages. The data in (1­2) below, drawn from Craig (1986b:264) illustrate nounclassi/lers in Jacaltec.

1.0 Introduction 1

The primary goal of this paperis toillustrate the classifyingsystem in Kathmandu Newar. To do so, I will review theprevious studies devoted to Newar classifiers and add myown observations or comments, based on data receivedfrom a Newar consultant"- I will summarize at the endor the paper and discuss how Newar clm:sifiers fit thetypology described by Aikhel1\ald (2000). ".:amely, I willconclude that Kathmandu Newar has a numeral classifiersystem consisting of roughly twenty general classi/lers, aswell as some unique classifiers (used somewhat arbitrarilyfor onl y one lexical item) and 'repeaters' or 'reduplicati ve'classifiers. ".:ewar classifiers are used primarily innumerical noun phrases, but I will show that the domainin which they are used is somewhat broader than this.Thus the system falls into what Aikhemald (2000) refersto as a mUltiple classifier language. This study will alsonecessarily briefly mention two related systems: one thatperhaps could fall under the category gender, and anotherthat has been described as one of verbal classi/lers. Thefonner seems intricately tied to the system of numeralclassification, while the latter is completely disparate.

2.0 Background

2.1 Newar

Nevv·ar is a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Nepal,primarily in the Kathmandu valley, by approximately690,000 speakers (Hargreaves 2(03). Of the roughly tendialects of Newar (Shakya 2(00), Kathmandu Newaris often considered the 'standard'; however, even thisexhibits much variation and has not been standardized(Genetti 1992). The placement of Newar in within Tibeto­Burman has been controv·ersial, although it seems mostsources agrec it falls within Bodic.

2.2 Classiflers

(1) caj telred XCL

'The tomato is ripe'

tahnajripe

L'pixtomato

28 Newoh Viiiiono-6

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NCL pig that

'The woman saw that otle pig o.fmine'

(2) xiI ix ix hune7 hin

n07 IXitam tu7

saw NCL woman one my

.'!umeral classifiers are the most recognized type ofclassifier, found canonically in languages of East andSoutheast Asia. "ewar, like other languages in thearea, employs a system (albeit expanded) of numeralclassifiers. Numeral classifiers appear next to the numeralinside a quantified noun phrase. The choice of classifieris predominantly based on semantics, and it is often thecase that different speakers use different classifiers forthe same noun, as is ill ustrated in Inoue (2000). In herstudy on Japanese classifiers, Inoue found that speakerswho had lived outside of Japan for an extended period oftime had different classifiers than those who had not leftJapanese culture. A final property of numeral classifiers isthat not every noun need be associated with a classifier.The Yagua data in (3-4) illustrate numeral classifiers(Payne 1997108).

(3)

(4)

tiil-kii' vaturu

l-cLS woman (married)

'one married woman'

tii1-see vaada

l-cL) egg

'one egg'

the noun phrase. They characterize a referent in termsof semantics. often based on the familiar notions ofshape, size, consistency, structure, and animacy. Theyalways refer to an argument in the predicate, usuallyan S argument in an intransitive, or an 0 argument of atransitive predicate. The number of verbal classifiers ina given language can vary from two to perhaps close toone hundred. Languages vvith verbal classifiers are foundprimarily in "orth America, Australia, South America,and are extremely widespread in Papua Nevv Guinea.The data in (6-7) illustrate verbal classifiers in ~layali

(Australian: Evans 19% in Aikhenveld 2000:5).

(6) ga-yaw-garrm-e al-daluk

3/3-GEN.CL:BABY-have-NPCL11-woman

'she has a babY girl'

(7) ga-rrulk-di an-duballg3NP-GEN.CL:TREE-stand(NP) CL111-ironwood.tree

An iromvood tree is there' (lit. a tree-is there

an ironwoodtree)

Locative classifiers are found only in locati ve nounphrases and are chosen based on properties of shape,dimensionality and boundedness of the head noun, butinterestingly, not animacy. This type of classifier is rare;the only examples Aikhenveld gives arc from the SouthAmerican languages Palikur, Lokono, Carib and Dilw. Anexample of the phenomenon in Palikur is shown below in(8) (Aikhenveld 2000: 173).

(8) piS keh paha-t

arab pi-H'an mill

2sG make one-NU.\l.CLTERT shield

2sc-arm 011.\'ERT

'You make a shield on your arm'

The final type of classifying system Aikhenveld addressesis one of deictic classifiers. They occur obligatorily withdeictic elements such as demonstratives and articles. Theyare chosen based on the familiar properties of shape, size,cmimacy, and also position in space. Deictic classi1jershave been reported in the American languages within theEskimo, Yuchi, Siouan, and Guaicuruan families. Deicticclassifiers can appear on the noun itself, or fused to thedemonstrative, as in the case of Eskimo. Citing Vidal(1997), Aikhenveld (2000:180) gi\es the examples in(9-10) to illustrate deictic classifiers. The classifier da7

gives a rertical orientation to the noun it precedes, andl1i7 provides a 'sitting, non-extended' orientation to itsfollowing nouns.

A third category Aikhemeld (2000) discusses IS

categorization in possessive constructions. In such aconstruction, the possessed noun can be categorized, thesemantic nature between the possessed and the possessorcan be categorized, or the possessor can be categorized,all of which are relatively independent of each other. Thec1assiijers characterize the noun in terms of semantics,such as animacy, shape, size cmd structure. They are notfound outside the possessiv'e noun phrase, and everynoun in the language will not necessarily take a classifier.Languages that use classifIers in possessive constructionsare found in "orth America, South America, Oceania,and Microneisa, but not in Eurasia or Australia. Somelanguages with multiple classifying systems also reportclassifiers in possessive constructions, such as Hmongand other related languages (Hyslop ms and '\ikhemeld2000: 147), cmd Newar. An cxample of a possessiveclassifier is shown below in (5) (Aikhemeld 2000:128).

(5) y-uku-n wane

1SG-CL:LlQUID-GN honey

'my honey (mixed with water for drinking)'

\'crbal classifiers are found on the v'erb, rather than 111

Hyslop/Newar Classifiers .....

(9) da7 siYal1'a

da7 ganaat

DEIC.CL.TERT person

di-kiyana-a

3SG-eat-OBJ.AGR

29

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DElC.CL.TERT knife'That person (standing) is eating somethingwith a knife' (i.e. He/she shows the knifewhich is in a 'v'erUde position)

The 'particulates' to which Hale and Shresthacharya referare exemplified by the English 'grain of sand' and 'bladeof grass'. They give the data in (13) as an example fromNewar (1973: 3)

(10) ni7 siyaq netaweni7 emekCL:NOX.Exr animal LOCCL:NON.EXT house'The animal is imide the house'

(13) la: cha-phutiwater one-drop'a drop of water '

3.1 Hole and Shresthochoryo

3.0 Newar Classifiers - PreviousStudies

In their study, Hale and Shresthacharya (1973) take eachone of Greenberg's implicational universals for classifiersand consider its relevancy for l\ewar. According toGreenberg, a classier language must have 'non-unitcounters'. Hale and Shresthacharya demonstrate thiswith data such as shown in (11) below, e.g. (Hale andShresthacharya 1973:2).

Classifiers in Newar have been the focus of a number ofstudies. The first study of which I am a\vare is Hale andShresthacharya's (1973) article which used Greenberg's(1972) criteria to ascertain that l':ewar indeed utilizesnoun classifiers. Since their paper, a small numberof subsequent studies have appeared, adding to theobservations that Hale and Shresthacharya made. A fewhave offered different analyses or broadened the term'classifier' to cover separate phenomenon. I will takeeach study in turn, concluding with the most recent studyShakya (1997).

(1.:1) kapa: eha-sa:doth one-bolt'a bolt ofdoth'

Hale and Shresthacharya show how Newar fares withregard to each of these criteria

According to Greenberg (J 972), true classifiers willpossess the following characteristics:

A classifier must be used when counting, as shown in(15).

(a) They are overt expressions ofunit counting.(b) Thev are used with rejerence to structured units

which are normally eoull1ed as individuals.(c) They impose a semantic classification upon the

head noun.(d) Theyjimction as individuali::,ers oja head which

is indeterminate jor number(e) Thev have no realitv outside oj the numeral

e.1pression

Hale and Shresthacharya also consider Greenberg's'measure constructions' in terms of l\ewar. ~deasuresdiffer from the previously discussed constructions in thatmeasures themselves do not have a 'reality apart from thenumeral and noun head' (Hale and Shresthacharya] 973:3).They use 'ounce' as opposed to 'apple' to illustrate thedifference. Such a construction is demonstrated by theNevvar data below.

cha-paone-stack

(11) saphuubook'a stack ofbooks ,

meat one-piece'a piece ofmeat'

Greenberg also noted that no classifier language wouldlack 'quasi-unit counters' and that among these 'counters'are two types: those naming countable units lacking inwholeness, and those which 'function as particulates'(Hale and Shresthacharya ]973:2) English examplesgi'v'en by Hale and Shresthacharya are 'slice of bread','piece of meat' and 'sheet of paper' , where 'slice', 'piece'and 'sheet' are examples of the former (units lackingwholeness). A Newar exanlple of the former is illustratedbelow in (12) (Hale and Shrcsthacharya 1973:3)

(12) 10 cha-kuu

(15) ehe cha-khahouse One-CL:HOUSE'one house'

* checha

The semantics of the data in (15) exemplify the secondpoint listed by Greenberg. That is, the nature of a 'house'is a whole, countable, individual entity. A structured unitaccording to Hale and Shresthacharya (1973) is definedm; something that, once broken in half, is not seen as twounits, but rather one (broken).

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Greenberg's third criterion IS exemplified by ahomophonous set which is disambiguated by separateclassifiers. This is shown in (16) and (17) in which theclassifier imposes a sense of 'roundness' for 'earthen pot'(16) or 'animateness' for 'woman dvvarf'.

activity, state, miscellaneous gu, round, container, housepart ga, gwa3

, flat, paired pa, long, thin, literary form pu,flower shaped phwa and circular ca. ) They also identify atotal of 31 4 idiomatic classifiers, which consist of uniqueand reduplicative classifiers for a combined total of 38classifiers.

(16)

(17)

bhega:earthen.pot'one earthen pot'

bhutulvomall.dwarf'one woman dwarf'

e!la-ga:one-CL:ROUND

cha-mhaone-CL:AJI!!i\IATE

Unique classifiers are defined as being used for one andonly one noun, l-lale and Shresthacharya identify thefollowing unique classifiers and their heads: duwa forlukha 'gate', kha for che 'house', ku for gha: 'wound',p11'a: for mata 'lamp', ta for mari 'pastry'S tha6 for puja'worship' and thu for bana 'arrow".

(19) la-chi

CL:AI0NTJ-I-Olle'one month'

Newar also exhibits quantified NPs in which the headnoun is not present, for example (Hale and Shresthacharya1973:20):

The largest section of classifiers identified by Hale andShresthacharya are what they refer to as 'reduplicative'classifiers, or in Aikhenvald's (2000) terminology'repeaters'. Table One below ill ustrates the Newarrepeaters identified by Hale and Shresthacharya. It remainsunknown why each of these nouns is not classified by oneof the established classifiers.

The fourth point Greenberg named is that the classifierwill individualize a head noun which would otherwisebe indeterminate for number. Thus the data in (18)are completely acceptable (Hale and Shresthacharya19738)

(18) ji saphuu nvae ma du1 [gen] book buy need is'I have 10 buy book [one or many]

For the final point Hale and Shresthacharya note that onlyone classifier is also used outside of the classiJier phrase;mha, in addition to being the classifier for animate beings,it also means 'body'. The remaining 37 pose no problem,and, as we shall see, mha turns out to be exceptional inmore ways than just this apparent polysemy.

Once establishing the presence of the classifying systemHale and Shresthacharya identify seven semantic classesof true classifiers (animate mha, geographic feature,

(20) cha-Ilhuolle-CL:DA]''one day'

Table One: Repeaters (adapted from Hale and Shresthacharya1973:12,18)

REPEATER REPEATER REPEATERbali 'field' phaa 'window sill' kfl: comer

dhwa: 'line' pll nipple ma 'plant'

ha: 'leaf' pu 'seed' mwa sari'

khala 'association putu 'tie string' palastep

khwae 'footprint' - 'hole pat! 'Jinger'pwaa

Hyslop/Newar Classifiers" ... 31

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came-CL.'AVIM person'the person who came'

(23) l1'a dha:-gu khii

3RD.ERG say- CL:ISA,S COP·the topic about which she spoke'

(21) da-chi

CL: rEAR-One'one year'

Another observation made by Hale and Shresthacharyais concerning the broad uses of gu and mha, describedin the paper as the miscellaneous inanimate classifierand the animate classifier, respectively Aside from theexpected uses of gu and mha as a classifier in numeralnoun phrases, the authors show how both can be used asrelativizers (the authors use the term 'adjectival marker')as shown in the data below. i'\ote that when mha is used in(22) it provides the reference for a person while when gu

is used the referent is inanimate (Hale and Shresthacharya197312-13).

chehouse

(26) cha-kha

One-CL.'HOUSE'one house'

3.2 Mollo

To summarize, this first consideration of Newar classifiersdescribes 38 'true' classifiers based on Greenberg's (1972)criteria. Six of these classifiers are based on the semanticproperties of animacy, roundness, two-dimensionality,long thinness, flower-shaped and circular with a se\'enthgeneric inanimate classifier that has the broadest semanticrange. Hale and Shresthacharya also identified sevenunique classifiers, which sen'e to classify only one nouneach, and 2-+ repeaters, or nouns that classify themselvesin quantifiable expressions. Classifiers referring to timewere illustrated in noun phrases lacking heads, and withinthese data we were also shown a unique constructionwith chi serving as the numeral 'one' (rather than cha)

and following the classifier rather than preceding it. Theclassifier and noun are always juxtaposed, although it isJXJSsible to have the noun occur before the numeral andclassifier. Generally i'\ewar classifiers are reported onlyin quantified noun phrases, although gu and mha wereshown to have a greater functional load,

Finally, all the examples I have shown are in the ordernoun-numera1-classifier, with the exception of instanceswith chi, in which the numeral follows the classifier.Hale and Shresthacharya point out that another order isalso possible. The data in (26) show the order numeral­classifier-noun (Hale and Shresthacharya 1973:21).

Hale and Shresthacharya report that speakers differ widelywith regard to the acceptability of such constructions. Myconsultant reports (25) is perfectly acceptable and thatit will be used in the instance when the speaker knO\vsto which house they are referring, while (2-+) is reservedfor more general instances in which the speaker does nothave a specific house in mind.

manu(22) wa:8-mha

There are two additional points of interest in the data(19-21). First, the lack of a head noun begs the alternateinterpretation that these expressions are actually quantified~Ps lacking classifiers. T'sou (1976) notes that units oftime are similar to units of weight, volume, distance, etc,which are themselves 'classifiers'. The second point ofinterest is the difference between (19) and (21) and (20).Note that in (19) and (21) the number follows the classifierand appears m; chi, rather than chao The reasons for thisare unknown. Hale and Shresthacharya do not address it,and my attempts at explanation have been fruitless. In ADictionary of Classical Newari (ed. !\lalla) both chaguand chi are translated as 'one'. An additional entry forchi (alternate chim) defines it as a 'suffix denoting unit,similarity, etc' (2000 133).This is not the only occurrenceof this construction, but no further attempt to understandit will be made in this article

A further point of divergence for gu from the remainderof the inanimate classifiers is the fact that gu can beused in place of othcr classifiers and this use onlyslightly changes the semantics. This is exemplified bythe data below (Hale and Shresthacharya 1973:1-+).

In 1985 Kamal P MalIa published The 'Newmi Language:A working outline' in which he briefly discusses theclassifier system. His definition of true classifiers is asfollows:

(24) che cha-kha

house One-CL.'HOUSE'one house'

(25) che cha-gu

house one-CL:JSAN'a certain house'

'overt expressions of unit counting; they are usedwith reference to structured units which are normallycounted as individuals. They impose a semanticclassification upon the head noun. They function asindividualizers of a head which is indeterminate fornum bel' They ha\'C no reality outside the numericalconstructi on.' (p5-t).

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to the list of numeral classifiers, expand on the contextsof use and elaborate on gu and mha. I will address thenumeral classifiers here but will not examine the verbalclassifiers.

Semantically similar to pu, (long and thin objects) theye\:amine twa: and ha:. The semantics of these are similarto pu, although based on the translations these could beseen as measures instead, perhaps akin to English 'stick',as in 'a stick of butter'. The authors do not give examplesof each used with the same noun, but my consultantsupplied the following data.

In addition to the more common classifiers identifiedby Hale and Shresthacharya ('1973) and MalIa ('1985)Bhaskarao and Joshi propose 1-+ additional semanticclassi fiers. They maintain mha, gu, pu, plnva, ca, gwa and

pa, noting that the semantic contexts of mha are e\:tendedto dolls and other non-animate items resembling animate

form. The classifiers they add, twa:, ha:, ka, ta" thi,pwa:,ku, pa:, pata, phuti, ma, dhwa:, will be taken in turn.

He identifies 29 true classifiers, only nine of which imposea semantic classification. Like Hale and Shresthacharyahe includes mha, gu, ga, pa, pu and ca: which correspondto the semantic fields defined by Hale and Shresthacharya.The classifierpa: is added and !'dalla includes it withpa incategorizing tvvo-dimensional or paired objects. It is notclear if the two are completely interchangeable. Instead

of gwa, .\1alla includes go but does not elaborate on thedistinction nor show data with go. The final deviation from

the 1973 study is the use of pho in place of phwa. Theselast two deviations seem likely due to either orthographicconventions of the authors or slight phonologicaldifferences between the subjects of the study. Thus, inthis study no new semantic fields are introduced amongstthe true classifiers9 !'dalla also recognizes the same sevenunique and the same 25 repeater classifIers as Hale andShresthacharya, the only difference being rather than pwaand pwaa .\'Ialla lists pwa and po.

In a more notable deviation from the previous analysis,\lalla notes that 'all reduplicated quantifiers are alsopotentially direct quantifiers they can be quantifiedwithout reduplication' ('1985:56). The data he uses toillustrate this are shown below.

(27) cha ha:one leaf'one leaf'

(28) cha dho:one line'olle line'

(3OJ cha-puone-CL:LOSG OBJECTS'one candle'

(31) cha-ha:kaone-('L.·LONG .PIECE'one piece ofcandle'

*cha-ha:

maincandle

maincandle

main

(29) cha balione harvest'one harvestlfield'

This obsenation poses further evaluation of the system.Indeed, my consultant concurs with \'Ialla, and in fact,states that many of the 'repeaters' must be directlyquantified, rather than be repeated with the classifierThe potential rationale and ramifications of this shall bespeCUlation upon in section four.

Thus to summarize, l\'Ialla adds one classifieLpa:, whichis used in the same semantic domain as pa, and notes thatnouns classified with repeaters may occur on their own,without the classifier

3.3 Bhoskoraro ond Joshi (1985)

(32) cha-twa: mainone-CL:LONGER.PIECE candle'olle longer piece of calldle'

As shown in (31), the construction is ungrammatical withha: alone modifying the noun. The meaning of kha isunclear and Bhaskararo and Joshi do not mention it Theydo supply an e\:ample with ha:, howev'er, shown belowin (33)

(33) ni-Iza sukatwo- CL:LONG.PIECE thread'two longer pieces o.fthread'

Similar to the above Bhaskararao and Joshi also brieflydiscuss tu, which is used with 'nouns denoting strands ofthreads that constitute a thicker thread' (1985:26). The

e\:ample they give follows below in (3"+).

In their study Bhaskararao and Joshi make a number ofnew obsen·ations. The first section is devoted to what theycall verbal classifiers, which is the first and only studyof these morphemes of which I am aware. They also add

Hyslop/Newar Classifiers, ....

(3..1) ni-tutWO-CL:THREAD·twofine threads'

ka(tu)thread

33

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(35) jhi-ka lhaten-CLKA hand'ten hands'

According to Bhaskararo and Joshi pwa: is used for 'softpackets', such as breasts or gall bladders, as shown in (36)(1985:22)

One classifier ha<; a particularly limited use. ka is with lli'short path', .1'1 'piece of firewood' and lha 'hand' but theuse with this latter is restricted to contexts when denotinghands of a many-handed deity. In other contexts lho usesthe classifier pa reserved for items occurring in pairs. Forexample (1985:26):

It is not obvious that there is a shared semantic sensebetween these three, nor do Bhaskararao and Joshi mentiona motivation; however, the Newar-English Dictionary(\lanandhar 1986) lists ka as being the classifier for'long, thin objects' (27), and if 'hands' are imagined in thecontext of connected to anns of a deity (who often havemultiple arms), the semantics described in the dictionarycould hold.

Bhaskararao and Joshi discuss only two repeaters: pi andphi, which were not mentioned by Hale and Shresthacharyaor 'dalla. For large kni ves and trowels pi is used while phiis used for 'brooms'. Other than the straightforward khafor 'house' , they also mention one unique classifier, ma:,which is used for garlands. Note that a number of Haleand Shresthacharya's unique classifiers fall into semanticcategories for Bhaskararao and Joshi. In addition to theabove-mentioned dhwa: and pwa:, ku: and ta also have adefinable semantic domain.

For small spots pata and phuti are used, When referringto small round marks, or spots, such as sina: 'vermillionmark', chap 'sandal paste mark' or sUra 'decorativecircular piece stitched on a sari' pata will be used. Theonly instance of phuti given by the authors is with da:g'spot' (which also takes pata as a classifier).

Other classifiers that are also reserved for a smaller set ofitems include ":u, for bodily wounds, dhwa:, for lines andpwa:/hwa: for holes (for Hale and Shresthacharya dhwa:and pwa: were considered repeaters). Amongst this latterpair the main difference is that pwa: can be used for naturalholes, such as nostrils, while hl1'a: cannot. Interestingly,the apparent phonological and semantic similaritybetween pwa: and pwa: should be noted, The former hasbeen attributed to 'soft packets', but data suggest it couldalso be attributed to round objects. The latter is attributedto 'holes', 'which tend to be by defmition also round, As Iwill show later, to further complicate the situation, pwa:is considered a unique classifier for 'light'.

As noted in previous studies classifiers are used innumeral noun phrases. Bhaskararao and Joshi point outthat there are some numeral expressions in which theclassifier is omitted. Numerals larger than those whichinherently seem to refer to uncountable units optionallytake the classifier. Thus numerals such as 200 or 1,000will optionally employ the classifier, as shown in (38) and(39) (Bhaskararao and Joshi 1985:20).

duru-pwa:milk-packet

ni-pwa:tWO-CL:SOFT.P'lCKETS

.two breasts'

(36)

Another set of classifiers distinguish items falling intoa sort of group. According to Bhaskararao and Joshi thi'stands for the number of types in a given group' whileIa 'stands for the total number of tokens in that group'(1985:26) The authors illustrate with a scenario in whichfive sweets constitute a group. Two of the sweets are ofone type while three are of another. Counting the fiveitems would invoke the classifier ta while counting thenumber of types (two) would invoke the classifier thi.The Newar-English Dictionary defines ta as being theclassifier exclusively for mari, or pastries, or as a 'quasi­classifier1o' for 'kinds, patterns' and thi as 'kind' or 'class(1986:89,102)

This classifier also shows up with 'button' in their paper(adapted from 1985: 19).

(37) ni-phwaJJ

tWO-CL:SOFT.P'lCI:ETS

'two buttons'

tidbutton

(38) 200

ni-sa: (-mha)two-hundred (CLAXIM)'two hundred cows'

(39) 2(XXJ

sacow

For Bhaskararao and Joshi pa: is a homophonous classifier,disparate from pa. In one sense pa: is used for salientlytwo-dimensional objects which are not edible, such as'sheet of paper', or 'mirror'. In the other sense pa: is usedonly for 'preparations of clay. No further explication isgi\'en regarding this former sense.

ni-dwa: (-mha) satwo-thousand (-CL:.4J....IM) cow'two thousand cows'

~1y consultant prefers these data without the mha,however.

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Interestingly, numerals such as 201, 2002, etc. require aclassifier. This seems likely due to the fact that 101 seemsinherently more countable than 100 or 1,000. This isillustrated in (40) and (41) below.

(-10) 201

(-16) Ili-phwa:tWO-CL·two buttons'

(47) ni-mhaTwo -C!,: !\1\fIlvJ

'Two horses'

ta.:k(phwA)button(cL!

sala

horse

ni-sa:-11'a-cha-mha sa

tl1'o-hundred-and-one-CLANh\l cow·two hundred and olle cows'

*lli-sA-wa-chA sa

(-11) 2002

ni-dwa-wa-Ili-mha sa

two-thousand-aTzd-tH'o-CL:ANIM cow·two thousand and two cows'

*lli-d11'a-11'a-ni sa

In addition to within numeral noun phrases, Bhaskararaoand Joshi point out that l\:ewar classifiers also occur inadjectival noun phrases and with demonstrati\'e andinterrogati\'e noun phrases. Some data they give areshown belo\\' (198: 21 )

(-12) thwa:-ma Sll'a

that.many-cL:pL.·cNT plam·this many plants'

(43) gwa:-pa: lapteh011'.manv-cL:2D leaf'how manv leaves?'

(-1-1) ta:-rhi-mha sa

big-height-cL:.WI,lf cow'a tall cow'

(45) ta:-Ja:-gu almari

big-height-cL:INAN cupboard'a tall cupboard'

The difference between mha and gu, on the one hand,and the other classifiers, on the other hand is noted byBhaskararao and Joshi. Specifically they note that whilesome nominal classifiers can be reduplicated after thenoun, doing so with mha or gu changes the meaning.They can also sene to nominalize (called 'pronominalsuffixes') and are used in conj unction with other classi tlersin some instances. The data in (46-48) illustrate this tlrstpoint. Namely note that in (46) the classifier pwa: appearsto be optional, while the repetition of the classifier in (48).changes the meaning of the phrase.

Hyslop/Newar Classifiers, ....

(-18) Ili-mha sala-mha

tWO-CL:ANIAf lzorse-bod\'

'Two bodies of dead horses'

My consultant agrees with the distinction bet\veen(47) and (48) but for her (46) is unacceptable when theclassifier is repeated following the noun.

Nominalization with gu and mha is shown by the data in(49) and (50). Note that an adjective or a verb can attachto both, and that gu provides the sense of inanimacy whilemha denotes animacy.

(-19) Izaku 'black'

haJ.:u-mha

haJ..7.I-gu

black-cL:.4.NIlvfblack-cL.'IN.4N.the black one (animaTe) .

·the black aile (inanimate)'

(50) wa- 'come'

wa:-mha11'a:-gu

come. CL.'l.l....I.\fcome- CL:INAV'The one who came (animate)'·the one who came (illallimaTe)'

In some adjecti\al, demonstrative or interrogative nounphrases mha and gu can co-occur wi th the other classi fiers.See for example the data belov\'o

(51) ta:-pa-gu mari

big-cL:2D-CL:IX4A bread'big bread'

(52) Apae-kha-gu che

Tlzat.big-CL:HOUSE-CL:IV.'LV house'house That big'

(53) gapae-ma-gu ghaeh011',big-CLPLANT-CL:IN.'L\· grass'how big grass'

(5-1) ni-mha-mlw maca

35

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tWO-CL:AF1J,lf-CL:AXIAf

'the secolld child'

child 'There are two pots here'

3.5 Shokyo (1997)

item 0IlC-CL.'ITEl4'one item'

(57) ho cha-ha

hole OnC-CL.'HOLE'olle hole'

(56) cha-galae la: duone-CL.'ROUND,LOC liquid!2 COP

'111 one oj them there is water'

eha-fa(58) ta

Like the previous studies he lists a number of repeatersincluding ho 'hole' ,pwa:, 'hole', gau 'ankle', dho: 'line',ma: 'garland' ,pu 'bead' , ta 'item' and sa: 'sound'. Shakyagives the following examples, anlOngst others (1997:8):

Among the 'specific' classifiers, Shakya lists theestablished pu, pa, ga:, gwa, pwa:, phwa: but does notmention ca: (for rings). Like Bhaskararao and Joshi healso includes twa:, used for a section of a long object ora long, folded object. Shakya also introduces a numberof classifiers not previously discussed in the literature:tim: for hollow items, dhi for frozen objects, tya: for solidcylindrical items, gwara for large solid spheres, dhii forsolids without a particular shape and dha: for circularshapes of liquid.

Aware of the distinction clearly noted in Bhaskararaoand Joshi (1985) between gu and mha on the one hand,and the other nominal classifiers, on the other, Shakya(1997) begins his study on l"ewar classifiers by notingtwo categories of classifiers in Newar, which he labels'general', which refer to gu and mha and 'specific',referring to the others.

~ewar classifiers, like nouns, are marked for nominative,agentive, associative, dative and genitive case. Ablativeand locative forms often show old finals which havebeen lost elsewhere in the l<mguage. For details on case­marking in Newar see Shakya (1992), Genetti (1990),Hale (1985), DeLancey (ms), etc.

Thus, this work provides a brief and concise accountof the system, including a coherent illustration of case­marking on the classifiers.

3.4 Hole (1986)

ClassifIers are suffixed to numerals and this constituentcan occur either preceding or following the noun, althoughthe tendency is for the noun to precede. Hale points outthat their syntactic domain is slightly expanded fromnumeral expressions to include a variety of quantifyingexpressions, as Bhaskararao and Joshi (1985) also noted.What Hale (1986) adds to the study, however, is theobservation that in terms of form, classifiers are somewhatnoun-like in that they inflect for case. The data in (55) and(56) illustrate the classifier ga: being inflected for locativecase (Hale 1986: xxxi v).

Thirteen years later on his own, Hale inclUdes a concisedescription of the classifying system in his User's Guideto the Newari-English Dictionarv (?\lanandhar 1986).

In sum, this paper expands considerably on the previousstudies, although it seems to be cited much less thanHale and Shresthacharya (1973). Bhaskararao andJoshi identified a larger number of classifier, includingunique and repeater classifiers. They describe anextended syntactic environment for these classifiers.They demonstrate how classifiers are not used in allnumeral expressions, but rather when the number seemsinherently less countable. Further, the classifiers arefound in adjectival, demonstrative and interrogativeexpressions. Bhaskararao and Joshi also elaborate on theincreased functions of gu and mha, showing how they canfunction as relativzers and co-occur with other classifiers(including themselves) in noun phrases. Finally, theclassifiers Bhaskararao and Joshi have added deservefurther ilWestigation in another study. The extent to whichtheir classifiers are actually measure terms is unclear.Some of the semantics in the translations indicate theyare a type of measure (see T'sou (1976), for example).Because the situation is unresolved, I will include onlythe reported classifiers with straightforward semantics inthe index.

Bhaskararao and Joshi refer the second classifier (gu ormha) as 'connectors', following Hale (1970) but do notfurther elaborate on them. For my consul tant, they prm idea sense of speci ficity. \Vithout the second classifier thephrase would refer to a general or perhaps abstractoccurrence of the noun, while the addition of either mha

or gu indicates the speaker has a specific instantiation ofthe noun in mind.

(55) thala

pot

lIi-ga:tWO-CL:ROUND

ana

here

du

COP

Like the preVIOUS instances with 'repeaters', myown consultant tells me the data in (57) and (58) areungrammatical with the head noun.

36 Newah Vi;fiano-6

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As Shakya notes, the data in (62-66) serve to cementthe notion that mha and gu differ from the remainingclassifiers, at least in some contexts.

Like Bhaskararao and Joshi, Shakya notes that theclassifiers gu and mha can occur with adjectives in non­count noun phrases. He further notes that wi thout thecorresponding classifier the adjecti\'al noun phrase isungrammatical, as shown by the difference in (59) and(60) below.

(66) ta-kha-gu chebi g-CL: HOUSE-CL: Il\AN

'three big houses'

s\va-khathree-cL: HOUSE

Shakya also notes the interesting observation that innumeral noun phrases containing an adjective the classillerwill be used twice. For example consider (61) and (62).

~ote that the classifier attached to the numeral in both(61) and (62) is the one expected based on the semanticproperties of each, while gu is afllxed to the adjective inboth instances.

~ly consultant disagrees with this analysis, however. Forher, (60) is acceptable in the context when discussingblack men in general. When referring to a specific blackman (59) must be used.

(62) thike-gu bhtie.\pensiVe-CL:IN.1M paperfour e.\pensivc papers'

(67) john-ya-mha kaeJohn-cEN-cL:.-'cWA! son'John's son'

(68) john-va kaeJohn-cEx son'John's SOIl'

(69) jolm-ya-gu cheJohn-CE.X-cL:JNAV lwuse'John:\" housc'

(70) john-ya-gu chvaJohn-cEN-cL:I.\'AV head'John's head'

When the possessed noun is animate «58-59) above) orinalienably possessed «70-71) belo'k) the classifier isoptional (Shakya 1997:15).

In addition to the above-described environments, classifierscan be used in genitive noun phrases. Shakya notes thatwhen the possessor is a pronoun the form is pronoun­classifier-possessed. According to Shakya, classillers areobligatory when the possessed noun is inanimate; thusboth (67) and (68) are allowed, but note that in (69), theclassifier is obligatory (Shakya 1997:15).

swa-guthree- CLIN/IX

pvc-pa:four-CL:2D

saphu:book

haku-gublack-CL:LvAx.three black books'

(59) haku-mha manu:

black-cL.'.4NIM man'a black man'

(60) *haku manu:

(61)

Some adjectival noun phrases require both types ofclassifiers, even when not in a numeral phrase, asevidenced by the data below.

(71) john-vaJohn-cEx'.John:1 head'

chyc/head

(63) ta-pa-gu saphubig-cL-LL book'a big book'

(6·+) ta-gll'a:-gu balbig-cz.:2D-CL:IN/IN ball'a big ball'

(65) ta-dhi-mha manu:big-CL: ? -CL :Ai-.JIM man'a big man'

When a numeral is used the semantic classi fier (as opposedto mha or gu) is affixed to the numeral as expected. Anexample follows below in (66).

~ewar classifiers are also used when questioning amountof countable items, as shown in (72-74) belm\" (Shakya1997:16).

(72) go-mahOH'.many-cL:PLAxTs'how manv plants?'

(73) go-mhahOll'.many-cL:.-'cWM'how man\' plants?'

(74) go-guhOH'.manv-cL:IX1N

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'how many things?'

The general classifiers to which Shakya refers can alsobe used as nominalizers, as Bhaskararao and Joshi noted.Shakya demonstrates how gu and mha can be used torelativize subjects, direct objects and indirect objects,which could easily be the topic of an entirely new study.

Shakya's (1997) work, as indicated in the title, focuses onthe syntactic properties of Newar classifiers. In doing sohe adds a number of classifiers previously unmentioned,and illustrates their distribution outside of quantifiedexpressions, including genitive NPs. Like the previousstudies, he distinguishes mha and gu from the others interms of function. As he has shown, they have syntacticfunctions that deviate from the typical classifier

4. Summary and Conclusions

Newar utilizes a classifier system when numerating, orin other instances when mentioning certain nouns inadjectival, demonstrative, interrogative or possessivenoun phrases. The system consists of perhaps fifteencommon classifiers that are chosen based on inherentsemantic features of the noun, such as a salient one,two- or three dimensional nature, being round or flat,animate, inanimate or plant In addition, Newar displaysroughly 10 'unique' classifiers, which are resened forclassifying usually only one or a few unique nouns. Inat least some instances, these classifiers can be replacedby the classifier reserved for generic inanimate objects,leading to difference between an abstract and specificreference. Newar also reports a large set of approximately25 'repeaters', or nouns which are repeated to classifythemselves. These are also the least obligatory; somelinguists mention they are optional, and for at least onespeaker they cannot be used, which means in someinstances in Nev...ar there remain nouns which are still notclassified This could be inferred as evidence the systemis at a point in development in which not all of the nounsyet have an obligatory classifier. The system seems to beat least 700 years old, however, considering the fact thatDolakha Newar (considered at least 700 years divergent)also has a system of nominal classification (Genetti1990). Due to different authors having different analyses,and my consultant sometimes disagreeing with each, it ishard to ascertain exact figures for the number and type ofclassitlers in Newar This is probably representative of thefact that classifiers in Newar seem to be a relatively opensystem, and as Kathmandu Newar is spoken by so manypeople, without an established standard, there is bound tobe a great deal of variation. The final point on which I havenot been able to satisfactorily comment is the presenceor absence of a generic classifier. Most languages witha numeral classifier system have a 'general' or 'generic'

38

classifier that can be used in place of other specificclassifiers. While it could seem gu would fit the bill inNewar, not enough research has been conducted on thispoint.

Two of the classifiers, gu, for inanimate nouns, and mha,used for animate nouns, have an extended function. Thesehave both been show to nominalizeTelativize, and canoccur wi th other classifiers in noun phrases. Perhapsanother way to conceive of these morphemes is as beingpolysemous; they could belong to a system of classifierson the one hand, and a different system on the other. Iwill not explore the nature of this second system, exceptto mention it consists of a set of morphemes that cannominalize/relativize and are found in noun phrases withother classifiers. DeLancey (ms) mentions these two,along with pi, (plural animate) arc sometimes described asmarking gender Indeed this seems a plausible description.One study, Bhaskararao and Joshi (1985) mention verbalclassifiers, which I have not examined in this paper; theyhave different forms than the nominal classifiers.

Because of the extension of numeral classifiers togenitive, demonstrative, interrogative and adjectivalphrases, Aikhenvald (2000) considers Newar a '!vlultipleClassifier' language typologically. Such a use of classifiersis typical of Southeast Asia (Aikhenvald 2000:211 citingGoral (1978)) !vlultiple classifier systems are also foundin languages such as Awara (Papuan), Ignaciano (SouthArawak), and Kilivila (Austronesian) (Aikhenveld 2000).What has been difficult to do in this study is tease out theclassifiers from what could be a gender system and a setof relativizers. Another area to explore more fully in thefuture are the areas where my consultant disagreed withthe analyses posed in the previous studies. \lost involvedcases of purported optionality that for my consultantrepresented different meanings. Often times, for her, itseemed classifiers were serving to specify, rather thanaddress something abstractly or "aguely, and I cannothelp but wonder if this could not be part of the motivationfor the system to spread from numeral expressions to awider distribution of noun phrase types.

Footnotes:

'I am indebted to Rinku for patiently sharing her lan­guage with me, and to Daya Shakya for introducingme to the Newar language and taking time to shareideas.

, The consultant for this study is a female in her late 20S

from Kathmandu, Nepal, but had recently relocatedto Eugene, OR, USA. Kewar is her mother tongue,but she also speaks Nepali, Hindi and English.

3Both are shown with 'bread ball' and 'potato' but only gacan occur \'ith 'pot' or 'pitcher'. My consultant tellsme this is because while ga can be used with round-

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ish items, gwa must be used only with items that arecompletely round.

4Assuming my conflation of pwaa and pwaa.Slldy consultant tells me that mari refers to 'pastry' in the

broad sense of any bakery item made from flour, notexclusively the sweet ones.

"For my consultant tha has a special meaning of its own;it refers to a unique location.

- I have collapsed what Hale and Shresthachrya refer toas 1\'10 disparate classifiers. They show pwaa with'crotch of a tree' and 'abscess' while pwa: is usedwith 'cat hole'. \ly consultant tells me both simplyrefer to 'hole' in each conte!l.1:.

"This is not grammatical for my' teacher; for her, 'come'iswala.

9Rather than gwa or phwa, I\!Ialla describes go and pho.As it is not clear what phonemic value Hale andShresthacharya attribute to their choice of sym­bols, I am assuming this difference is solely one oforthographic convention. This seems to hold trueelsewhere; where Malla has <0>, Hale and Shrest­hacharya have <wa>

"'In his User's Guide to the Newari Dictionary, Hale de­fines quasi-classifiers as 'used to count unstructuredunits' and 'not overt units of counting' (1986:xxxiv).

"The classifier here differs from (27) in regards to lengthof the vowel. Because pwA is not explicitly men­tioned in the paper, but pwa: is, I assume that this iseither a typo, or that the difference in length in thisinstance is not important to the meaning.

'"Hale does not interJinearize either (46) or (47). I usedl'vIanandhar's dictionary' to find a gloss for laa, whichgave me 'saliva' or 'thick liquid with a shimmeringsurface' (1986:22S). However, Hale offered waterin his translation of the sentence, thus I glossed la:as 'liquid' following the dictionary but kept Hale's

translation.

References:

Aikhenvald, Alexandra "I". 2000. Classifiers: a Ty'pologyof :\oun Categorization Devices. New York: OxfordUniversity Press.

Bhaskararao, Peri and Sunder Krishna ,Joshi. 1985. AStudy of :\ewari Classitiers. Bulletin of the DeccanCollege Research Institute. 44.17-:31. India: Pune.

Craig, Collette. 2000. A Morhposyntactic TY'pologyof Classifiers. In Gunter Senft (ed.) Systems ofNominal Classification. ('nited Kingdom: CambridgeUniversity Press.

___.1986. (ed.) Noun Classes and Categorization.Amsterdam and Philadelphia: .John BenjaminsPublishing Company.

___.1986b. ,Jacaltec Noun Classifiers.Collette Cmig (ed.) Koun Classesand Categorization. CnitedKingdom: Cambridge ('niversityPress.263-293·

Delancey, Scott. The Newar Noun

Hyslop/Newar Classifiers .....

Phrase. Manuscript. University of Oregon.Evans, K. 1996. The Syntax and Semantics of Body Part

Incorporation in Mayali. (eds.) \1. Harvey and N.Reid (eds.) :\ominal Classification in AboriginalAustralia. Amsterdam: ,John Benjamins.lOS-146.

Genetti, Carol. 1990. Descriptive and Historical Accountof the Dolakha Newar Dialect. PhD Dissertation.University of Oregon.

Goml, D.R. 1978. Numeral Classifier Systems: ASoutheastAsian Cross Linguistic Analysis. Linguistics of theTibeto-Burman Area 4.1-72.

Greenberg,.Joseph. 1990. On Language: Selected Writingsof .Joseph H. Greenberg. K. Denning and S. Kemmer(eds.). Stanford: Stanford l'niversity Press.

___.1972. Numeral Classifiers and SubstantivalNumber: Problems in the Genesis Type. WorkingPapers in Language Universals, reprinted inGreenburg (1990: 16-93)

Hale, Austin. 1986. Cser's Guide tothe Newari Dictionary.In Manandar Newari-English Dictionary. Delhi:Agam Kala Prakashan.

___.1970. :\otes on Newari Texts. In Hale, A and K.L.Pike Tone Systems of Tibeto-Burman Languages of:\epaJ. Part 4. Urbana: University' of Illinois.

Hale, Austin and Iswaranand Shresthacharya. 1973. IsNewar a classifier language? .Journal of the Institutefor Nepal and Asian Studies. Kathmandu: TribhuvanC niversity.

Hargreaves, David. 2003. Kathmandu Newar (NepalBhasa). In Graham Thurgood and Randy .J. LaPolla(eds) The Sino-Tibetan Languages. London and NewYork: Routledge.

Inoue, Kyoko. 2000. Visualizing Ability and NominalClassification: evidence of cultural operation in theagreement rules of .Japanese numeral classifiers. InGunter Senft (ed.) Systems of Nominal Classification.Cnited Kingdom: Cambridge Cniversity Press. 217­238.

Lov"es, Gwendoly'n. 2002. Nominal Classification and theCase of White Hmong. ms.

Malla, Kamal P. 198,5. The :\ewari Language: A workingoutline. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languagesand Cultures of Asia and Africa.

Payne, Thomas. 1997. Describing Morphosyntax. UnitedKingdom: Cambridge University Press.

Shakya. DaY'a R. 2000. Family tree of Newar. handout.___.1997 Classifiers and Their Syntactic Functions

in Nepal Bhasa. Himalayan Research Bulletin. X\'II(1).1-23. l'nited States: Portland State University.

___.1992. Nominal and Verbal Morphology in SixDialects of Newari. Masters Thesis. University ofOregon.

T'sou, Benjamin K. 1976. The structureof nominal classifier system. InP. N. Genner et al eds., Austroasiaticstudies. Honolulu: University ofHawaii Press. Part II: 121,5-47.Vidal, A. 1997. Koun Classification inPilaga: Guaykuruan . .Journal of AmazonianLanguages 1. 60-111.

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Appendix A: Newar Classifiers

ClASSIFIER SE.\IA!'-;TICS EXAMPLE NOUNSmJ1Q A!'I~IATE

manu 'person', bhutu 'womandwarf'

gu INA~'lMATE sam 'matchbox', culya 'elbow'

ga ROL~DlSH thala 'pol', bhegaa 'eanhen JXlI'

gll'Q ROL"NDladdu 'laddu (bread ball)', mu

'potato'

pa 8...-\1' s'lphu 'book', culya 'bracelet'

paPAIRS (when counted

11./11 'leg', 'shoesindividually)

pu LONG A:-.!D THIN kil' 'oomboo nair. 11'0 'Otooth'

phII'D FLQ\VER.SHAPED bii 'blossom'. swii5

ca CIRCUL4.R ghaa'millstone'

ka LO:-\GIii 'shan path·. s/ 'piece of

firewood'

tlUIU HOLLOW

d1li FROZES"

M SOUD CYUNDRICAL

dhiiSOLID WITHOLT PAR-

TICL'L-\R SI-tAPE

REPEATERSbali FIELD

kUii COR,ER

dhwa LINE

pii NIPPLE

'w LEAF

khalaa ASSOCIATIO\,

khwaa HOOF

khll'!i~ PRINT

kicaa SHAOOW

kii BA~IBOO 0.0\\1

ki, IRO~ S"AIL

palaa STEP

patl! FINGER

pou SHEEr

1= POT.BASE

pu SEED

pwaa, '10 HOLE

gau ANh'LE

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pu BEAD

pUll HOOF

lu THREAD

phi BROO~d

,. ITE~t

wu SOL'NO

UNIQUE

kha che 'house

ku ghM •\\ Olmd'

ta mari 'pastry'

1110 puja 'worship'

I; hala 'arrow

p; cupi 'dagger'

man mala 'garland'

pWQ mala 'lamp'

phyae mlisiTemale genital'

dull'o lukha'door'

Hys/op/Newor Classifiers..... 41

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Taboo Words andE>epressions inNe~ar Language

Tej R. KansakarTribhuvan [email protected]

1. Introduction

Taboo words and expressions in the Newar languagereflect the values and belief systems rooted in the socialand cultural practices of the Newar people. The taboowords in this sense serve a conYentional purpose inspeech and vvTiting, and are characterized by many fixedforms known as prefabricated or formulaic language withspeci fie or implied meanings. This paper seeks to discoverthe social, religious and psychological bases for the usesof such taboo expressions and attempts to classify themin a wider contextual framework, including the semanticbleaching of taboo words in changing social conditions.

The two sets of examples given below distinguish betweenlinguistic taboos and assumptions or unfounded beliefscommonly known as superstitions.

(1) na-ve ma-j),u 'prohibited to cat'eat-Inf Neg-permitThe eating ofmeat or egg during the mourningperiod is prohibiled.

(2) nhya-ve ma-tya: forbidden 10 wear'wear-Inf Neg-forbidIt isforbidden to wear leather shoes or beltinside Ihe temple or during worship.

(3) wan-e ma-jvu 'prohibited to go'go-Inf Neg-prohibitIt is inauspicious 10 leave for a j(lreign eounlT.von a Saturday or Tuesday.

(-I) kan-e ma-tva: forbidden to teU'lell-Inf Neg-forbidII is forbidden to telilhe words ofa secrelnzanlra to others.

42

2. Taboo and Superstition

The examples (l - 4) all contain verb phrases wherethe taboo meanings are expressed by the negatiyizedauxiliaries ma-jyu and nza-tva:. I am however assumingthat (l) and (2) are taboo expressions while (3) and (4) arebased on superstitious beliefs. Admittedly, it is difficultto make a clear-cut distinction between the two beliefsystems. Where does taboo end and superstition begin? Itis said that superstition begins when understanding ends,and in our examples the actions disallowed by social orreligious norms are taboos while superstitions clearlyimply psychological barriers that defy logical reason.Some may also take the view that taboo and superstitiondo overlap and they may well be right. I would like inthis connection to cite two instances from my personalexperiences relating to inauspicious day of departure fora foreign country, and the strict code of silence on thesecret mantras.

2.1 This incide11l lOok place prior to mv deparlure forEngland in 1967 on a Brilish Council scholarship.A1v parents were horrified 10 leam Ihat I was to leavefor thaI far away 'Bilaayal' count'.v on a Saturday.This 10 them was a highly inauspicious day toundertake such a long joumey and asked me to IT."

and change rhe date. Since my airline booking andother travel arrangements had been made well inadvance and I was supposed 10 reach London in timej(Jr an orienlation course, 1 was reluctant to requeslthe British Council to re-schedule my flight. Vv71en Icm~fronted mv father with a negative reply, he cameup with an ingenous solUlion. He suggested that theleave-taking ritual should take place before sunriseon Saturday moming, then walk with my luggage toa relative:~ house near-by and wait there till il wastime for me to leave for the airport. I interpreted

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3.1 Taboo on the use of personal names

(2) Prohibition Against the Use of Husband'sor Father-in-Iaw's Name:

(7) Prohibition of Deceased Person'sName:

certain that the Vajracarya priests do retain sacreddocuments that are strictly taboo to laymen.

TabooofClassificationLanguage

This practice is also very common among mostethnic groups in Nepal. A Wife would nomzally referto her husband as mijii-mha ·the man of the house'.abu-mha 'one who is the father' or if there is a grandchild as baajyaa-mha 'one who is a grandfather'.The hwband too does not normally call his wife byher name but as misaa-mha 'woman of the house',maa-mha 'one who is a mother' or aji-mha 'onewho is a grandmother'. A wife when calling herhusband also uses the son 5 or daughter s name toget his attention. These forms ofaddress are knownas 'teA.710nYmS' < 'teA.7lOnymv·.

A dead person is normally referred to as diba~gata

ju-mha 'one who has passed away' or ma-du-mha'one who is no more' especially in the presence ofthe deceased person J' ralatives. Naming the personis either impoliTe or redundant as The context wouldclarify I\'hich person is referred to. This practice,in other words, is meant to show respect to the deadperson as well as to his / her next of hn. This is aprohibition common to many communities in SouthAsia and other parts of the world.

3.

this arrangement to imply that sunrise marks thebeginning of a new day and my leave-tahng fromhome actuall}' took place on Friday, and to leave forthe airport from another house on a Saturday was nolonger inauspicious. I o.l course did not insist to myfather that Saturday really began after midnighT forfear ofmissing my flighT to London.

2.2 The circumstances described here relates to thesoc!o-religious convention derived from TantricBuddhism. The coming-o.l-age ceremony calledKaetaa-pujaa in Newar or Bratabandha in SansA.Titis a ritual for boys, and Baarae-taegu ritual for girls.Following these elaborate rituals, the family priest(Vajracarya or ShaJ...-ya among the Buddhist Newars)offiCiate in another tantric ritual to pass on a secret'mantra' (a brief prayer or incantation) which iswhispered to The ear ofeach young man and woman.We were required to memorize the mantra and reciTeit silently as a form of prayer or meditation everymorning before breakfast. It is strictly forbidden tocommunicate the content of this manlra to anyoneelse within or outside the family. A warning isgiven that dire consequences will follow shouldanyone reveal the contents of the secret manTrawhich perhaps was in Pali or SansA.Tit and I failedto understand a single word ol its short text. It isnot known whether the mantra diflers between malesandfemales. No one has dared to check. this out eventoday when many young people do not recite thema/1/ra anymore. I too do not remember the mantraas I have not used it for many years. Obviously thereis no harm in forgetting it, and I am at least free ofthe risk of verbalizing the magic words to otherseither deliberaTely or inadvertantly. The Japaneseamhropologist Professor Hiroshi Ishii was aware o.lThis practice, and when I H'as in Tokyo he asked meabout the words in the manTra. I told him that I hadcompletely forgotten them. but I doubt (I' he reallybelieved me.

2.3 Another tantric ritual for a select group ofolder menand women A.7lOwn as dekhaa bive-gu is conductedbv a team of elderlY Vajracarya prieSTS. All non­participa/1/S arc excluded from this ritual which avery elaborate jilllction is lasting the 1\'1101e day. 1have not undergone this ritual practice but I am toldthat it involves tantric worship, prayers, meditationand discourses on ways to attain phYsical wellbeing. intellectual strength and spiritual knowledge.As far as I A.7IOW, no written texts are available onthe dekhaa bi:-gu ritual as they still form a parT oftaboo language, a closelY guarded secret discoursenot accessible to the general public, I am fairly

(3) Prohibition in the Use of Older Person'sName:

It is considered impolite or inappropriate to use thename 0.1 a person who is older than the speaker. Thespeaker in this case refers to the man or woman asthaakali ·the head o.lhouse or guthi organization. andto the woman as nakJ:~ ·the wife of the head person /eldest woman of the house', Any OTher person olderthan the speaker is normally referred to.for example,as Puma-yaa kakaa 'Puma 5' younger uncle' orTimilaa-yaa ta:dhi paaju 'wife 5' elder brother' etc.

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(4) Avoidance of Names in kin Relations:

The names of elder brother-in-law or sister-in-lawhave restrictive uses. They can be used onlv asreference but not as forms ofaddress. For example,my tv.·'o daughters-in-law refer to my eldest son asDeepak-daai'elder brother Deepak' in conversations amongthemselves: Deepak-doi ma-jha-ni 'Elder brotherDeepak has not come (hon) vet'; but drop the name'when addressing him directly: dOi-yotajyano- ta-elo? 'Elder brother, shall I serve you lunch?'.

(5) Taboo On the Use of One's SecretName:

All Newars have secret names recorded in thehoroscope which the astrologer determines asappropriate according to the time of birth. Thisname cannot be revealed to anyone and is kept secretthroughout one's life. This belief is apparently aniI!fluence of Hindu culture which believes that toknow the secret name of someone is to have controlover the person. The horoscope document itself isnot copied or given out to others except in the case (1a prospective bride in a marriage proposal where thetwo horoscopes need to be matched..

(6) Prohibition On Use of King's Name asPersonal Name:

The hng of Nepal is revered as the incarnation (1God Narayan or Vishnu. and the taboo against theuse of the Royal name by a commoner obviously hasa religious motive, and also dictated by the upperruling class. Today however, this restriction hasbroken down completely as we do find people withnames such as Alahendra Ratna, Tribhuvan Dhar,Birendra Shaf...')'a. Dipendra Maharjan, GvanendraTuladhar etc.

(7) Taboo Against Use of Names of Deities:

In the past, a person could not be named after a deityworshipped by the familY or the whole community.It was considered a sacrilege or a bla,lphemousact to use the sacred names c1 the deities. Todaymany people adopt the names of Hindu gods andgoddesses like Ram, Krishna, Vishnu, Saraswatietc, or be named after Buddhist divinities such asBuddha Saymi. Tara Devi. Manjushree. DharmaBahadur, Sanga Rama etc. Pramodini (2004: 97)makes an interesting observation that "the use of thedeity names is simply a mark of their self-identify.

44

They simp!.y use the names ofdeities as names, eitherignoring or without lmowing the older socio-culturalvalues and beliefs. Old people still aware of the olderprohibitions often comment that members of theyounger generations want to turn the world upsidedown". A point ofparallel interest can still be seenin many Newar communities today which continuethe practice of ancestral worship as mark of socio­cultural identity. The names of deified ancestorstend to be handed down to succeeding generationswithout social or moral stigma.

(8) Avoidance of Using Fruit or FlowerNames as Personal Names:

It was generally believed b.y the older generation thata person with the name of a jruit or flower is likelyto have a life span as short as the jruit or ,floweritself. This belief too has broken down completely,and it is fairly common for some Newars today tobe named after jruits and flowers such as gulaaph'rose', campaa 'jasmine', paleswaan 'lotus', angur'grapes', anaar 'pomegranate', mewO 'papaya',musum 'citrus jruit', ambah 'gooseberry' etc.

3.2 The Use of Euphemisms

Some common uses of euphemisms have beencited above in connection with indirect referencesto deceased persons, elderly family members and\'arious in-law kin relations. We S3\N that in eachof these cases the direct uses of personal names areprohibited and speakers devise certain euphemisticexpressions to communicate with each other. Onecommon example is to say wan-a 'has gone' ormanta 'i s no more' to refer to a person who haspassed away, and this to my thinking is a universaltendency to disguise or soften the painful memory ofa person's death. 'We thus choose to use non-taboowords to replace the tabooed vvords or expressions.Bloomfield (1935 1985 -1(1) in this connectionremarks that "the problem with euphemisms isthat in time euphemisms themselves graduallybecome strongly associated with the taboo and thusbecome taboo themselves". The old Newar wordsfor dangerous diseases like cholera and typhoid arelhoka-phoka and hoku-jll'ar, but people tend touse borrowed words like haijO or jhodo-bonto forcholera and periphrastic expressions like taco-gujll'ar 'a serious fever' for typhoid. As a result, theoriginal Newar words are no longer used today andthe alternative words and expressions have acquiredtaboo connotations. The following Table 1 providessome e:-:amples of euphemisms frequently used by

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Table 1 : Newar Euphemisms and their Meanings

Word1. sit-a2.khfi

3. nae-dya:4.phatta5. wae6. naga: tugah

7.lucca8. ka:mi9.phatla10. alsyi

Glossdiedthief

greedy personhabitual liarmad mallcri ticism

rascal! cheatercarpenterliarlazy

Euphemismmant-alha tahaka-mha

mhutu tapwa-mhani pwa mhutu du-mhahawa sya-mhanhaepa hi:-ye-gu

jhanga lm-mhamhutu ka:miphae-giltuti ma-du-mha

Glossis no moreone who has long ann

one with a large mouthone who has two mouthsone whose air is spoiltthe ears to be bunting hot(from listening to criticismsone who catches a birda talkati ve persona wind-belIone who has no leg

Newar speakers.

Euphemisms are also known as semi-taboo wordswhich are used to avoid embarrassment, offence oreven anger in listeners. The speaker thus deliberatelychooses not to use the taboo words or expressions toshow respect and politeness in formal social discourse.There are also several euphemisms connectcd withsex. For example, the male and female sexual organsare known as mlja co phae-gu 'male urinator' andmisa co phae-gu 'female urinator', whereas sexualunion is euphemistically referred to as lhapu-kwapu'the act of one body above the other'. The monthlymenstruation in a woman is also regarded as anunclean period when she is referred to as lhi: ma­ji -gu 'to become untouchable'. This implies that awoman during her menses is forbidden to worship anydeity, to eat together with other family members andto sleep with her husband. Among some non-Newarcommunities in Nepal, the ordeal of prohibitionduring the menstrual period is much more severe,when women are forbidden to enter the house andare required to eat and sleep in a separate shelteror cow-shed away from the family's kitchen andliving quarters. This discriminating practice knownas chaupadi is widely prevalent in the Far-\Vestand t\lid-Western regions and also in the !-vlahottaridistrict in the Central region of the country. A recentnews report described how the unclean period is alsoobstructing the normal school education of girls in thewestern districts of \Jepal. The following constitutethe gist of the report: "Girls living in \arious villagesof Palpa district are not allowed to touch theirtextbooks during menstruation period, let alone goto school People living in Koldanda and KodhadiVDCs hold the belief that girls commit a grave sin

Kansakar/Taboo Words.and ....

if they touch books during menstruation. They alsoregard it as sin if such girls happen to touch others".[The Kathmandu Post, November 5, 2005] Suchprohibitions seem to be deeply engrained amongmany marginalized communities in the country.

The influence of such linguistic and social taboos hasgi\'en rise to other related taboos. Thus a pregnantwoman is called pwatha-e du-mha 'one with (achild) in her stomach' although there is a word for'womb' in Newar called maca che 'the house ofthe (unborn) child'. A married woman who has anadulterous relationship with another man is given theinfamous name of Iyewa-tilli or Iyell'a-singh 'onewho associates with a paramour'. If, on the otherhand, a man marries a woman outside his caste(especially from a lower caste) the wife is sociallyostracized as ma-thya-mha 'the one who is excluded'where the woman is excluded from certain socialor religious activities such as guthi functions andfeasts, or prohibited from entering the secret shrineof family deity (known as agama) and to participatein its ritual worship. In case she is a co-wife of herhusband, her status in the family is much lower to thefirst wife and is generally referred to as ma-thya-mhalithu 'an excluded second wife'.

4. Taboos in a Process of Change

Although mimy of the taboos described above are stillmaintained, there is evidence that a number of them arcno longer strictly enforced, as indicated above in a fewcases. The process of breakdown in the usc of sometaboo words and expressions Cim also be seen despite theembarrassment and offence still caused by direct uses of

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such words in certain social contexts. There are obviouslyseveral factors that have contributed to gradual changes inthe direct uses of tabcx)s together with their linguistic andimplied meanings. Some of the most prominent factors inthis process can be cited as follows:

(1) Spread of Education and ExternalContact :

The spread oj education and external contacts havecertainly brought about a good deal ojchange in thedecline o.ftaboo language and beliejin supersititions.Many well educated couples IIOW tend to live innuclear jamilies where husband and wife have begunto call or address each other by their first names.The LIse of leb10nyms as a result is minimal ill SUdl

jamilies. Good education and training at home orabroad have also brougll/ affluence from well-paidjobs, leading to a near-total loss o.f the traditiollaloutlook. The younger generation in the Newarsociety today is also witnessing a growing number o.finter-caste marriages which have naturallv promptedmany couples to questioll the social and religiousdiscriminations against such marriages. Althoughsome Newar communities continue to exclude low­caste wives, a progressive movement has emergedto advocate a more tolerant view 011 the matter.Afentions have been made above about the completebreakdown in the taboos relating to the uses ojnamesafter the royalties and deities, and more lenientattitude to social conventions and ritual practices.It must however be noted that the elder generationoj Newars still maintaill strict codes oj conduct inmatters oj cultural and religious tmditions. This isreflected in the retelltioll oj mallY wboo words as apart oj their beliejsystems.

(2) Influence of Euphemistic Expressions

The use ojeuphemisms represents a ship in languageuse to make taboo words more palatable andacceptable to listeners without altering their inherentmeanings. Taboo and euphemism ill this sense are·two sides oj the same coin'. and theperiphrastic device oj euphemismshas tended to generali::.e certain

46

details ojmeaning by the omission oj key words andthe use oj borrowed words. For example, the caseoj a woman during her menses is given a generalmeaning oj 'aile "11'110 becomes untouchable' which,altlwugh not specific, conveys the intended meaningwithout any ambiguity.

(3) Use of Borrowed Words

The manv taboo words related to sex or theireuphemistic equivalents are generally avoided,and most educated people today tend to use wordsjrom languages like Nepali or English instead oj thenative words. The words related to sexual relationsand pregnancy (maca pwatha-e da-ye), abortion(maca ko-ka-ve), or birth oj an illegitimate child(lewa maca) are often expressed injoreign words asthe native words sound quite vulgar and impolite.

5. Conclusion

The use of taboo language is subject to change along withchanges in social and cultural conventions. Taboos mayhave originated from superstitious beliefs based on fear,ignorance and insecurity. Today the taboo expressionsthat have evolved and survived reflect a sense of socialdecency or etiquette rather than the fear of adverseconsequences. Promodini (2004: 108) rightly pointsout that "inhibition, rather than prohibition, is the keyto understanding the very intricate nature of the verbalrestrictions of modern times". The present-day taboostherefore are matters of proper communication throughuse of appropriate language to maintain social harmonyand understanding. In the final analysis, taboos in Newarare by no means obsolete but remain an integral part ofits socio-cultural life. This view would warrant furtherinvestigations on verbal taboos in other languages andsocieties of "epa!.

References

Bloomfield, L. 1935, Reprinted 1985. Language. Delhi:Motilal Banarasidas.

J'vlehrotra, R.R. 1977. Sociology of Secret Languages.Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study.Promodini, N. 2004. "Taboo in Meiteiron".Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 27:

1,89-110 .

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Kurnari •InNewer CultureDr. Chunda BajracharyaDepartment of Nepal BhashaTribhuvan University, Kathmandu

2.2. Kumori as a 'Kosimo' tree

Another phy~ical rcpresentL1.tion of thedivinity ofKumari is the KOJima (oak

tree). Sel\"ars worship it bclic\'ingth,,'1t the spirit or Kumar! lands at thebollam of the tree. E\'entuall\, thetree itself is considered as the di,·inesymbol of the Kumari and thereforeit is forbidden to cut down such holytree. When the gro\\th of the KOJima

tree is identified. ~e\\'ars do not plantanythlllg in the surrounding area;;

bellc\ ingthatthe Kumari map isit the place for amusement\llIh friends Such locations are acknowledged throughoutvarious localities in Kalhmandu. A unique special featureof KOJima tree is stretchlllg of lts underground r(X)lS. It

installation of formless idols during the early periods.One such installation of formless idol is discussed in anessay by Thakur Lal fl.lanandhar (NS 1104 1984 AD),which describes the adoption of installing linage shrine.the 'Digu Dyah', during ancient times. It is assumed thatthe localit} of these Idols in puddles indicates a :\CWlll"

seulemenl, In later periods, these puddle holes began tobe docomted with girl-faced Images. One sueh e.~ample

is at Balkumari in KlIthmandu II here there is a shrineinstalled in the streets near Ason. \lore disco\"eriesof Kumari shrines Ilere made in \'ariOU5 locationsthroughout Kathmandu sueh as Khichapokhari. at ShantiNikunja High School compound. in an old office ofKamana Publication in Chikan }'lugal area and at KumariGflla. Not only Kathmandu, but Kumari shrines were alrodiscovered at 13alkumari in Patan and in various places

in Thimi and Bhaktapur as lI"el1.Furthermorc. the Chandcswmi shrineof Banep'l in Kavre district is alsoknown as the Kumari tcmple.

Kosime TreeThe Kumari is prevalem

throughout Sewar towns andlocalities as a site of protecti\ eforce. Her shnne is represemed by arelatllcly large egg-shaped fonnless idol that is installedin a rectangular puddle belo\1 ground le\e1. It is assumedthat the tradUIOll of Kumari was actually started \\ith the

I. Introduction:··

2. Evolution ofKumari

2.1 Kumori as a Puddle Hole:

Thc go<t1 of this paper is to presenta discussion on hoI\' the traditionof Kumari is nHlintllined and howthe trtKIition c..,n be amended in themodem context of belief.

Celebrnting the Kumari tradition in :-':epaJese communil\'is the worshIp of a \'irgin girl that had been acti\'el;'instituted rrom the ancient period. Traditionally. anywherefrom one girl 10 thousands of drgin girls are invited tobe worshipped as p<"lJ1 of 'KullulrI Puja.· a kind of ritualdedicated to "irgin gIrls. Kumari is presented as uniquefeature of Ncwar culture of Nep..11, and most \\"cstemerskllOw the "Iiving goddess of ~epa]'. In ~ewar culture, avirgin girl is shO\\TI to han': a sense of purity, calmness,truth, re.:llity aod many other good characteristics. Hence,il is believed that such Iype of I'irgin girl symbolizes thedivine entity in hUlll1m society. The ~lahayana Buddhistsaccept Kumari as the sacred image of Vajradel'i in humanfOlll1 and llindu trndition sees heras the superior goddess 'TafejllBilal'ani. '

Bojrocharya/ Kumari in Newer Culture 47

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is believed that these stretched roots protect the land andsometimes a small amount of water cumulates around thistree creating a miniature pond. It is upon this pond wherea water fountain, called hiti, is built. A wonderful exampleof the divine Kosima tree is at Gahiti (a fountain below theground level) in Hanuman Dhoka Palace in KathmanduDunvar Square and also at the Budhallilkantha shrine.In ancient times, an irrigation system kept Kosima treevibrant at Budhanilkantha shrine, however urbanizationand modern housing de\'elopment has caused the watersurrounding the shrine to become dehydrated.

2.4. Place of Kumari in Dyah Pyfikhfi

The symbol of Kumari can also be found in various Newardance dramas where she holds a special role. Harsiddihi inKathmandu is home to many dyah pvakha (dance of godsand goddesses), which is also one of the oldest pyakha(dance) in Nepalese tradition. Prem Bal1adur Kansakar("JS I084. 197-1-AD) mentions that the Nepal's Harisiddhipyakha can be traced back to Kaligat 2060 about 150 yearsBe. One such dance is the lala Pvakha which, accordingto Linda litis ("JS 11101990), originated around theBikram calendar as a literary drama. .lala Pvakha is stillpracticed today and it still continues its tradition of beingstaged once in every twelve years in all three cities ofthe Kathmandu Valley. In lala Pvakha, the Kumari playsthe central character in this dance drama, which is alsoknown as Kaumari.

One of the festivals where one can witness a Kumaridance drama is during Yell Yah (lndra lafTa). Halclwl1'kSawabhaku dance is one of these dance dramas which ispresented by three dancers, upon which Kumari playsone of the characters. In addition, once in every twelveyears the Halchowk Sawabhaku dance transforms intoa grand gala. During this time, the small dance dramabecomes a big extravaganza with dancers performingas many as twelve different deities in which the Kumariplays the main role. Another dance drama performed atthe Indra .latra festival is the Dee Pvakha or Devi Pvakha.According to Kashi "Jath Tamot (NS 11 OLI981AD), Deepyakha tradition ori ginated during the Lichhm'i period. Awell-known dran1atist, Vijaya l\/lalla (NS 11121992AD),is famous for having written many creative dramas. Basedon Dee Pyakha. he wrote and modernized many of theold Kumari dramas. In one of his drama, Kumari, withher shakri power, triumphed O\'er Daitva 'Devil' whichsecured her virginity and kept the philosophy of Kumaritradition alive.

3. Kumari and MahayanaBuddhist Tradition

48

In any kind of high degree of puja organized from birthto death by Buddhists, the place for Kumari is veryimportant. The tradition of honoring a virgin girl asKumari has been common among the Newar Buddhistsof Nepal. Mary Slusser ("JS1102iI982) indicates that in"Jepalese Mahayana Buddhist tradition of worshiping of avirgin girl was already started in the 13th century.

It is in the 13 th century that the VajrayanaBuddhist tradition\vas established in the Vajrayogini shrine of Sako. One canconsider the sacred bahas and bahis (Newar monatsties)of Kathmandu Valley as a source of Vajrayana Traditionin Nepal. Any kind of religious function is conductedfirst through the baha and bahi located throughout theKathmandu Valley. The process of attaining to enter thebaha or bahi and any Vajrayana related religious activitiesis through Cudakanna (initiation) ceremony. Withoutinstituting the baha and bahi, the sense of Vajradevicannot be identified. It is in this Vajrayana Buddhisttradition that Kumari plays a very significant role. Hence,Ne\vars Buddhists believe that Kumari is the human formof Vajradevi.

4. Origins of KumariOn the basis of hand-written manusclipt found in Kesharlibrary, Bhuwan Lal Pradhan (NS 1113; 199'BS 20-1-9)mentions the selection of Kumari from Shakya girls(Gorkhapatra 20-1-8 Ashoj 51991AD) in 13th century. Itcan be assumed that the tradition of selection of Kumariamong the Buddhists of Nepal must have already beenestablished before the 13th century. Although there is nohi storical date of when Vajracharaya family gained controlin the selection process of the KumaIi, this family playeda significant role in choosing the Kumari at the Kwabahaand Mabaha, monasteries in Kathmandu.

E\'en though the Kumari remains significant in the Newarculture, at the Kwabaha and Mabaha (monasteries inKathmandu), the tradition of selecting the Kumari fromV,~jracharya family was discontinued approximatelytwenty-two yeaI's ago. The worldwide famous Kumari ofpresent day is the Laeku (Royal) Kumari, who is chosenan10ngst the Shakya family. One can still visit Kwabahaand Mabaha as it once held the divine Kumari. In moderndays, Kumari is still considered highly respectable interms of their intuitional power. When the Laeku Kumaribecomes sick, the care-takers offer a puja to the A1abahaKumari. If that does not help, they offer another puja toKwabaha KumaI'i This proves that the tradition of LaekuKumari is much newer than the tradition of Mabaha andKwabaha Kumari.

Moreo\er, in the 13th century, a hand written manuscriptnamed Tribhumik Vidhva Peerh Prafisfha, the method of

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puja is mentioned in a section of Kumari. In that section,it is mentioned that the Kumari should be given a bathe,com b hair; smear mascara and aromatic sandalwood pastein forehead and decorate with ornaments. This traditionof beautification is still followed for the Kumaris untiltoday.

4.1 Khwopo( Bhoktopur) Kumori

In !'\S 444, Gaya Suddhin 1',lohamad of Simraun Gadattacked Karnatak. Fearing his life, the king, King HariSingh Deva, fled to his in-law's house in Bhaktapur.During his escape, King Hari Singh Deva managed to bringalong a scared emblem, .{reeyantra, of Taleju Bhawani orTaleju to Bhaktapur. (Source:Tya-Matya text preservedin .\'ha Archives). In later periods, during tl1e peritxl ofDevala Devi and Raj \lalla De"a, this sreeyantra wasinstalled in a shrine and later became known as DUimajudevi or Taleju shrine in Bhaktapur. Aftenvards, in !'\S737, King Jagarjwoti Malia visited this shrine of Talejuand communicated with thc divine spirit on a regularbasis. One day, the spirit of Taleju was not present fortheir regular conversation and a suspicion gre,v inside theking. However, King .Tagarjwoti t\lalla later had a dreamin which Talcju told him that if he starts te) select a virgingirl from Shakya family to be worshipped as Kumari, shewill resume their communication (Shrestha NSl121).Since then, the Kumari became the human equivalent ofthe divine spirit of Taleju and since then the Kumari wasselected amongst the Shakya family.

4.2 Yen (Kontipur) lfieku Kumori:

King Siddhi Narsingh Malia. Like the previous King ofBhaktapur and Kantipur, King Siddhi Narsingh Maliaalso had secret conversations with the divine Taleju. Butin his case, the secret was discovered by his wife and theTaleju told him that she is going to be born in Dhusalzfamily as Kumari. The King Siddhi !'\arsingh MalIa wasto select a virgin girl from Dhusah family to establish theKumari and worship her divine spirit. In later period, thetradition of the Kumari tradition was passed down to theVajracharya family and to this day, the Kumari is selectedfrom Vajracharya family in Yala region (Shrestha J'.,;S1125)

4.4 Kumori in Vorious Costes:

layasthili \ fall a tlas a IIindu king and historical eVIdenceshows that an institute of Kumari was available in eachcaste group even before his imposition of caste systemThus, we can predict that the Kumari was chosen fromeach of the Brahaman, Chhetri. Faisya and Sudra groupbefore the l\lalla period. Eventually, Brahaman Kumanbecame considered from a Vajracharya family, ChetriKumari from ShaJ..·ya fmnily, Vaisya Kumari from Jvapunifamily and Sudra Kumari from Dhabi or Dvala family.But this concept of Kumari from various castes is nolonger practiced in later period; however the mention ofe:\istence of Kumari from various castes is noted in theRudra Mara Yantra (Tantra).

"Nara kapalani vaisyarjani napilangmathaBrahamani kallyas gudrancha talha gopalakanyaka ;\1alakarasya kanacha lIawa kanyaprakartita"

(Source: Kumari NS 1121 :62)

In the abO\e text, tbe institute of Kumari in Gopaladynasty is also mentioned. Even these days, there isa tradition of arranging two right and left seats for theKumari or "irgin girls during the festivals of MahaLax:mi. Bhairava. Gancsh and Adi Narayana. Duringthe ceremony performed to worship the Bhairava, "irgingirls are invited to perform the ihi puja. Also duringthe Bhairava puja. the host desi res to ful fill four wishesconsisting of Siddhi, Yam, Dhalla and Birth of Son. Thefour wishes are represented by the four Kumaris thatare invited from four different ideal castes. These castesconsist of Brahman Kumm'i for Manoratha or Siddhi,Chhetri Kumari for Yasa, 1/aisyha Kumari for Dhana.Sudra Kumari for Birth of SOil. (Sharma: Kumari 1121:79) In !'\ewar tradition, existence of Kumari from variouscastes installed as virgin goddess in len, Yala. Khowapaand Bunga is as follows:

\Vhen King Hari Singh Deva brought the sreevantraof Taleju to Bhaktapur, it had a profound impact onRatna Malia, the son of Yatshya Malia. When Ratna1', lalla started to rule the Kantipur region, he broughtthis concept of .{reevalltra of Ta/eju from Bhaktapur toKantipur as the lineage deity of his family in NS 612and later King Mahendra Malia erected a shrine for theTaleju Bhawani. Like King .Tagar:jwoti !\lalla, King Amar!\1alla brought a replica of Taleju to his palace compoundand he too communicated the divine spirit. But, one dayKing Malia's daughter discovered that her father wassecretly communicating with the Taleju. From then on thecommunication ended between the divine spirit and theking. However, she will invoke a virgin girl from a Shakyafamily and thus they can resume their communication.Since then, the selection of Kumari is continued from theShakya family (Shrestha:!'\S 1121) in lZantipur.

4.3 Yolo (Poton) Kumori:

In Yala, the Taleju Bhawani was established by

Bairacharya/ Kumari in Newar Culture

Yell Lae"7A KumariMa baha Kumari

ShahaBajracharya

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Kwa baha KumariTana Baha KumariKilaga kumariCokache Galli Kumari

Cabahil KumariYala Laeku KumariKhwopa Laeku KumariBunga Kumari

BajracharyaJyapuJyapuRajopadhyayaBrahamanShaA,aBajraeharyaShakyaBajracharva

(spiritual fame), moktshya prapti (Liberation), smridhishah (intellectuality), shakti pratik (symbol of power),eliminating unwanted activities, and as protector of thecountry.

6. Selection Process of Kumari

6.1 Kathmandu Royal Kumari

5. Kumari and Religious Harmony

The Kumari is considered to bring religious harmonyamongst the Hindus and Buddhists of Nepal and bothsector of Hindu and Buddhist tradition worship Kumarias deity of protection. The tradition of daily puja isperformed according to both Hindu and Buddhist rituals.Presence of Pancha Buddha in procession of Kumarichariot during the Indra JatTa, which is considered to bea Hindu festival, indicates this harmonic relationship withboth Hindu and Buddhist tradition of Nepal.

Both Hindu and Buddhist tradition recognizably worshipKlimari as the tantrik diety as TaleJu and Vajradevirespectively. According to tantra sastra. the age ofKumari is divided into three as follows:

a. 1 -- 12 yearsb. 12 --16yearse. 16 -- old age

During the period of age group (b) Kumari may evoke asvarious fom1s of deities.

It is mentioned in the text titled 'Tribhumik BidhyapithPratistha Vieti' from 13th century that when a KUlllariPuja is performed, each and every part of the body IS

worshipped as a place of deity.

In the selection process of choosing the Royal Kumariin Kathmandu, there are few requirements that mustbe met. First, the parent's marriage should have beenarranged within the one of the eighteen Maha Vilzars.The candidate's horoscope must also match with currentKing's horoscope. There is a horse that is kept at HanumanDhoka that belongs to Kumari. The auspicious time ofthe horse's birth and soon-to-be Kumari must also bematched. When it becomes time to replace the Kumari,the caretakers of present Kumari is sent to all 18 Maha'v7hars. A call is made to interested parents to bring theirdaughters to be installed as Kumari. The royal m;trologer'swife then inspects all the girls that brought in. The royalpriest's wife examines the scars in the candidate's body,looking for any birthmark and such. Then the horoscopeof the girl is sent to the palace for the king to decide on theideal candidate. Once a girl is selected, she is placed in thesacred agalll chen (sacred house) to perform the midnightritual ceremony during the Mohani festival.

6.2. Selection of Kumari in Bhaktapur

The selection of Klimari in Bhaktapur is rather verysimple. A flower from Ekall1a first touches the candidate'shead, and then the flower is placed in an isolated place atthe candidate's house for four days. If the girl does notshow any symptoms of illness then she is eligible to beselected.

Even these days, the tradition of setting paneha kanya isobserved for good luck in receiving the guests in welcomeceremonies. The paneha kanya represents Tara. Laxmi.Saraswati. Bhagal'ati and Maha La.\7ni. AliaI' them areconsidered as the shakti of each deity The Basundharais also worshipped as the Kumari on the day of BhadraKrishna Tritiva. Among the three faces of Basundharaonly one of it is honored as the Kumari.

HeadEvesNoseMouth

BrahlllavaniRudarvaniVais'nal'iVarahi

6.3. Selection of Kumari in lalitpur:

When it becomes time for selecting the Kumari, amessenger is sent to all 15 Maha Vihars announcing forthe parents to bring their daughters to Ratnakar MahaVihar. The royal priest's wife then examines the bodyfor scars on each girl. Then the royal priests examine thehoroscope of each candidate and the best horoscope isthen recommended for selection.

7. Kantipur Royal Kumari asSymbol of Social Unity

Kumari is worshipped for siddhi prapti (acquiring skill),TOg nash (eradication of epidemic), ais11'arya prapti

50

When Prithvi Narayan Shalla, a Gorkha king, invaded the

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KathmaIXlu \·a1ley. the ~Ialla king. King Jaya Prakashescaped from nearly being imprisoned His escapeput Kumari lr.ldilion in jeopardy, howel cr King Shahpromised 10 keep \he Kumari lradition a1in: and later hebecame king of Nepal Mandala. Since Ihen, the ShahKings still honor the Kumari wilh respeet and greatdel'otion by declaring a gOl'emmcnt holiday.

8. Exit Rules for Kumari

A Kumari does not h,lI'e the same liberties 10 freely goout from her hOllsc, However, there are some occasionswhere \he Kumari is allowed 10 go out of her house forentenainmcnt and social acti\'ities,

8.1 Exit Rules for Royal Kumori

Occasion Ploce and/or TimeMI.I Chuuka Agam in

Chaila Dashaill Hanulllan DhokhaPalace

Jallamahadyo JatraLagan Area on the dayof Pulling the Chariot

Jallomahadyo Jana Bahal on day ofNhawall Paush Sukla Astami

Changu Narayalla On the day of PaukluJana Sukla Poormma

On day of SapamDalhu Saya to \'isil baM dyo for

obsen'ing,

Pac/lOli Bhairab Aswin Sukla PallrhamiJatra in Laykuu

GllOda JatraTinkhyoll nem RNACbuilding

.HollaniKalratri NOlI'ami forKaal Ratri Paoja

E\ el1 twehe years OIl.\1isa Samyak the nc."t day of main

Samyak fcsti\'a1,

In Kantipur. \he ,\10 Baha, KlI'abaha Kumari and JyapuKumaris are allowed to go out 10 auend the special rarepujOS organi7.ed by pril'ate party sueh as Acha Guthi.Sinha Puja and ClIatis Samar/II elC..

8.2 Exit Rules for Lolitpur Kumori

I~O~«~a~sio~n~__1Place and/or Time

&;rochoryo/ Kumeri in Newer Culture

BWlga Dyo N}w\l'anLagan Khel(Ceremony for Bath)

Puchwo GabahaOn the day of PullingChariot

Nllga Lagankhel Kamari Pati

Blloto Jatra .Jya\\'alakhc1

Mollalli Inside Taleju are.:1

8.3 Exit Rule for Bhaktapur Kumari

BhaJ.."1apur Kumari is allowed to lca\c her home atany11me if she is Inlited. On \he Day of ~Iagh II, 2059BS (2002AD) Lila Bhakta htunakarmi in\ited Kumari aschief guesl for debul of his book Taleju B},awani KotliaPuja wa Pan'a Puja Vidhi '.

9. Divine Power ( Daibiya Sakti)of Kumari

One has to belie\'c in the celestial power of Kumariin order to sec Ihe hem'cnly spirit 1\;lhin Ihe Kumari,something the non-belielers fail to see. Rewards, in afonn blessing of di\ine spiritual it}. arc gi\'en 10 thosewho worship Kumari as a goddess. Herdi\"init}' is c\'idcntm the following factual testimony and c\'ents that reI-calKumari as source of d:libiya Sakli,

1. 1t is beliel'ed thai when Kllmar; becomes 1/1,the care-takers of Kwnori offer puja 10,\-1u BahaKumari. Soon rhe miraculously will reCOl'er framher sickJwrs,

2, Rama Pande, a dCl'o/ed researcher workillg 011

her doctoral all Kumari, expressed her beliefillKumari as goddeJ's ill her ill/en'iew /0 KOnlipllr,

3. Badr; Lal Shrestha fell (he d/l'ille dail'ya shakti"'hen Kwnarifrom Kilagah was /I/I'l1ed /0 !lis house.

-4. A pllja is offered to Ta1eju Agam (Sacred shrine)from lier side,

5. Sile is able 10 drinks alcoholic beI'erases Il'itholdharm,

6. 77le dil'ille dail'Yo ,rltak/i caused a girl from WawTole 10 recOI'er from all incurable eye infec/ion.

7. Former Kumari, Rasmila Shakya, once confessedabow/he divine power i" her illlen';ell',

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B. Michael Allen e.lp!ahlS the jpirilual aspeci ofKumari in his book "The cult of Kumari virginworJhip".

Continuation of employed baby sitter (care taker) thatwas started in NS 876/ I756AD. The first one was ShreeLuxmi Shakya

Annual allowances from GUlhi Sansthan 36 .75 .\'luri rice

10. Kumari's Dress Code

11. Financial Supportto Kumaris

12.1 Provision to porents ofKumori

The pilrents ineluding immediatefamily members should be allowedto I'isit Kumari chhell (house)whenerer they desire. The parentsof ellcry current Kumari should begiven the choice to livc with her in

12. Suggestions andRecommendations for Kumari

The ancient tradition must be omended according tocurrent atmosphere and situation, The provision shouldbe go:xl for good not just for current situotion. Kumaritradition belongs to Newar society; she should not beabandoned from getting education on l<lnguageand cultureof Newar people, Shc should be offered a scholarship forher education from lhe very beginning until she wishesto study in higher education. There should also not be

restriction in choosing a field Theeducational programs and schedulesfor Kumari should also be equallybalanced to hcr physical, intellectmland mental development. She shouldbe gIven education on modemtL'Clmology by providing access to useof computer. Furthermore, a special~cholarship should be establishedto promote her education from thekindergartcn to highest level givingher choice of field,

Evcn after stepping down from the KUlllari life all Kumarishould be gi I'en opportunity to lead and organize woman'sde\'elopment prohJT,mls to secure her honors hip in thesociety. She should be given exposition as guest on childright actil'ilies and program. She should also be givenequal opportunity to derelop, as children need to developrelating to intellectual, physical, educational progr<:lffi.She should also be given a place in every religious andcultural program instead of just focusing on her duringthe yen vaa (lndra Ja/Ta) festival. Since she is consideredas a human fonn of Taleju BhawGni she should be givenopportunny in meetings relating 10 fonnulation of rules

12.2 Kumori's Rights

the Kumari house.

:--Jrs,6000.00Nrs, 1000.00Nrs, 3000.00Nrs, 1000.00Nrs -'0,000.00

Current KumariEducation allowancesE" Kumari until deathlhi Allowancel'vlarriage allowancePaid baby sitter

Sunita Shakya was chosen to beKumari during NS 1088-1098 butwhen il bec<lme time for her to stepdown, she was not ready to descendfrom her throne as the Kumari. Inorder for her smooth transition intothe real world, the government madesome special provision of retircmcntallowances, Ex-Kumari recein:s Nrs.300,00 per month until the age of21 or until <l nl<lrriage takes placeShe also gets Nrs, 1000,00 for !hiexpenses and lastly, ;'\'rs, 10,000,00for her wedding expenses, SunitaShakya was the first KumaJi whosecured such benefits and from thcn all cx-Kumaris fromthen till now receires these benefits from the government.There h,lVC been few changes to this benefit, for eXaJnplethe amOtlnl \\'as amcnded from Rs. 300 per month to Rs.188200 per month until her death. Anothn benefit wasadded to include education allowance of Rs,1000 andsince 2057 BS/20Cl0 AD this was again amended and sctas follows until now:

It is not mandatory to h<lve Kumari wear red clothing allthe time. When Kumari takes a tour of city, she is allowedto wear skirt made of golden Tinkha fabric. It is alsounnecessary for a Kumari to be adomed and decoratcdto look like a typical Kumari. She does not necessarilyhave to decorate her forehead with red \'crmil lion powderor put on the dibya dristi (the third 'eye') all the time,However, during thl: nitya puja, the decoration is kind ofmandatory as sign of discipline. FurthemlOre, Kumari'svariant types of unifonn corrl:spondsto the various meaning in traditional"'lahay,lIla Buddhism.

52 Newoh Viinona-6

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and policy development for protection of the nation.

13. Discussion of Ex-Kumari'sExperience

In Sandhya Times ( 1122 Yanla Thwa 7), Late Heera DeviShakya, 88 years young at the time, has expressed herfeelings on riding the chariot as goddess as a pleasantmoment in her life as a Kumari from 1041-1042 NS.

Harsha Luxmi Shakya said it was nice to be worshiped andride the chariot as goddess. She found it very enjoyableduring her period of becoming Kumari in 1075-1081 NS.She was invited as the chief guest on annual functionorganized by the ~epal Heritage Society

Rashmila Shakya the Kumari of 11 04-1111 NS has writtenthe following paragraph as her own experiencc.

"It is wonderful to think back those times and it isremarkable at that time evervthing seem so normal,women came to pray to me for the health of theirchildren, the king came to worship me. people camefrom all over the world to see me, a huge crowdcame out to see me at Illdra Jatra.... Looking back Iam proud to have had these unique e.vperiellces."

(Rashmila 2005 page 143)

Padma Sumana Shakya of Bhaktapur expresses herfeeling that being Kumari was one of the greatest luckin her life.

14. Conclusion

The tradition of Kumari is not a matter of abolishmentbut it's a matter of promotion as primary source ofphilosophical and cultural integration and need to keepit ali\'e for many years by enhancing the ncw idea andtechnology of modern world. This is the necessity ofthe current situation and path of ideology for futuregeneration who might follow it as culture of dignity andrespect to Newar tradition. This is identity of Newarsand their philosophy that is based on religious harmonyand cultural integration. It should be comprehensi\'e toall as a rising sun that stays all day where \'(lrious kindsof acti\'ities take place during its life,

BibliographyAllen, Michael (1996), The Cult of Kumari. virgin

worship in Nepal Mandala Book pointKathmandu

lItis, Linda (NS 111O), Jala P~'akhan in Historical andCultural perspectives. Proceedings on Nepal Bhasa

Ba;racharya/ Kumari in Newar Culture

wa thwaya sahitya Departmental Symposium.PP.141-168.TC, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Kasaah, Prem &hadur (NS 1084) 'jhiigu NaatakParampara' (our tradition of Drama) RatneswaraPradurbhawa, Chwasa pasa, Yen.

!'da]]a; Vijaya (N.S.1112),Kumari Byale,Yan, Nepal BhasaAcadamy,

Panday, Rama(BS 2059/2002..\D) Ashar 15, 'phursadko kuraakani' Kantipur saptahik, Kantipurpublication, Kathmandu.

Prajapati, Krshna (NS 1124) Khwapa yaa kumaari (Bhaktapur Kumari), Friday's Sandhya TimesKathmandu.

Pradhan, Bhuvan Lal (BS 2048/199L\D), 'KathmandukiJibit Devata-Kumari, Gorkhapatra, Ashoj5.Kathmandu

Shakya, Rashmila (2005), 'From goddess to mortal. thetrue life story of formal royal Kumari', BajraPublication, Kathmandu.

Slusser, !\Ia~' (NSn02/1982..\D) Nepal l\landala"Princeton lJ niversity Press, Princeton

Tamot; Kashi Nath (N.S.n01) Kilaga: ya Devi pyakhan,Kapan (Chwasa l\luna), Yen, Kilaga:, Man BhayaPucha: N.S.1101P131-136

Thakur La Manandhar (N.S.1104), Bhaju Kibandha,Kathmandu, Giridhar Lal Manandhar,

** The Nepal Bhasa version of this paper was presentedin the s~'mposiumorganized by the CentralDepartment of Nepal Bhasa, Tribhuvan University,Kathmandu on July 2:3rd, 2005,

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Newah SolidarityCan-,paig nMaheswor [email protected]

Some months ago some of my local friends and I hada guff on t"epal's history. We recalled the golden andglorious period of rule of vve Newah people But wewere soon saddened by the fact - loss of our state -thehealthiest, wealthiest and the most prosperous, civilizedand independent state of the time - due to our owndisunity and indifference. When people lose their state,they (except some renegades and collaborators) loseeverything. Their history is distorted, their property islooted, their women and children ,UT molested, they aredescribed as cowards, they are treated as slaves and whatnot') The only salvation for them is to regain their ownlost state, their own independence.

Can we regain our lost glory, dignity and independence')We stormed our brain and found that it was not impossible.When Jews can establish Israel, when Bengalis can haveBangladesh out of Pakistan, v\·hen the state of Jharkhandcan emerge out of Bihar, why can't we t"ewah peopleregain our lost state of t"epal 1\ 1andal again ,)·Yes, we can.236 pai nful years have passed since we lost our state andthere have been great many changes in the world. Currentground reality says: we can regain our lost state onlywhen other indigenous nationalities also can regain theirlost domains. That too is possible only when !'\epal willhave been restructured as a federal state.

The concept of federal Nepal has now become a strongdemand of several political partie, and organizations ofalmost all indigenow; nationali ties of Nepal Our ownt"ewah Dey Dabu is also achocating the same for theautonomy of Newah people. \Yhen the conquered people,stand and qruggle united, nothing can stop them fromwinning freedom.

Once cOlwinced with this great idea, we felt we have ourduty towards realizing this noble demand of federal t"epalThere are lmmy small things that play important roles in

54

achieving a big success. So, we thought of doing awaywith our own genetic traits first - disunity and indifference- by launching a campaign- !'\ewah Solidarity Canlpaign.!'\ewah Solidarity Campaign is an effort to bring all !'\ewahpeople around the world into a strong bond of unity andfraternity through direct person-to-person contacts bysharing their happiness and sorrows, by raising voice forjustice when they fall victim to injustice and to providepossible relief to a Newah in the dire need of a,sistance.

The Campaign doe, not consider religious belief, politicalideology, geographic location, linguistic v·ariation,fimmcial position, social stratum, caste and creed to whicha t"evvah may belong. To Newah Solidarity Campaign, a!'\ewah is only t"ewah, a digni fied member of the gloriousNewah nationality 'community. t"ewall SolidarityCampaign vvas launched in the beginning of 2005 and isstill in the stage of developmental concept. I believe thatwith your cooperation and involvement the Campaignwill take a concrete shape of an authentic institution inthe near future will help a lot in attaining autonomy to!'\ewah people.

Besides a large number of t"ewah contacts in Nepal,the Campaign has established live contacts with Newahpeople in Jap,m, the Netherlands and the l'SA. Contactswith Ne\\·a people in Australia, England and India areprogressing. Contacts in other parts of the world are inthe search.

The Campaign will be given a suitable name and a finalshape once contacts will have been established in (at leasta dozen or so m,~ior countries where Newah people areliving in a considerable numberBasic activities of theCampaign are to collect Newah related information fromYCtrious sources, proceS' them into a witable format andsend them as Request Solidarity Messages to Newahpeople around the world calling for an action - sending

Newah Vijiiano-6

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best wishes to a "'iewah for his/her noble;heroic·historicundertaking, congratulating a "'iewah on his/her success,achievement, sending condolence messages to a bereaved"Jewah, comforting a Newah who has fallen victim toan injustice and raising voice for justice by demandingattention and action of government authorities of anycountry In near future, the Campaign \,>'ill also try toraise charity fund for a "'iewah who is in an urgent needof assistance and who makes appeals for such assistancepublicly

Functions of l\ewah Solidarity Canlpaign lars>ehdepend on use of media and telecommunications means.Contacts in person depend on an indi\'idual. As ofnow, the Campaign is totally dependent on emails andphone calls. \Vhen it grows strong, it will have to haveaccess to print (newspapers), audio (radios) and visual(TV and websites) media as well. But it all depends on ourown effort .In order to execute its activities, the Campaignplans to locate focal points (main contact persons) district­wise in Nepal and country-wise(more if needed) in therest of the world until next arrangement. Functions ofa focal point at this stage will be to (1) collect Newahrelated information from various sources in his/her areaof responsibility, process them into a suitable formatand forward them with a request for solidarity to l\ewahcontacts in his/her area of responsibility and to otherfocal points, (2) receive request solidarity messages fromother focal points and forward them to \Jewah contacts inhis/her area of responsibility, and (3) do other things asappropriate and as needed.

The solidarity messages will be written in twolanguages: Nepal Bhasa and the English languagesimultaneously to allow for that Newah who havedifficulty in understanding and writing Nepal Bhasa.The request solidarity messages should essentially contain(l) full name of the person to which solidarity is to be sent,(2) his her shortest possible introduction, (3) the briefestdescription of the event, (4) hisiher location, email addressand phone/fa, numbers, and (5) where applicable, name,s,positions of the authorityies, location's, email addressesand phone fax numbers if they are also to be addressed todemand an action by them.

t'ntil next arrangement, 1 myself will be acting asthe focal point for whole of Nepal. :'vlr. Suresh BhaktaShrestha, a gentleman doing PhD at Tokyo Uni\'Crsity,has offered to become focal point for .lapan. Dr. BalGopal Shrestha is helping a lot from the Netherlands.I'dr Tribhtl\'an Tuladhar IS even displaying theCampaign's matters in \JOA website as well. TheCampaign is in search of focal points for other countries.

Shrestha/Newar Solidarity Campaign

Dear friends, I hm'e tried my best to explain to you theobjectives and modus operandi of Newah SolidarityCampaign. As I already said, it is still in the stage ofconcept. You can be one to define and set its objectives andto fnillle up its structure and improve its modus operandiSo you are most welcome to join Ne\vah SolidarityCampaign and march ahead to unite the glorious Newahpeople. Inviting again tojoin \Jewah Solidarity Campaignand looking forward to hearing from you soon,

Circulated on 4-25-2005 - @; 13: 15

55

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Vi~vvpointOn Nepal Sarnbat

Roshan Shrestha

One of the most innovati\'e emd extraordinary work ofour great ancestors and their leader l\lr. ShankhadharSakhwa is the establishment of an era devoted to nationand people - the Nepal Sambat- unlike many other erasof their time devoted to a powerful king (or political!religious leader) The popular hear-say story behind NepalSambat that tells how Mr, Shakhadhar Sakhwa becamerich overnight is often questioned but few questions areasked how people of Nepalmandal sun'ived debt freefor centuries unlike others in the neighboring areas,

1\ly gut feeling says, only the consequences in the storymight be true not the whole story It is to be noted thatwe are talking about the society of a millenium year agoin this topic where feudal politics was deep rooted andreligious norms were the core values of the society, Yetthe nation displayed a unique unity to establish a newera displacing another era named after the great ancestor(King Manadev) of then ruling King Raghmdev, Thissingle fact springs out a lot of hypotheses and poses a hugeresearch issue to unravel the hidden truth behind the wholeepisode of transitioning Nepalese society into a new era,

King Manadev formed a strong country expanding Nepalto larger area than the great ancestor PN Shah of currentKing had done, So, it is quite logical to assume that KingRagha\dev would be unhappy for demolishing the Eranamed after his forefather. Some people argue that theKing brought the idea of new year to renmlp the socialbalance after suffering badly from natural disasters likeecu'thquake, cholera break-out and prolonged droughtwhich might have compelled him for a great change But, Ithink other way The public dissatisfaction must have led toa massive revolution just like \\'e had one recently in Nepalthat weakened feudal control in the society and degradedpublic faith toward the feudal centers, Such a massi\'edeterioration of public trust might have inspired the societyto dedicate newly establishing era to the nation culd public

56

rather than suffixi ng after unpopular nam e of the King, Justrecall how people changed names of schools, bridges andpublic service sectors recently in Nepal that were namedafter royal members while they were strong in power,

Nepal Sambat was absented from its official use by PrithviNarayan Shah to indicate the end of Malia dynasty, andlater on the Rana regime banned using it in all officialrecords, The rana regime brought Vikram Sam bat Themovement to revive Nepal Sam bat started once againafter Ranas exited from pO\ver. There is discussionsgoing on to bring back the Nepal Sambat in official useagain, which however could pose some trouble becauseof its none-standard time-shifting system. Current worldrequires a 24-hour uniform daily cycle and seasonalsyncing months, which does not exist in Nepal Samba!.I think, this problem has no solution except adoptingthe Gregorian days and months that is used allover theworld. It would turn out to be unique and practical too.We can take example of Japan in this case. Japan hasadopted Japanese year and gregorian month and daysfor official use. For example, a birthday falling on NS1094 Chaulathvvo Saptami turns to be 2029 Chaitra 27and 1973 April 9. Converting dates among these threecalendars is complex mathematical problem, and simplyout of capacity for ordinary people. It may be unpracticalto go through such complex change for daily-use purpose,where we seek to have a unifonn calendar compatiblewith the system adopted elsewhere. The japanese calendarconverts this date to S48-0-+-09 (where SYY=YYYY­1925), which is simple once the Gregorian date is known.We can also write our date in the same format such asN094-04-09 (where NYYY =1'1'1')'-879). This fonnatcan be used in all practical purposes without any conflict.

The Nepal Sam bat movement is at its high time these daysas increasing mass have started to recognize the worth ofits contribution for New Nepal. It is our responsibility

Newoh Vijnono-6

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to understand the norms and v<llues of Nepal Samba!,P'lflicipate In arguing for and against its merits anddemerits. help in research and educating our youngergeneration in our capacity such that we would not lose one

ofour decent achievcment in our history and the pioneeringwork of our ancestors. toward hm'ing a justicc society.

NHOO DAn YAA BHl"''TLr.\'AA

LASKUSAPublication of Newah Organization of America

VlVIVI.neVloh.o.-g

Shrestha/On Nepal Sambat 57

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Nepalbhasa OnlineFounded for NevvahLanguage and People

www.nepalbhasaonline.org

Our website is \\ww.nepalbhasaorg; since it is not opento public and being worked on, Ubin-ju has kept it alsounder www.designtemple.com·nepalbhasa.

Nepalbhasa is spoken mostlyby the Newah people, nativesof the Kathmandu Valley and the sUITounding villages,cities and territories also known as Nepal Mandala. Ithas its own script and dialect with rich literature. Beforethe rule of the Shah dynasty, !'.iepalbhasa was an officiallanguage of Nepal ~landala. For the last 237 years of Shahand Rana dynasties, Nepalbhasa and also other nationallanguages of Nepal have been intentionally discriminatedand suppressed by the country rulers in favor of Khaslanguage (later named as Gorkhabhasa and !'.iepali) underthe so-called slogan - one country, one language.

In light of our past experience it has become clear thatthe future of our own language, culture and traditiondepend on us and not on the go\·ernment. I-Ience, our owncontribution to revitalize and sustain Nepalbhasa is highlycritical. However, it is our Civil Rights to demand fromthe Nepal government of equal treatment and rights forall Nepalese national languages including Nepalbhasa.In the context of recently announced "ParliamentaryProclanlation - 2006", we feel that an environment hasbeen created to recognize the Civil Rights of indigenousNepalese people and their languages, but there is still along way to go in institutionalizing it.

Even many months before the mll10uncement of theProclamation 2006, we - the Newah people living inthe Lnites States - felt a historical obligation towardour mother language, Nepalbhasa that is the soul ofidentity of the Newah people living in !'.iepal and all overthe world. As a result, !'.iepalbhasa Online (NBO) wasfounded on November 12, 2005 in San Antonio, Texasand registered on December 28, 2005 with the State ofTexas as a non-profit organization for the purpose ofpro\iding online resources mainly to the Newah people

58

in order to revitalize, preserve and develop Nepalbhasa inthis information age of Internet.

An action committee comprising of 5 coordinators, wasestablished for legally representing Nepalbhasa Onlineand for executing its responsibility as determined. Thecoordinators are as following:

* Gyanendra Hyoju (Salt Lake City, Utah)Information Coordinator

;: R<~iat Gopal Rajbhandari (El Paso, Texas):Editorial Coordinator

;: Suchitra Bahadur Shrestha (San Antonio, Texas):Organizational Coordinator

;: Sur~i Krishna Shrestha (Sml Antonio, Texas):Financial Coordinator

;: Ubin Malia (New York City, New York):Web Development Coordinator

* Dr. Swoyam Prakash Shrestha, a \·isiting scientistat Southwest Foundation for BiomedicalResearch was gi\·en a responsibility of a SpecialAmbassador of NBO.

Our Vision:

Our vision of Nepalese society is a diversified multilingualsociety where every Nepalese nationality has the rights toeducation in their mother language.

Equal rights to all Nepalese national languages andcommunities including Nepalbhasa and the Newah Peoplecreate a peaceful and harmonized society.

Newah Viifiana-6

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Divcrsity is unity. Diversity is the strength. not divisionof Nepalesc socicty. !"\epalbhasa -the soul and identity ofthe Ncwah people.

Utcracy in SI.-palbhasa among the Sewah people isempowerment

Our Objectives:

* To pro\'idc an online resource to revitalize.presen'e and de\'elop Nepalbhasa.

* To de\ clop the Sepalbhasa Onlinc website (\\'W\\:

nepalbhasaorg) in phases with targeted taskstowards achieving the main objecU\'e.

'" To create online web community In leaming

Nepalbhasa.* To promote literacy in Ncpalbhasa by

strengthening morale of the Sewah people in its

"'~'" To disseminate communit~ acti\'ities mfonnation

as widely as possible in Sepal and abroacl.It To mise awareness of l'\cpalbhasa both inside arxI

outside the community through all possible mediaby introducing language maintenance programs.

* To raise funds for well-defined NepalbhasaProjects,

'" To establish friendship and co-operation amongotber nationalities in :-':epal and abroad forcommon causes.

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"'''' ~.... I ''''.'.' •• ...'_ .......,

Nepalbhasa Online..... 59

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Book Review:Nevvar (Nepal Bhasha),Languages of the WorldMaterials 256By Dr. Austin Hale and Kedar P. ShresthaPublished by: Lincom GmbH

GmunderStr. 350-81379 Muenchen, 2006

Dr. Austin Hale and Kedar P Shrestha are not new in thestudy of Newar Language. Dr. Hale appeared in this fieldwith introduction of Conjunct and Disjunct pattern ofverb inflection similar to pre established Atma and Paradistinction referring to self and non-self variation in nativeliterature. His appearance in his field is genuine and highlyappreciative for his detailed study of Newar language thatis made available to all including the linguistic circle ofHimalayas.

The current volume is one of the most valuable outcomeof his long term study of the Newar language. It is one ofthe greatest updated resources of information in Nevvarlanguage studies. One of the most striking images I gotfrom this publication is the title 'Newar (Nepal Bhasha)'.Both of these tenm hold truth in historical perspectives.Once, it was ill fully labeled 'NEWARI' following themisguided scholars of Brain Hudson and Hans JorgensenThe term was copied by several foreign and nativescholars until the end of 20th century. Since then it took adifferent turn and realized the native speakers' concern onnaming oflanguage by foreign scholars. From this respectit is certainly a plausible joint step.

Focusing on the subject matter of the book, it is noticeablethat the current volume describes the entire feature ofhuman language available in Newar. There is a differencein writing the grammar of any language by a nati\'espeakers and alien scholars. The current volume meets atthe juncture of both type of works. Therefore it is oneof the most valuable guideline for the study of Newarlinguistics. However, as it appears in the translation of thetexl materials, the co-author does not seem much invoh'edin dissemination of technical features of linguistics ratherthan orthographical input on his native tongue. From thispoint of view the current volume lacks the accuracy oftranslation in tenns of semantic and pragmatic meaningof lexl materials to some extent. The book is based on the

60

Kathmandu and Patan Dialect (as categorized by Shakya1992) which is considered the standard and also used inthe media The similar kind of study can be conductedin each and every dialect and sub dialect. The analysisof the text is given in interlinear data base throughoutthe volume. In order to prepare the current volume, theauthors have cited an extensive number of reference in therelated field from 18.:+1 to 2005 AD. The book discusses thephonology, morphology and syntactic features availablein Newar language. It includes many features such asanti-deictic, pronoun derivatives, intentional action,mutational inflection, head contrast on case marking,group inflection, semantic space, \'ersality, concatenation,affinities, apposition' type of auxiliaries (such asparticiple link, infinitive linked, and long stem linked),receptive, equative, and descriptive copular clauses, backward spreading, short stem SUbordination, co-relatives,infinitival and finite subordination etc. Introduction of allthese terms certainly inspires the native linguists to diginto more details of syntax and semantic universalities ofhuman language.

Some of the unclear gloss and translation found in thebook have been marked here for precise inherent semantic\·alue. The contrastive sets given in 1.2.2 and 1.3.1 needmore specific gloss or need to be selected different wordswith phonetic variation besides the following examples.

KA, taka. pA: pu. ga: bi, tao khine, jaye. jwa. jliA:,jaw. thave. phaye. nwaye

The usage of lateral and taps (page 8) are still sketchy.Since no conlrast is available in initial and final positiona debate may occur on whether 'rani' is loan to Newar orvice versa. The example of '[Akhe' could be a colloquialform of Sanskrit rakshyaka (guard) instead of rAkshyasa(ogre).

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It is :lIso questiooable that whethcr the glides mentionedon the firth page arc breathy (yh) or actual glide (hy), Someexamples such as wo (s he), wo: (cake) wallO (silvcr) who

hll'o (hole) needs (0 be verified \\1Ih more specific soundanalysis. Similarly, yAwl (not hca\'y) hyAIlII or yhAu"(red) should be free from natuc orthogrnphic influence,

The e.>.:planation on alternatl\'e stem in nouns gil'cn inpages 27-32 is much clearer in this n)lllme, This featureis I'cry tricky Ihnt C<luses confusion to the contemporaryle<lmers Wilhout consulting to classical fonn of themodem words this topic may oot be transparenL Theword 'mlla' (bod) is analp.ed in multilinkcr approochdiscussed in 2.2.3 with examples 2...1.2.5 and 2.-4.1.8. Thelater one is idemified as omi-dicIC1ic. To m) knowledge itwas not discussed anywhere else. The ami-deictic 'mila'has a plural fonn 'pin' based on occurrence and funclion,but the IITitcrs hal'c cl<limed thatthc anti -dcictic by cCHlIrolhas only one single foml. It CHn be reexamined for furtherclarification. Introduction of l-naJ in 2.2,8 as pronoundcri\'ath'es is also memionable here. It is also possiblcto find '-krlllO' as a \'ariantthat may lead to underlyingform. As a nati\'c speaker Ifeel comfor\4lble usmg the'pAta' as an underlyingform for inanimateclassifier mentioned III

2.3.2.1 \ loreov(.'f. 511'0­

kll'OIl ( as by it self) phu­kll'oll (as a whole) dok-lI'on( as exisled) wo-kwlltl ( asa \\hole cause of coming)and ll'on-kwoll (as a wholecause of going) may needto \'erify with sllffix 'kll'c'in 2,3.3.1. Discussion ofmutational fOlln of verbinflection is plausible.The identification of stemfinal in class ::! I"erb needfurther examinalion ratherthan based on co-author'spersonal interprctation.The section on adjccti\'csin 2.5 is "cry short. Whereas the discllssiCHl on\'arious types of atlxiliarysuch as participle linked.infinili\ e linked. longstem linked is worthy tomention here. Prcl"iouslythey wcre simply eX<lmined as mulLi functional auxiliaryverbs :md it is Obviously creditable how differentlhcy arein syntactic structure and semantic relationship. Labeling

Book Review: Newor .. "

of various types of auxiliaries is unm<Jtehable inventionon complexities of auxiliary vcrbs in 4.4.

Discussion d \'ersality in 3.6.2 in reference to the word'1Mc' (place) is certainly a nole worthy to mention here.Pre\iously (his type of usage is identified as simple wayd presentation similar to English 'there'. Semanticembedding of \'ersaIity discussed in the book may leadto another chapter of detail study of narratJ\'c discourse,Besides, il also talks ahout post positional concatenationin addition 10 verb concatenation available in most TBlanguages claimed by Delancey (1984). is subjcct ofnoteworthy for further study of l'ewar dIscourse. Ine....ample 4.9 the word 'gapale' is precisely external but'throat' may have a scnse d llltemal parL As disputed\\1th KPS. !he example 7.4 would be more specific andprecise as follows.

ma/lu /lOll bo:Arc dugu myugulill ll'G misAn kApalIyAe phala.

In translalion, a cause ofbelllg able to buy do!hesis buying d goat by others\\hereas in the text thecause is nOI refleeled. Itseems like ~l transcribingerror.

Discussion of c1ausccombining de\'icc inchapler 7 and toplcalil)in 8 also th1'o\\ lighton discourse analysis.ldenlification of 'dMJA'as land mark topicality isnoteworthy.

In sum. the book isundoubledly an extensheslud~ d S'ewar IinpJistics.11 is cenainl) an excellentguide line for furtherstud) of :-':cwar sym;tx andsemantics. The chapters onphonology aod morpholog}could be :--:ewar specificfeatures but the features ofsyntactic constmetioo mayn(.'Od 10 deal \\ith influenceof the dominalLng languageor the aerial or region..'1

attributes that letlds to unfold another whole chapter instudy of Newar linguistics.

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Book Review:

CaturrnasaC:elebrot"ion of Deot"h

Writer: A W Van den HoekEditors: J.C. Heesterman, Bal Gopal, Shrestha,

Han F. Vermeulen and Sjoerd M. ZanenPublished by: CNWS Publications Leiden , The Netherlands, 2004

Table of Content:

Kathmandu as a sacrificial arenaRitual cycle of KathmanduGatham mugah: Expulsion of demons,Gai Yatra: the day of entry to heaven,Indra Yatra: the captive king of the gods,The start of Dashain: Pachali Bhairav Yatra,The dying gods: the divine dances of GathuThe conclusion of dashain: sacrifice and Sword

processIonTihar: the turn of the ritual year.

The book itself is out spoken about four months longperiod of festivals. Beginning on hari sayani ekadai andending on hari bodhini ekadasi ( 11 th day of bright half ofthe month of Dilla in june/july and 11 th day of the brighthalf of Kachala in Oct! November is traditionally calledthe Chaturmas in neViar cultural heri tage more specificall yit is the core festival time in Nepal i\fandala. Beforeor after these festi\'als no other specific and significantoccasion is observable. 'Caturmas' is the mirror of NepalMandala inhabitants the Newars. Therefore the focus ontitle Caturmas is very relevant and significant in context ofNewall culture I have heard from many Newall personalsthat the chaturmas is already started auspicious occasionof getting married is not possible easily, What it meanshere is that during these four months people freely donot organize lasata activities but dedicate to devotionalone. So festival of death period is not so auspicious. Thesecondary title of the book is the 'celebration of death'.\Vhen a death occurs certainly it is not ajoyful moment thebook discusses the four month festivals from Gathamugato Tihar. It is certainly mixed matched information in thecurrent context of Newall heritage. No newah communitycelebrates Tihar instead of Sv,.'onti. From this perspectivethe books has limitation on choice of words and adoptedcommon terms that was taught during Panchayat period.

62

During this period a massive suppression from govt.and system \vas active hence the ethnic awareness wasmarginalized by calling every thing Nepali and the writerwas al so influenced wi th this suppressive opinion gatheredfrom native people. The editors should have filtered theseinfluences and make the book core cultural exposition. Useof Gaijatra, Indra .Taira. Dashain and Tillar certainly donot reveal the core subject of Curtumas tradition. InsteadSavah , Yen yah, Mohani and Swonti are the appropriateterminology to discuss by keeping the core culture freefrom di! uted with khas tradition.

PRESS RELEASE

Official Book Presentation at the Research School CNWS,University of Leiden, The Netherlands

On 18th of January 2005 at 17:00-1730 (Nepal Samvat9 Pohela 1125 and Vikram Samvat 5 Magha 2061 at21:-1-5-22: 15 Nepal time) the Research School CNWS,University of Leiden has presented an important book bythe late A. W. (Bert) van den Hoek in Leiden.

The book's title is Caturmasa: Celebrations of Death inKathmandu, :':epal (Leiden 200-+). It is an anthropologicalstudy of religious festivals in Kathmandu by the late Bertvan den Hoek (1951-2001), a Leiden based anthropologist,md indologist having twenty years of research experiencein South Asia, who was affiliated to CNAS at TribhuvanUniversity, Nepal until his sudden departLlre from thepresent world. On 1 December 2001, Bert van den Hoekpassed away in Mumbai (Bombay), India after a tragicaccident.

On 18 January 2005, the program began with a shortwelcome speech by the director of the C1':WS, professorBarend te Haar. Professor.TC Heestemlan, one of theeditors presented first copies of the book to Professor Dirk

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Kolfr. fonllcrdireclOroftheCNWS,andto~lrs.R. Kamps,mother of the deceased. Professors lirestennan andKoiff also highlighted the significance of the book. Thisfesti\ e occasion took. place in the presence of professorsand teachcrs of the CSWS. thc Kern Institute, manycolleagues and friends, including distinguished guestssuch as the Consul General of Nepal, Cas de Stoppelaar,In his wrinen message, His E:'tccllcncy Ambassador ofNepal to the Netherlands and Belgium, Narayan SamsherThapacxpressed thai 'the e\'cnt will remain important forthe promOllon of the cullure of Sepal in this part of theworld'.

This book presents an in-depth \-ie\\" and analysis of thereligious festil"als eelcbrated in KathmlUldu during thefour months (Caturmasa) period of the year. The book isbased on long.teml fieldwork and presents an inside-\'iewhow religion works in a societ) where se\'eral castes mustcooperale, and where boLh Buddhist and Hllldu rituals arepracticed in order to cope with death. The bt:K;)k focuseson the relation between religion lind political powerin Nepal and deals withKathmandu as a sacrificialarena Its central themesare death as the ultimatesacrifice, and the l.:mmentrole of klllgship in a ntual

Book Review: Caturmasa.....

context.

The bt:K;)k represents an important contribution to the studyd South Asiun rituals. Catunnasa: Celebratiolb of Deathin Kathmandu, Sepal is of lllterestto students of culturalanthropology and of South Asian, p.lrticularly Nep."l1eseculturc, society and ritl1.11.

Details of thc bt:K;)k:

A.W. \an den Hoek. Catunn.asa: Celebrations of Deathin Kathmandu, ~epal. Edited by lC. Hcesterman, BalGopal Shre.~tha, Han F. \'cnneulen and Sjoerd M. Zancn.l...eidcn: Rescarch school C!'-.,VS (CN'VS PublicationsVol. 133), 2()()4. x.il' + 188 pp.. 25 ills., maps, diagram,glossary. index ISBS 90-5789-098-4. Price € 20.

Orders can be placed at C~,VS Publications, e-mail:cn\\s@'leLleidcnuniv.nl

Contactli n form ati on:Dr, Bal Gopal Shrestha.co-editor. e~mail:

shresthall@'zonneLnl

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Introducing an UnusualBook in Nepal Bhasha(Oral tradition of Newar Buddhism)

Upadesh SangrahTold By: Heera Maya VajracharyaWritten and Published By:Sthabir Jog Ratna Shakya, Kathmandu

Gumma Heera Maya Vajracharya is one of the Illostinllucntial teachers in my life and I hold a humble andprofound respect for her. I can still remember meetingher for the first time how I imIllediately felt her diyinepresence deep \Yithin my self. It was her motiyation thatgm"c me so much success in my 0\\11 life. Because ofher profound wisdom and inspiration... it became a dailyroutine 10 pay her a \-isit. In fact. if I happen to miss aday. we both started c\:periencing a sense of longingand lacking in our daily routine. Therefore. r set a timeto \'isi1 her on a daily basis for scycral years.

During this period of\"is11. she encouraged me to makemorc usc of our time together. Shc challenged mc llliyean inquisitiye mind beyond talking about unnecessat;.,\-orldly desirc. She wantcd me to be morc thoughtfuland to think deeper for more yaluable question. She.in rctUnl. promiscd to answer my question by callingupon her intuitional knowledge gained from prdying toalmighty goddess.

At that moment. my limited knowledge left mespcechless. I did not know which qucstion to ask duringan illyaluable scnnon. She rccognized my discomfortand told mc first to start by leaming about A."anna Lekhaor e.'\istcllce of all h\"ing and non-li\'ing bcings. andthcir uscfulncss in human socicty. \\lith this forcsight.her lessons began with origin of the mu\·ersc includingeach and c,c~ items used in our daily lh"cs that "crcwithin the range of my \·ocabulary. \\lhile dcli\"cringthese serulons. other people also staned to take deepintercst in hcr teachings and they too started to yisithcr on a daily basis. At that time. modem rccordingtechnology was not ayailable and so I wrote to taketraditional notcsand then somctimes I would write thcmup at homc as I remcmbcred. She made it m<:mdatot;."

64

for her audience to beyoeal and tilerefore. anincompIcteness of thisis merely due to lackof my ,·ocabula~- andkI10\\ ledge. Although Ial11 regretful now. I ask mysclf who is going to giye uslessons on undocumentcd subjects'!

At the begiIUling. I must admit that it "as ,cry boringto takc notes on each and cycry itcms discussed. But astimc passed by, my interest blossomed along with myattention and I found importance in each subject. Tobelicyc whether or not thal eyery state of being is resultofKannic cycle is a mattcr ofpcrsonal interpretation. Itis also personal to accept arlY facts to be belieyable andto be disregard due to its lack of credibihty. Becausethcre is some dcgrec of truth on unbelieyable facts too.it is unfair 10 claim her tcaching is bascless and truthless cyen if some of thc incidents !ll<ltches with onesown life stylc.

After the sudden demise of the hing Mahendra in 2028BS. King Bircndra took oyer the soyereignty of Nepal.\Vit11 dcep interest and success of his ruling. Gurumaprayed for his long life and stnbility in the country bydeli\ering the auspicious teaching to her diSCIples.First. she praycd for goodwill to all hYing beings andmentioncd that we \\·ish no !i\"ing beings should be leftout from attaining cnlightenment from this teaching. isthc main focus of this tcaching. Knowing thc facts ,mdfeature of each (existcntial) Jataka clement in which itis our duty to usc that element in appropriatc field. As aresult. we recei\~ thc glst of that clement. Shc assuredto all tile attendants that \\e must follo\\ the mle ofnature and protcct our }iyes by utili/-ing all thc Jataka

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\

elements in proper way and respect their existence. Itis good not to waste any living substance in improperway. If an element is not good for health, it is simplydue to its kam1ic nature. We must accept this fact andutilize them in association with other good elementsrather than neglecting and destroying them. By doingtIlis 'we can improve our lives and ultimately we attainthe path of peace in nlind and make it easy to approachthe way of Nirvana. Tllis is the main focus of thisbook.

In some cases. she explains her teaclling throughshort stories accompanied by a description. I considerthis methodology of teaching to be one of her greatintellectual ability in presenting the sennons. If I hadnot painstakingly written down in pieces of papers. Iwould not be able to present it in the fonn of the book.I feel very fortunate to have the opportmlity to writeher sem10ns for all of you. One of the reasons why tIliswas not published, even after ten years of her death31Uliversary, was solely due to disarrangement of notesand lack of my own kno'wledge on documentationprocedure. Tllis lacking cansed me lots of hassle inputting together in serial organization. After compilingall the notes into one large volume of hand writtenbook. I presented this dibya vani to well-knownPundits such as Late Dham13 Nanda Vajracharya. LateAmogha Bajrd Vajrdcl13rya, Puma Harsha Vajracharya.and Satwa Tara Vajrdcharya. All of them have readthe book thoroughly and compared the content withother purans and lhya sap/1Us. Then it was also readout to her disciples including Swayambhu Sikhrakar.Panchabir Singh Tuladhar. NaIli Mayeju and Jagatdevi.Then in request of many other disciples who nlissedthe occasion at her residence. I summoned once againin my house for four months. During these occasionsmany of attendants have made a special request tomake compilation available to many more. Therefore.it is published in the form of tllis book. At that timeeven though request was made. a sufficient financialsupport was not 3\·ailable. Therefore it was publishedonly in lithographed fonn. Even though the Gummahad begun to delivertIlis sennon ten years ago in 2027BS. I was mslling to complete it for public in timefor the 12tl1 year festival of the Vajrayogilli shrine inPharping. I am fully responsible for delay in bringingtllis book out.

It was very unfortunate that the book did not come outduring her lifetime. After the completion of teacllings.Gunna asked me if there was any tIling else that Iwanted to know. I was once again speechless and could

Introducing an Unusual Book.....

not remember any other subject that I did not touch.It was very noticeable that she took long breathe ofsatisfaction and she did what she was supposed to doin her life. As a blessing from her. I was chosen to theposition of 5th Thaepa (StI13vir) of the Kesh ChandraMaha Vihar (Hum Baha) and secured my place in theSacred Ag3l11 of my own linage Vihar. Finally. shetook her last breathe on 203 L PI131gun 21. The livinglegendary person passed away with fulfillment ofNirv3l13. The sudden demise of Gumma stUlUled all herdisciples who were left speechless and fear for furtherguidance. I also went through lots of hassle in my life.My beloved wife was also tremendously shocked andshe could not bear to see her absence. Finally. she leftme with six precious cllildren in difference of less th3l1six months. In such a way I gained some knowledgebut on the other hand my composite Prajnopaya,vas broken. I consider it as the result of my Kamlicresemblance.

Even until all the typing work was done the book wasnot named. I was simply referring it as Jatak Mala butsince it is solely based on her teacllings I thought ofnanling it as collection of her teaching hence I called itthe "Upadesh Sangrah".

The book contains the following 27 chapters andvarious Topics:

1. l\amaskar and Yandana (Salutation to Di,ine Beings)2. Shristi Jnaana (Ew)lution of the the world)3. Pyangu yoni prani utvati wa sthabar prani

(Evolution of four types of beings and vegetation)4. Kita Patang prani (Insects)5. Andaja prani (the beings born from eggs)6. .Jaraynja praani (The animals)7. .Jaraayuja .Jantu .Janawar (Wild animals)8. Puspa 1\Iala ( Flower world)9. PhaJataa (fruit world)10. ilIasala pwa (l\uts)11. Anna Buuba (Beans and grains)12. Paka Masala Spices (Spieies)13. Sag Sabji( Green Vegetables)14. Sthabar.Jhatvaat (Plant beings)15. Kalpa Vriksh~'a Sthabar (holy plants)16. Khat Gati praani (six Type of beings)17. Sum ern 1\1andala D"ipa upadwipa(Celestial region

and arena)18. Bhumandala ~'aa pyemha ,Juju (Four De,-ine Kings of

Earth)19. Bichitra Dhanga yaa praani (Unusual Beings)20. Lakshyan lIkta Pyapu Kathi (Four Holy sticks)21. Naag Raja (The Seq)ent beings)22. Asta Ratna Jnaana (Eight Noble Gems)23. Punyaatma Jnaana (\Velfare souls)24. Griha Laxmi Shiil Sobhawa (Lyaajyaa25. Kosha yaa kban ( stOI)' of Dowry)26. Durgati Mochan yaa khan27. Manju Shree 1\Iahatmya

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MiscellaneousMaterialsNewah Organization ofAmerica (NOA)NOA Press Release:Nepal Sambat 1128 Thinlathwa KhasthiDated Dec. 13, 2007

'\c\\"ah Organization of America (\:0.-\) celebrated112~ year of \:cpal Samba! this Dec (), 20U7 here in the\ letrup<.llitan \Va"hin~lon to highlight the 'ilgnificancc ofthe indigcnoll~ Era of \:epalas the true Sam bat of :\epal.Cross-section of the local '\ep~llcsc community \\".:\"present at this ('\enl "omt' 120 indi\-jduab and _"upporter".\laskr of the ceremony. \Ir:,- Bahita Shrcstha, askedthe Chief C,ueq \1r Kali P PokharcL counc;elnr ()f theEmhassy of \:epal, III inaugurate the pJ\)gr~un by lightingthe traditional "l\\"aadc\\"aa' WelcomIng the participants\h Trihhll\"an R. Tuladhar, President or :\c\\'311OrgiJl1l/.alloIl 01" AmLTica (;'\0:\) said that .'\epal Sam hat

i~ tht: era borne in our homcbnd .'\epal, and recentl~

Prime .\liniqer of .'\eral .\Ir (jirija P K,)lrala had -,;aid

that ":\cpal Sambal bel(lng~ to all "epakse. and he \\"lHtlJinclude the datum In the offiCial letter pad of the office\)j' tht: Pnme .\1JJ1lster df "cpal for all correspondences".\1r. luladhar said that this eommend;:lhle aclltltl mustbe follo\\'ed by all \lini:,trics. no\"(:,'rnmcnt Jepartmcnt~

and in'ititution" of "epaL and ask-cd the Lmbassy of'\epal here in the L'S \() folIo\\' the samc, Hc called onall media h) include the "epal Sam bat datum in all theirtrammission<.; in a \'(lluntary manner \\'hich \\'ill set theright set of e:\amples for the entire "epalcse people to1'0110\\'. He sJ.id de'ipite hrdad understanding of thisis"ue, substantial 0ppo'ition ~lill remaim that need to herenw\ed, \lr. Tuladhar '-Ibo ~aid thett "epal Sam hat isour Common Heritage for all :-":epa.lese that \yill unitcus111 building a "LW "EPALPn.'sldent of \:PP:\ .\lrs\leera Shrestha, President of ."\"S .\lr Prem Sang-raub

& Coordlllator or A"\\A, .\ Irs, .\ ladha\"i Karki sp\Ae atthe ()Ccasion ",ith ne\\' years Circctings ,)n the OCC<lSlonof .'\epal Sam hal I] 28 ChIef (rue<;l \1r. Kali P Pokhan:1-,;poke on the occ<l:,ion and highll:;htcd the Cdlltnhlllion of

66

\:cpul Sam bat. \'ote of thank,,, \\'3<'; deliYercd by \11'. Eros

Tuladhar to all participants and contnhuting indi\'idualsZUld \\dl-\\ishLT~ for their c\Jntinuing support.

.'\c'\t :'f':,:,ion of the day's program highlighting the

.'\cpal Sam bat and :,;peakers spoke cloqucntlyatx)ut thesigniticance, hi~tllry and Importance of -'epal Sam hat.\ Ir. Heda Pradhan, pa~t President of "OA, spoke aboutthe 'i1~nificm1Cc of "epal Sam bat, its long history of1128 of continuing use in -"epal. He :,;aid that it IS thelonge<;t running and used Samhatin "epal for all purposeof cultural and traditional cdehratluns or ('Yent::- in e\'er\"Clll1l111Ull1ty in \:epal. Only the ruling cla::-s has adoptedan era that is hrought from India and uses them in thego\'Crnmenl. \ 11'. Hariman Shrestha, Ci-eneral Secretar)or "OA, Jug deep into the history and legend of .~epal

Sam bat and it;;; originatIOn, and said th<lt it is the mostappropriate era to adopt for the "e\\' and Emerging !\epalat the time \\'hen \\T are coming out of a suppression of <.l

feudalistic socicty into a free and democratic one \yhich\:epal Sam hat a<.; an Era :'0 \n~11 exemplifies, He said thZltfX-'Dplc \\'ill reali?c thi ~ and under<;tand it more and willadopt "epal Sam hal \\'ith pride for its uniqueness andauthenticity, Dr. \Iaheshor \'aidya, .\ld. an ardent socialacti\ist or the community deciphered the \'arious Erasin u<.;e in :'\epal and c~tahli:,;hed the true w!e of \:cpalSam hat in the history of :<epul I-Ie said that BikramSam hat actually has no relc\'ance to any part of histor)of "ep31 \\'h':itsoe\'er, and \\'a," introduced by ChandraSUlllshlT Rana of the past Rana regime for rx:rsonalseHi::-h g;]ins and ::-0 it has to hl' taken out completely. .\11'.Ish\\'ar RJ.jbh~U1dari,director of :<OALC (\lOA LmguageCenter) teaching \:cpal Bhasa to the kids of the \iewar

Community here in the !'.letrorolit.:m area relteratt.:d thatparent:' must teach their mother lan~uage to their kid::- andthe ne\\ generation to keep culture and traditiun ali\'e. 1Iesaid that the right name for the mother tongue IS \:epalBhasa, The c,-)nLJulTin~ ruler::- of the past chan~ed thename of .'\epal Bhasa to "e\\'an and calling their Khaslanguage - :-<epali, as the state language. h\r the laq fouryear" thl' da,,<.;e:, has heen going on and development inchildren\ language capilhility has heen imprn\"ing along\\'lth singing ~<e\\'ah s\1tlgs, He a:-ked p,m:.'nts to bring

in their kiJs tu the c1as~es, .\1r. Rz~iesh Shrcstha, Primc

Newiih Vi;niino-6

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NOA Orgllnized GIIIII

At a talk program litled .. t'cwah Culture and PeopIe­where we are:' panelists Dibya R Hada Dr RoshanShrestha, Dr, Summa :-"Ianruldhar Gurung and Dr.KrishnaBhattachan spoke in length aboul the issues of the \'cwahcthnicity and lraditional ralues and the Newah pt.'Oplcs

~lay 26. 2007 in

Speaking from the podium. :\"OA President :-"ie(.'T3Shreslha called on the of<pmzalion to work together toachiel'c common goals. ~ls, Bishnu Thupa of ANWAindicaled thm we arc all Nepalis first and should beable to work together to promoie our culture and art:).:-"Ir. t'clra Ghising of .'\...'\5 also spoke at the occasion.Likewise. Dr. Sumltra :>.lanandhar Gurung and DrKrishna Bhattachan from Nepal spoke about the Sewahculturc ,11 length and the audience \\'as Capli\'atcd by theirdiscussions.

Breaking from tradition. the cor1\'cntion was inauguratedby a represelll::Jtire of the Nepakse embassy. First

Secrelary Hansh ChandraGhimire. The traditionalTlI'odewo was lit andpuja to Lord Ganesh wasperfonned.

At the NOA genernJ meeting session. Genernl Secrel::Jf)Hariman Shrestha presented Ihe NOA annual report for2006-07. He called upon the :"ewah community to gi\elhelr fcedb.1ck and suggcstions 10 make the organizatIonmorc responsivc 10 thc n(.'i::ds of the community. NOATreasurer ~lr. Balarmn Joshi presented the organizationsannual financial report.

Wclcoming all gueslS.heads of organizations.and participants. SOAPresident TribhuvanTuladhar thankL'<i allthe dedicated people for

their invaluable help andsupport. He called upon the govemment of !'epaJ tofulfill the pronouncement made last year by Prime:-"finister of :"epal GinJa Prasad Koirala to officiall}establish Nepal Sambat as lhe national calendar and calledon lhe entire NC]Xllese community here in the US to joinhands with NOA \0 cclebrillc Nepal Sambal 1128 as thelruc Nepali new year. He reilerated that :"epa! is a multi­ethnic. multi-religious. multl-cultural and multi-lingualOOUntry. lhe di\'ersit} of which is unique. :-"lr Tuladharurged all the community members to keep supporting theorganiwtion as they hal e done Ix:fore in order to growand develop it inlo II stTOng and relcI'ant orgmli7.ation.

Organization of America (SOA) ()l1

:-"Iaryland,

A cross-section of the Sep.llese community in lhe C.Sand their guests from "cpa! participaled in the SiXlhannual convention ,md general meeting of the .\"ewah

Preserving and PromotingNewah HeritageNepolipost ReportWoshington DC, Moy 31, 2007

LETS CELEBRATE 'cPAL l':EW YEAR - ''EPALSAI\lBAT 1129 ncxt year togethcr! NI-Il' OA\1 YAB1-I1l\:TllNA ~ NOVOBARSHA-KO-SI-ll"\"AKA. ~ IA:"A IHAPPY 'CW YEAR ~OA \\;1[ be organizing its AnnualCon\'cntion and General :-"leeting this coming :-..ta} 25.:!008 during the memorial day Holidays, All are requcstedto join in and actl\ ely panicipatc in it programming andevents. NOA chaptcrs were cst.:lblished in Califomia,Mariland, and Oregon. For other news about NOAacti\'ities please \'isit \\'W\\'.newah.org.

NOA thanks all media present and their help in gellingthe news across, namely. Sagannatha TV. NepalHorizons.eom. Radio [)o\'aan. Bishwa-Parikrama, Bishwil-Sandesh.:"epalipost, IX: Sepal and all other;;.

promoter of N'EPALFEST '07 a unit of ~OA promotingNepalese ~tllSicandArtists in the L'S which has number ofsuccessful musical e\'ents recenll}, thanked all those whohelped and assisted in making lhe programs successful.He said he missed the opportunilY 10 do so at the evcnts.Power poinl prescntationof recent e\'ents on NepalSambat around the worldwas "Cnt by Mr, DayaShakya. \'P of :"OA.and NOA Chapler inOregon was presentedand a 25 minute long lele­film "Sankhadhar" waspresented for the audience.An the concert and songssection}, lr. Shyam Shahiprcsented an authentic andcaptivating :-"Ianjushri dance with a tradition Newahdance by Anuja Tuladhar. singer like Rajesh Shrcstha,Biswamber Shrestha capti\'ated the audience with LO\ esongs. :-"1o;;t of all lyrical and melodioos songs of ~lr.

Oinesh Bhandari Slole the hearts of the audience for quietsome time, Participants enjoyed the traditional SmnayBajec and "Swadishta" ~lolllocha - a taste of lmditionl"ewah cuisines. NOA thanks all those who took time topartiCIpate in the celebration and thanks all \oIunteer;;and comributors for the e\'enL

Miscellaneous 67

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way of life through the ages.

This year. SOA imroduced the "Song & ~Iusic Contest"aoo some 15 ncw emerging perfonners threw their hatsin the ring. The "EmergmgSlar Award" went to ZizhiaShrestha, <l talented 13 ycar·ad who wowed the crowd wilha grent dance p::rformance.The "Best PerfonnanceAward" wcnt to the Newahelass group who sang a:\'ewah song. followed b)the ·'Fa\onte Song Award"going 10 the local upcomingf'TOUp. the ·'~lirage Baoo··.Well k.nown artists like Srijan Tamrakar "OKELY",Sandeep Pradhan and the "Angles band" alsoentertained the audience to their delighL The E\·entconduded with the traditionall'\c\\·ah Bhoye as usual,

Newah Cultural Heritage ProgramPortland, Oregon,June 3rd, 2007

On Sunday. June 3rd, 2007. Dance ~landaJa andPonland chapter of :"OA (Washington OC-based SewahOrganiL1tion of America) Jointly organized an e\·eningprogram on 'the Sewall way of Life' in Portland. Oregon.The program began with a shde show and a presentationby xOA vice president and prominent ~epalese languageteacher and linguist. 1\1r. D.:lya Shakya, on the topic'Dil"ine and Sacred Sites as Source of Sc<:urity and Safetyin Nepal MamL.1la'. I-Ie emphasized the importance theNewar culture on issues of safcty Hnd security in spiri\llalaspect Follo\\'ing l'dr. Shakya_ a graduate student ofethnic musicology at Washington Univcrsity, I\lr. BrcntBianchi, did a presentation along \\;th a demonstrationof '·anous tyJ:X:S of Sewah drums and instrumcnts. Thesemusical mstmments includcd Khin. Dhaah. Dabada,Bhush)'ru:t and Tinchhu. Along with Brent. ~lr. SU\aShakya. a graduate student from Oregon State L·ni"cro;it).shared his experience of parllciJXlting in the GunIa feslivalin Kathmandu. Sepal by induding a dcmonstrnuon ofthe Scwah drum. ·Dhaah·. The final presentation wasa a lecture by a prominent mastcr dancer. ~ Ir. PrajwalBaJi.lcharya, on how the teaChings of Dance :-'Illndalacombine the importance of d.1nce and its relationshipwith gesture and mental aspecL SCl"eral people from theNewah community allcndcd the e\·cning gala along withtheir Amcrican friends. On the occasion. cultural andreligious artifacts that included clothing. ritual items, idolsand books, wcre on display. For the program, the ~ewah

families of Ponland also prepared a sumptuous Sewah

68

cuisine buffel The program ended \\ith presenlation ofcharya spiritual dance by Helen Appel and her friendsalong \\;th a Dhimay dance by Prnjwal Bajracharya

The Portland Chapterof ~ewahOrganizationof America (NOA)was formed in 20Cl6 incollaboration with localNcwahcommunity. Themain objecti' es wereto bring awarenesson .':ewah culturalheritage of :"epal in theleadership of PrajwalBajracharya. along

\\ith Dr. Rabin ~lan ShaJ......ya. Ekamananda Bajrachal)'a.Pradeep Bajracharya. Sunil Tamrakar, Pramod Karanjit,Surendra Shakya. Diwakar ~laharjan and Rajesh~ lahatjan.

Mha Puja in PortlandNovember 2007

For the occasion of l'epal Sambat 1128 acknowlcdgedlast ~O\embcr. the traditional l':ewar ritual. ~Iha PuJa.was perfonned at Dance ~Iandal in Portland, Oregon. Theritual for punfication for the oomlOg year was officiatedby ~ewar priest and president of the Oregon chapter ofthe NOA, Prajwal Raina \·ajrachal)'a Shri \'ajracharyawas joined by a group of \\·estcmcrs. some new to thef'.:e\\1l.r tradition, Each participant h.1d a mandala at theirseat made of soybeans. puffcd rice, and othcr grains andbeans with a goza [a stupa rcpresentation made of flour}in the center. The main mandala at cach place representedthe particip..111t's body, speech, and mind Brass plmesheld the representations of the five elemcnts; rice andfruit for eanh. water cont'lint..d in a copper eup. wicks forfire. fJowe~ for air, and incense for space. There were alsoother offerings for purifying lhe 5 clements of one·s 0\\11bodymarKbla. Shri Yajrachal)·a chanted from the SanskritIe.'l:t aoo guided the participants in English to engage lOtheir own purificalJon process while he e."tplained thesignificance and meaning. For the end of the ritual egg.fish. and wine Ikhayn sagan] \\ere shared.

After the ritual, a festive l'\'epalcse dinner was served tothe auendees and for ~'kwar guests. The el"cning was abeautiful example of how these two distinct cultures ofEast and Wcst CfU1 integrate. as well as appreciate andbenefit each other.

Nepa Pasa Pucha Amerikaye

Newell Vijnon0-6

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(NPPA)PRESS RElEASE: Sunday, November 25,2007On Saturday, November 17,2007, the 16th Annual NPPAmeeting was held coinciding with the celebration ofl\epal l\ew Year Sambat 1128 at Shady Grove I'diddleSchool, Gaithersburg, ~v1aryland. This year's theme was"Culture & Diplomacy." During the annual meeting, theyearly issue of NPPA's DABU publication was launchedand distributed.

The event began with "GANESH POOJA" followedby a traditional Newall SAl'vIAY BAJI. \Iaster of theCeremony \Is. Sharmila Uprety welcomed the guestsand participants to the celebration and requested thechief guest His Excellency Dr. Suresh C. Chalise,Ambassador of Em bassy of Nepal to inaugurate the e\'entby lighting the traditional TWADEWA (oil lamp stand).His Excellency Ambassador, in his speech, praised NPPAand other Nepalese community residing abroad for theircontinued efforts in promotion and preservation of l\ewahand Nepalese culture and encouraged building a l\epalCenter.

\Irs. \leera Shrestha, President of NPPA., gave a welcomespeech and highlighted the Nepal Sambat, the progressNPPA has made in promoting l\ewah culture, the supportit has received from its fellow friends, and the importanceof media and Internet to educate and motivate the newgeneration. She also promoted the idea of creating a~etwork of Newah organizations in the L"nited States andother parts of the world. She also highlighted the currentactivities of NPPA, particularly the upcoming concert ofIndian Idol III - Prashant Tamang Live-in-Concert to beheld in collaboration with Vishwa Sandesh on December1, 2007 at Oakton High School in Virginia.

The invited distinguished guests at Bhintuna includedHonorable Mrs. Sharada Shrestha, judge of SupremeCourt of Nepal, and Honorable Laxmi Das Manandhar,\Iember of Parliament and chief guest His ExcellencyAmbassador Dr. Suresh C. Chalise.

The invited heads ofOrganizations included \Ir TribhuvanTuladhar, President of :\ewah Organization of America(:\OA), !vlr Prem Sangruala, President of Americal\epal Society (ANS), Dr. Bidya Ranjeet, President ofNepali Women Global :\etwork (:\WG:\), Dr. NarayanRajbhandari, Former President of l\epalese Associationin Southeast America (NASeA), Dr. Tulsi t\Jallar:jan,President of Friends of Nepal (FON-New Jersey), \Irs.t\Iadhm'i Karki, Coordinator of America Nepal Women'sAssociation (ANWA) in DC and Mr. Ram C. Kharel,l\RN Media coordinator of l\orth America.

Miscellaneous

The program started out \vith the Honorable LaxmiDas Manandhar speaking atxmt the importance ofunderstanding historical evolution of :\ewah culture andNepal Sam bat. This was followed by the Honorable \/frs.Shm"ada Shrestha delivering the keynote speech of l\iewahculture. Mr. Sugandha Tmnrakar, Treasurer of l\PPA,next presented the NPPA financial report. IvIr. LaxmanPradhan, Vice President of NPPA, then gave concludingremarks and expressed sincere thanks and gratitude to allof the participants and dedicated members who made thecelebration a great success. He emphasized that activeparticipation as well as \vorking as a team is critical forthe success of any organizations.

Dr. Devendra Amatya moderated a forum on "Cultureand Diplomacy" in which the panelists Jackie Youngand Tony Prebula presented their discussion. Jackie isa volunteer with Green-Tara Foundation and Tony is aUniversity of IvIaryland student with the CISV program.Dr. Amatya also moderated a session on ":\R:\ issuesand The Transfer of Technology". Dr. Shymn Karki,an invited speaker, updated about the current status onNon-Resident Nepali (NR:\) issues based on the recentNRN Convention in Kathmandu, Nepal Another invitedspeaker, Dr. Narayan Rajbhandm"i, presented ideas onculture and technology transfer. Mrs. Sheila Shresthaorganized the Youth Acti vity forum.

The particip,mts were then entertained by a lively andthrilling cultural program with :\ewah and Nepali music,songs, and dances including the vibrant and entertainingmusic by famous Nepalese artists Aanupama Prasai,Shrijml Tmnrakar, Ymnan Shrestha, Sanjeep Pradhan, andShyam Khadki.

The DC Nepali School team sang the welcome song"L"pallar tho \·Iatina ya Bintuna". Other talented artists,Sarana Shrestha, \Ianish Pokharel, Nabin Shrestha,Manaswi Sangraula, Aakriti Khanal, Rajesh Shrestha, andRosi Joshi (from Minnesota) performed various popularNewah mld Nepali songs and dances. \Irs. Saroj Prajapatiand Mr. Ra\'i Lmnichhane successfully moderated thecultural progrmn.

NPPA President, Meera Shrestha recognized life mem bel'S\Ir. Raju Shrestha mld \Ir. PLU1cha Shrestha for theiroutstanding sen'ices to :\PPA and al so recognized newlife memhers.

The election committee chairman and the former NPPApresident Dr. Devendra Amatya announced I'drs, I'\leeraSbrestba as re-elected President, \Ir. Laxman Pradhanmld Mr. Bijaya Shrestha as first and second re-electedVice Presidents respectively, mld I'drs. Magan Shrestha

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as Treasurer of the newly elected "!PPA executivecommittee for the 2007-09 term and congratulated themall. Dr. Devendra Amatya announced that lv1r. ShankarRam Shrestha would continue as General Secretary until anew one is nominated and thanked all outgoing executivemembers for their hard work and dedication to the "!PPAin their tenure.

President Mrs. ~deera Shrestha delivered an acceptancespeech thanking all members for the trust and confidentthey have bestowed upon the nevv executive committeeand her commitment to move NPPA toward its goalsand mission. She then finished by awarding certificatesof appreciation to the outgoing executive committeemem bers ~vlr. Shankar Ram Shrestha (General Secretary)and ~v1r. Sugandha Tamrakar (Treasurer) for theiroutstanding services to NPPA.

About 350 members participated in this "!epal Sambat(year) 1128 and Bhintuna celebration. Special feature ofthe day \vas a traditional Newah "BHOYE' (feast). NPPAvolunteers served the sitting guests with a variety oftypical l"ewah dishes traditionally used in BHOYE. Thel"ewah "Samay Baji" and the "BHOYE" was catered byHimalayan House restaurant from Baltimore, T\ laryl and.Also bringing the event to a close, were some raffles anddoor prizes.

Sagarmatha T\", \\ww."!epaIHorizons.com and vanousmedia and other representatives were present in thiscelebration. This marked the sixteenth-year that the"!PPA has successfully held a "!epal Sambat 1128 (MhaPuja Bhintuna) celebration coinciding wi th its annualmeeting.

The "!PPA, established in 1991, is a Newah organizationbased in the metropolitan \Vashington, DC. Its primarymission is the preservation and promotion of Newahcultural heritage, traditions, and customs in the USA.

For more information please contact Mrs Meera Shrestha(shrem002@'yahoo.com) or visit \\w\\.nppa-usaorg.

Newa Dey Daboo Japan OrganizesTalk Program on Newah Societyand Nepal BhasaJune 6,2004Speaker: Dr. David Gellner

On June 6th 2004, Sunday, a talk program on NewaSociety and Nepal Bhasa was held at Jingumae OndenkuKaikan, Harajuku in Tokyo. This talk program was the

70

first activity of Newa Dey Dabu, Japan. The speaker of theprogram was Dr. David Gellner who is an anthropologistand a professor of Oxford University. He is currentlyin Japan as a visiting professor of Tokyo University ofForeign Studies. He spoke on the title" Bhasa mwasajatimwai (If language is kept alive, the community speakingthat language will also be alive)".

Dr. Dm'id Gellner said, "Only Nepal is preserving oldBuddhism." He commented on the custom developingamong the newas, which encourages young generation ofNewas to speak Nepali language rather than Nepal Bhasa.Because they fear that their children would not be ableto speak good Nepali Language. This tendency of usingNepali Language at home while talking with children hasdecreased the number of Nepal Bhasa speakers. He hadpointed out on this matter that Ne\vas, themselves shouldbe a\vare of it and should try to preserve their language.He said that in the present context, children could learnNepali Language at school and from other media. So, it isnot necessary to speak Nepali Language at home. Insteadthey should put a tradition of speaking Nepal Bhasa athome. Further more, he added that he was impressed withthe Newas custom of not putting Phuli (nose pierce).

Dr. Gellener gave his speech in Nepal Bhasha At the endof his speech, a discussion session was held. Dr. DineshManandhar conducted this session. Both Nev,'as andJapanese audiences participated in the discussion sessionenthusiastically asking several questions regarding NepalBhasa and Newal1 culture.

At the beginning of the progranl, secretary, Subarna LataTuladhar of Newa Dey Dabu, Japan introduced the motivesof Newa Dey Dabu. She also gave an intrlxluction of Dr.David Gellner. After that, treasurer, Suwarn Vajracharyagave an opening remark. He talked on the importance ofspeaking "!epal Bhasa among Newah community. Mr.Madhav N. ~vlanandhar, president of Newa Dey Dabu,Japan, has chaired the program. A book "Nepal BhasaChhapala (Nepal Bhasa Step-I)" written by Mr. SuwarnVajracharya was inaugurated (Bimochan gariyo) by thepresident. The book is published under the Newa DeyDabu, Japan. Then Mr. President presented one copy ofthis book to Dr. David Gellner. Dr. Da\'id Geller washonored by handing a Letter of Appreciation. The wholeprogram was conducted in \Jepal Bhasa. The work ofMaster of ceremony was done by Subarna Lata Tuladharand all the program was translated into Japanese byShovana Bajracharya.

The program went smoothly despite of rainy day. Therewere about 50 audiences (Newah, Japanese and otherforeigners) Arter the talk program, a reception \vas doneat a Japanese Restaurant.

Newah Vi;iiana-6

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A SHRINE TO BE BUILTIN PORTLAND, OREGON

SIDE VIEWFRONT VIEW

NEWAR[Q)~ !D:l !D:l [ti] 0S>lr

VIHAR

Proiwol and Donce Mondol are in 'heplanning phose of (onslruclion of (] smollNepalese/Hewor temple in Ihe (ounyord ofour new loeolion.

THE NEWAR BUOOHIIT TRADITION, dislinclin ils rkh scued arls and orchilecluroltrodilions, is grounded in experienliolpractice and esoteric Vojroyana riluol andyel is accessible 10 all through ils emphl1'iison the energies and inleroclions of the fIVeelemenls.. II is the 10s1 living currenl ofSonskril Buddhism '!>lill actively practiced inAsia todoy. long hidden from those outsidethe tradition due 10 the secrecy surroundingVajroyono prodice, it has only recenllycome10 !.Cholorly ollenlion and public view.

PRAJWAL VAJRACHARYA hOI deVIlled hillile10 the fulfillment of his lather's vision ofbringing Newar Buddhism and esperiallyNewar temple dance out to the world sothat many may benefit from observing and

practicing this wondrously beautiful andtronslormalive Iradilion. Establishing aNewor lemple in the West will be a maiorstep forward in Ihe preservotion, expansionond exploralion 01 Newar Buddhisl IIrtand dance, meditation lind ritual, whilewe\com'mg olher lrodilions 01 sacred or!and practice to shore the space.

We will give updates on the progress of Ihelemple, now on~ in lhe plonning stages.OONATIONI 01 ony kiod - helping honds,finances, resources, ete. will be gralefullyaccepted to support the building of thissmall temple.

THANK YOU! We appreciate your interestand hope to see you allhe new space!

Please (ontod [email protected]: dancemandal.com

Miscellaneous 7J

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Nepal Mandala

am· ~?N. >fT;f; I 'I" <t 'IT'lT: 'If<Ii"'i~ -..f.I I

:if 3Rl~ ~~ii'ftllt!f<'l:ql'li'lfll ~~ h~"i1q ....-a( ~"i\'l<ii:'l ~ ;:li"l~i1I'I'Hl4t ~

~~ """"""eWt alii.li ..."qall~41 ~ il'f"'I'li'llT: afuvr mit 'lfill<1!t1J1l1: qf!i'I"l'llil ~:~. .",., .~: ~ ll-i'j'<'\li[1If{<tt 'if'lllli{f'l'1lil ;:jqIR1~8 oil" ~.,..fhqIl11 ~ ~~

1~U1:itll¥ll~~ .. <td;;ntr.t II ~'I:l"ltfli<lH'''l! QfusfllJll'1lHlQil m;:ii: ~ ;;rq ~~ I

5~~ :uft 3Pf'i qlt; ~ I ~~ ~ ~ aflJlI' ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 3f1fli \

i~~ m!'mf1'~~~~ aI"lQfIl4","lf"\ '{WO.t<'llonlfil~~~~ I~ 3flfIi~rnwm~~ oJt __lJ\lfa:~~~ qf{ql(iOII 'n'l1<i'I<;rilq"llit ('lI':l ifI'fIl~ \lni tiro·~

• < •

q, I~~ ::.rm~~~ 1!1Of I oN '1 ~:, dm": lim1: "If~~ anft~ 'i'Ji 1i'l' 3Pl IlTTl r,Ii ""* llE) ~ fiR o.ft toft ~: (Mll'ff ~<I<'1WM~<l{ffil i>lIQi1I(la"'m'il<o'I 1:l'i'l'fu'~ 'Fll~'f'TilT'O, ~, ti'<rcnn, 7AJ'il1TI, ~ illlft~~ 3l<e4I i.,lR m~~ m '!"'fT~~~~~~ uttt~~~-fti"m:q, ~, ~. ~, ~, ~ <ilfii41'UII,

Om adhya irimal free ftlkyasil1gha IGlhagarasya Buddha-him/rae bhadraknlpe l'aiSlI'Qla manwQllfera hilfl£lbm parraTa

dakiino par,fvae Sa/VO Ire/a dH'l1paral17c kLJ.fiyllgasya pTa/homo clWrQlla.l"C jall/budl'lpa I'asuki kshelfe I1rym'arto. pUllyabhwlli lIepala ddc bagma/yah daBna bhage man/rohinya pasch/ma bhage prabhall'atya ullarl.lkolle kdallQ/ya purllakOJIc gopuehha gir/bare sudurjuya blmmi Mage upcluJfldoha pilhe iri hcmka I'irupakiya kllaganalladflil'asite allCkadel'alavuJ'1hallcsriswayambhuclwi Iva dharma-dhatu-bagiJ"wara-salmldhalleadln·a· mahasanamadhyehu J:ast Ilisambat­saralla madhye amuka(1) nama samba/sure !iri JUryadak-shillayallel ul/aral'alle aml/ka(l) riTau amuka(3) mose suklapakSyaJ kriianapaki......e aml/ka(4) pllll"ya 1i/IUJu aml/ka(5) nakshya/re amuka(6J yoge omuka(71 kamamurhute umuka(B)harasare I.Imuka(9) rasugate bhl.lJ'kura amuka( 10) rasauga/e ehandramas; dam) paliryajamana hhwnan- dalal/targaleNepalu mundale allUlka( 11) muhanugarel grame amuka( 12) laic I bi!lare l'asthile kulolpalma sri ..Sri..sri (13)..

The phrases below arc to be replaced with theircorresponding num ber These phrases can be interchongedwith dille cmd time based on lunar calendar.

1 sarbari n8m sambmasara2 hemanta ritau3 thinla ga mase-I- navami punya tithilU5 hasta naKsetre6 ali gandha yoge7 gara Kamla murhutc8 mangala bme9 dhanu riisi10 kanya r,lil§iII ka.ntipllra12 name of 10000lity I vihar or tole13 Host person's name

72

The Newar Buddhist community still chants this Sanskritverse to nOl only announce the host person·s presence butalso to welcome and invite the recipient deity to participatein this auspicious occasion, During the ritual, the hostperson's cosmie address. including date and time ofoccurrence of ritual, is announced. Furthennore, the wordamuka meaning etcetera, is replaced by its correspondinglisted phrascs. The listed phmses werc c<''llculated for theearly morning of January I. 2008, which coincidcntallyis also the date of debut of this issue of the journal The

above Sanskrit I'crse, reproduced from the book titledSaptabidhaontara Pooja Bidhi by Ratna Kazi Bajracharya,has no historical 'late of origins. However, the mention ofNepal Mandala is one of the many illl"aluable resourcesto lts existence

Newoh Viiilono.6

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CensusPracticein Nepal

Report onof Religion

Comparative figures of various religious groups of Nepal censuses 1981, 1991 and 2001VALUE OF DEMOCRACY TO REUGIOUS GROUPS OF NEPAL

DISTRIBUTION 01 NEPAl'S POPULATION BY RElIGION

RElIGION CENSUS CENSUS % CENSUS1981 1991 CHANGE 2001

Hindu 13445787 15996953 + 18.87 18330121 +1-L58

Buddhist 799081 1439142 +80.10 2442520 ...69.72

Islam 399197 653218 """.63 95-1023 +-16.05

Kirat .. 318389 +100.00 818106 +156.95

Christian 3891 31280 +704.12 101976 +226.01

Sikh .. .. .. 5890 +100.00

Jain 9438 7561 .. 19.89 -H.BO --15.69

Bahai .. - - 1211 + 100.00

Others 3654-15 2~16 .. 92.77 7f'S79 +198.98

None .. 18138 +100 .. .. 100.00

Total Population 15022839 18491097 +23.09 22736934 +23.10

Source;Distrid Development Profile of Nepo/2001, Informol Sedor Research & Study CentrePopulation Census 2001 National Report, Central Bureau of StatisticsStatistical Yeor Sook of 2001, Centrol Bureau of Statistics

Notes:1. Increase of Hindu popu/ofion is below national overage in J99J and 2001 Census.2. Population of other religious groups increased dramatically in 1991 and 2001

Censuses.3. Kirat, Sikh and 8ahoi religions and non-believers were not recognized in 198J

Census.4. Sikh and 8ahai reljgions were not recognized in Census 1991.5. Non-believers were either not recognized or mixed up with NOthers Nin 2001

Census.Made available by the NESOCA Nepal, Kathmandu, Nepal

Census Report on Prodice of Religion in Nepal 73

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RadioAnnouncemenf LISTEN!

Listen to MankaDabuu Nepal Bhasalive Radio Programon Maitri FM atwww.mazzako.comeverday at 10 PMNepal Time or 9:15US pacific standardtime

Prajapati/Bisket J6tra Ra Vikram Sambat 75

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Conference, Seminar, Symposium,Announcements and Reports

26th Annual Conferencelinguistic Society of NepalNov 26-27, 2005

!\lay 28, 2006Speaker: Daya R. ShakyaTopic: Linguistic Analysis of Street and Locality

Names of KathmanduSpeaker: Dr. Gautam Bajra BajracharyaTopic: Preservation of Newar Culture in US ~duseumSpeaker: Prajwol R. BajracharyaTopic: Tradition of Charya Dance in 'Jewah Culture

Dr. Sunder Krishna JoshiNepal Bhasha phonology with special reference to itstoday's writing system

Omkareswar Shrestha

'Jewah Dey DabooJapelliJune 6, 2004Speaker: Dr. David GellnerTopic: Newar Society and Nepal Bhasa

-Kari! a multi porous suffix in Kodpa dialect of NepalBhasha

Yogesh Raj

Announcement

14th Himalayan Languages SymposiumGbteborg University, Gbteborg, Sweden21-21 August 2008

Morpho syntax of the numeral 'one' in Newar language:A preliminary study Keynote speaker: Scott DeLancey, University of Oregon

USA

Taboo words and expression in Newar Langauge

Tej Ratna Kansakar

Talk Program

Talk Program

Suhmission procedure

* Descriptions of lesser-known languages* Argument structure* Grammatical changes in contact situations* Language change and variation* Historical-comparative studies* Typological studies* Field reports* Corpus-based analysis* Language policy and language planning* Ethnology and folklore* Himalayan languages and new technologies

We il1\'ite abstracts for presentations on topics including,but not limited to:

The Himalayan Languages Symposium hringstogether scholars working on languages and languagecommunities of the greater Himalayan region: north­western and north-eastern India, Nepal, Bhutan andthe Tibetan Plateau, northern Burma and Sichuan, andNuristan, Baltistan and the Burushaski-speaking area inthe west.

Dr. Dina BangdelSacred Arts and Living Treasures of Nepal:The Circle of Bliss, Buddhist MeditationalArt and Newar Buddhist Art and Practice"

Speaker:Topic:

Central Dept. of ':'\epalbhasaTribhuwan CniversityJuly 23, 2005Speaker: Dr. Chunda BajracharyaTopic: Kumari 1I1 ':'\ewar Culture

Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies (CNAS)& Central Department of Buddhist StudiesTribhuvan l'niversityKirtipurJuly 22, 2005

Talk Program

5th ':'\OA ConventionWashington D.C

Abstracts should be no longer than one page with one-inch margins using at least an 12-point font. Along withthe abstract. please enclose a separate page specifying theauthors' atftliation, address, and e-mail address. Abstractsmav be submitted electronicallv (as an attached file in RTF,postscript. PDF or MS \Vord format). Please send your

Miscellaneous Materials 113

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abstract to 1-I1sGotcborg at lins·gu.se conference. scnd un e-mailTo HlsGotcborg lIlling.gu,st.

Imporlunt dalt's

.. AbslTact due: 31 March. 2008.. Acceptllnce nOlification: 30 April. 2008.. SymposIUm: 21-DAugust,2008

Information about the conference is also available at theconference homepage<blur ww~ hngfil,uu_sc l'lC'r:;onalanjusa.,cna hIsS>

If you would like to receive information about the

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l\I\ernbers &Subscribers'DirE?c:t"e>ry

Devendra M Amatya, PhD, PE2253 l'vlagnolia Meadows}\Iount Pleasant, SC 29464, USAEmail: amatya4(U:.aoJ.comHydrologic Science/HydraulicEngineeringNewah Culture & Language

Pradeep Amatya384 Miraleste dr # 464San Pedro, CA 907:32, USAe-mail: [email protected]

Shashindra & Rama Bajracharya2722 l'vlaJlory Ln.Eugene, OR 97401, l'SA

Asha ArchivesGha 3-56:3 KulambhuluKathmandu -3 :\,EPAL

Sophia Baidya4720 Old Ravine CourtColumbus, Oll 43220, USA

Brent Bianchi23 N Knox St.Durham NC 27705, USANewah Jlusic

Cilia BradyP.O. Box 873,Bolinas CA 94924, {"SAKathmandu Valley Tours

Barbara BrockwayP.O. Box 171Sisters OR 97759, USASEED.S.

Central Department of NepalBhashaPatan l\lultiple Campus,Tribhuvan UniversityKathmandu, NEPAL

Center For Nepal & Asian Studies(CK\S)Tribhuvan UniversityKirtipur, Kathmandu, NEPAL

Members & Subscribers

Central LibraryTribhuvan UniversityKirtipur, Kathmandu, NEPAL

Chicago University Library1100 E. 57thSt.Chicago IL 60637, USA

Columbia University Library535 West 114th St.New York NY 10027-7035, USA

Ellen Coon7112 Cedar AvenueTakoma Park l\ID 20912, l'SA

Cornell University Library110 Olin LibraryIthaca, NY 14853-5301, USA

Rummi Laxmi Dake122 Myrtle St. # 1Manchester, :\'ew Hampshire 03104,l'SA

Raj B. Dhakhwa MD15 Clive Hills RoadShort Hills, NJ 07078, USANewar Cultw"C and Language

Prof. Seott DelanceyDepartment of Linguistics,F niversity of Oregon,Eugene, OR 97403, {"SAe-mail: Delance~·(a·'darkwing.uoregon.eduTibeto-Burman Linguistics

Prof. George Van DriemHimalayan Languages ProjectLeiden {"niversityThe NetherlandsTibeto-Bunnan Linguistics

Prof. David N. GellnerDepartment Of Human SciencesBrunell"niversity, FX Bridge,\Iiddle Sex UB8 3PH UKNewar Religion, History, Society

Prof. Carol Genetti

Department of LinguisticsUniv'ersity of California, Santa BarbaraSanta Barbara CA 93106, USAHimalayan Linguistics, NewarDialectology;Tibeto-Burman and Indo-Aryanlanguage contact

Gifts From Afar3101 Lloyd CenterPortland Oregon 97232, USA

Dhurba Gorkhali2231 Halter LaneReston,VA 20191, USA

Gregory Price Grieve225 Florence streetGreensboro, NC 27401, USAe-mail: [email protected] Culture and History

Dibya Hada100 Watkins Pond Blvd. #305Rockville, \ID 20850, US.\

Dr. Austin HaleErli-Buebli8636 WaldSwitzerlandNeu'ar phonology, morphology,synta;, and discourse

Prof. Da"id HargreavesDepartment of EnglishWestern Oregon UniversityMonmouth OR 97361, USATibeto-Burman Linguistics

Prof. Linda litis11.:\1. ,Jackson School oflnt'l Studies,Box 353650University of WashingtonSeattle WA 98195-3650, USAe-mail: [email protected] Religion, NewarLanguage and Literature

Nathan W. Hill1 Bow St. 3"' floorHavard Sankrit Department

115

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C.ambridge lvIA 02138, [email protected] Studies

Gwendolyn Hyslop289:3 Bailey LnEugene, OR 97401, CSACurrent contact:c/o Karma TsheringP.O. Box 302Thimphu, BhutanTibeto-Burman Languages andLinguistic

Puspa Man Joshi2601 l\luskingum courtColumbus, Ohio 43210, USAe-mail: joshi.2@'osu.eduPlanning (transportation)

Saroj K. Joshi Ph.D.10020 SE 203 rd St.Kent WA 98031, USA

Laura Kainik1270 Montery AvenueBerkeley CA 94707, USA

Binod Kansakar12926 Entrada DriveOrlando, FL 32837, USA

Manoj Kansakar Ph.D1832 Wright St.Madison, WI 53704, liSAe-mail: 1\[email protected]

Tej Ratna Kansakar, Ph.D.37/14 :\iaradevi ToleP.O. Box 7045Kathmandu, :\iEPALXewar Linguistic

Ganesh Lal Kayastha1909 Alabaster Drive.Silver spring MD 20904, USA

Kazuyuki KiryuDepartment of Environmental Designfor Special Needsl\limasaka 'Women's CollegeKamigawara 32 Tsu~'ama

Okayama, 708-8511, ,JAPA~Xewar, Typology

Nishigahara, Kita-kuTokyo 114-8580Japan

Knight Library1299 liniversity of OregonEugene OR 9740:3-1299, USA

Lauri Knytych19111 S\\' Indian Creek

116

Lake Oswego, OR 97035, USA

Ulrike Kolver, Ph.DStieglitzstr. 61,04229 Leipzig,Deutschlandulrike-koelvercu.'gmx.deSouth Asian studies

KPT Info Trader, Inc.2-3-18 Nakanoshima Kita-kuOsaka 530-0005 JAPAN

Prof. Todd T. LewisCollege of Holy crossWorcester MA 01610-2395, US/I"Newar Buddhism

Lotus Research CenterPrayagpath, P.O.Box No. 59Lalitpur, NEPAL

Tulsi R. Maharjan, Ph.DCenter for International Business &EducationRaritan Valley Community CollegeP.O. Box 3300Somerville, :\iJ 08876-1265, USAEducational Development in Nepal

Ram Malakar14418 Oahale St.Rockville MD 20853, USAMalakar_Ram@.'hotmaiI.com

Raj u La!. Mali2140 Dogwood St.Cornelius OR 97113, liSA

Gaurishankar Manandhar Ph. D8 Keene St # J58Columbus 1\10 65201, l..'S.....Research in thc ficld ofRcproductiveBiology

Prof. James A. MatisoffDept. of Linguistics,Univ.ofCalifornia,Berkeley, CA 94720, l'SAe-mail: Matisofflii'socratesberkeley.eduComparative Tibeto-BurmanLinguistics

Ikuko MatsuseKeio l'niversiry"1<:\0-1:3-202 Higashitamagawa,Setaga~"a-ku,Tokyo JAPA:\i

Prof. Dr. Ulrike Mueller-BoekerDepartment of Geographyl i niversity of ZurichWinterthurerstrasse 190CH- 8057 Zurich, SwitzerlandHuman Geography, DevelopmentStudies, South Asia

HarueNiwaMinpakuC/O Midori Book Store Co,Toyonaka Po. Box 98Osaka 580-8691 JAPANemail: [email protected]

Kay Norton15303 Ashworth PI. N.Seattle \VA 98133, USA

Bruce McCoy OwensDept. of Sociology and AnthropologyWheaton CollegeNorton, !\Iassachusetts 02766, USAe-mail:bowensCii'wheatonma.edu

Steven M. Parish9535 Vista Secunda,San Diego, CA 92129, USA

Beda Pradhan2621 Cory TerraceWheaton MD 20902, USANewah culture, history, art

Krishana Pradhan302 S Bassett Streetl\ladison WI 5:37°3, [email protected];\'epalese Linguistics

Narayan Rajbhandari PhD3001 Cregler DriveApex :\iC 27502, USAH'atershed hydrology & IFater qualityNewah Culture

Penelope Rose110:3 Clay St.San Fmncisco CA 94108, USA

Donatella Rossi8647 SE.-\.lder StreetPortland OR 97216-16°3, CSAOriental Studies

Jennifer Salyer995 Joshua PI.Fremont, CA 94539, USAVeevalu'goplay.com

Nasma Shrestha ScheiblerRuetschistrasse 218037-CH ZurichSwitzerlandAT'chitecture and Town Planning,Newar Culture

Buddha Laxmi Shakya2233 Lincoln Ave.San Diego, CA 92104, USA

Kelsang Shakya9737 :\i. ClarendonPortland OR 97203, USA

Newoh Vijnona-6

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Sarba Shakya1508 E. Vine Ave"Vest Covina CA 91791, USANewar Handicrafts

Achyut Krishna Shrestha7904 Powhatan St.New Carrolton, l\lD 20784, USA

Bal Gopal Shrestha Ph.DBoerhaavelaan 882334 ES LeidenThe Netherlands+31-71-517 [email protected]

Bhagat Lal Shrestha2072 Delta DrGaithersburg MD 20882, USAshrebo02ra.'~'ahoo.com.

Computer Soft Ware,SocialActivities Newar Association

Mary-Jo O'Rourke/Bimal Shrestha25 Holloway Road,Brunswick 3056, \'ictoriaAUSTR.),LIANepal Bhasa Linguistics

Hariman Shrestha2307 Tecumseh St..\delphi, l\ID 20730, USANewah Culture

Mita Shrestha & Larry Owen:375 ZacharyPrescott, AZ 86301, USA

Prof. Mohan Narayan Shrestha625 Lafayette Blvd.Bowling Green OH 43402, USANewar Culture and Language

Nisha Rani Shrestha2502 Babcook Road # 1916San Antonio Texas 78229, USA

Rajiv S. Shresta 'Rachana'J-:.arunadevi Smarak Dharmartha GuthiGangtok, Sikkim-737-101 INDL\E-mail:[email protected] Activities in Sikki71l

Razeesh B. Shrestha946 Everett St.EL. Sariti CA 94530, USA

Sarala Shrestha842 Guilford Ave.Hagerstown, MD 2174°, USANepalese Literature

Members & Subscribers

Subas/ Sachita Shrestha15657 NW Energia ST.Portland, OR 97229, USAe-mail: [email protected]

Suchitra. B. Shrestha2626 Babcock Road 1702San Antonio, Texas 78229, USANetvah Language and Culture

Sugan / Magan Shrestha34 Michael CourtGaithersburg MD 20877, USA

Bhikkhu Sugandha(Ani! Sakya) Ph.DP.O.BoX90Ratchdamnoen Post OfficeBangkok 10200 Thailand

Tanka SunuwarMicrosoft CorporationOne Microsoft WayRedmond WA 98052, USASoftware Design Engineer

JuheeSuwal21ST j\lichener ParkEdmonton AB, Canada T6H 4M5CANADAe-mail: jsuwal@·gpu.ser.ualberta.caPopulation Studies, Nepal Bhasha,Buddhism

Kamal Raj Singh Suwal642 J-:.irkland Drive # 4Sunny Valley CA 94087, USA

Pavitra and Arndt Tuladhar9627 E Road Runner DriveScotsdale,AZ 85262, USA

Tribhuvan Tuladhar15762 Ryder Cup DriveHay Market \'A 20167, USAtrtu ladhar(il·comcast. net

Mark TurinDigital Himala~'a Project58 Parliament HillLondon NW3 2TLUnited Kingdome-mail: markturin(u"compuserve.com

Prof. Mukti P. UpadhyayaDepartment of EconomicsOregon State UniversityCorvallis OR 97339, ('SA

Bikram Vaidya2571NE30thAve.Portland OR 97212, USA

David Vala4507 NE 20thPortland OR 972°3, USAArchitect and Artist

Helen Ward14085 SW 144th Ave.Tigard OR 97224, USA

Ann Weise- Souza1035 Minna StreetSan Francisco, CA 94103, USA

Western Oregon UniversityLibrary345 N. I'vlonmouth Ave.Monmouth OR 97361, ('SA

Rahena WesterLudwig Bachmeier Platz 5D-84028 LandshutGERl\L\NY

Prof. Gautam Bajra VajracharyaUniversity onVisconsinMadison WI 53704, USASanskrit/ Buddhist Studies

Gary VelikanjeP.O. Box 17192Porland OR 97217, USANepalese culture

777

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ORDER FORMNewah Viifiana~: ft;t#1 1'1(THE JOURNAL OF NEWAR STUDIES)ISSN 1536-8661

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Newfih Vijiifina publishes information about Newar studies and member's activities. Please keep us informed on your interest and activitiesregularly.

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Please make checks payable to Himalayan Gifts for Newfih Vijiifina.Thank you for your support.Editor:Daya R. Shakya1719 NE 47th Ave.Portland, OR 97213, USAPh: 1-503-282-0447, Fox: 1-503-774-7554E-mail: [email protected]

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Call for Papers

Newah Vijnana. the Journal of Newar Studies accepts contri­

butions for its seventh issue which will tentatively de,but in

2009. The journal's aim is to consolidate empirical, theoretical,

as well as any work done in Newar language, culture, art, his­

tory, custom, tradition. religion, biography. music, architec­

ture, and the information on Newars around the world so as

to serve tools to preserve and expose the richness of Newar

heritage.

Submissions (articles, abstracts of recently completed disserta­

tions and reviews of any work on Newars, translations of

Newar literary works, notes on any work, project on

Newars) are invited in English. Nepali and Nepal Bhasha. A

hard copy and an IBM - compatible, preferably Microsoft

word (two-column format). file on disk or electronic transfer

to editors are required. The editors reserve the right not to

process submissions that do not serve the goals of t.he journal.

Editor:

Daya R. Shakya

1719 NE "'17th Ave

Portland, OR 97213, USA

Phone: 1-503-282-0447, Fax: 1-503-774-7554

E-mail:[email protected]

From South Asian Countries

Slddhl R, Shakya

P.O. Box 571

Kathma.ndu, Nepal

Ph: 977-1-42653-48