A History of Muslim Pharmacy

Arabic pharmacy (Saydanah) as a profession with a separate entity from medicine was recognized by the beginning of the third/ninth century. This century not only saw the founding and an increase in the number of privately owned pharmacy shops in Baghdad and its vicinity, but in other Muslim cities as well. Many of the pharmacists who managed them were skilled in the apothecary's art and quite knowledgeable in the compounding, storing, and preserving of drugs. State-sponsored hospitals also had their own dispensaries attached to manufacturing laboratories where syrups, electuaries, ointments, and other pharmaceutical preparations were prepared on a relatively large scale. The pharmacists and their shops were pericldically inspected by a government appointed official al-Muhtasib, and his aides. These officials were to check for accuracy the weights and measures as well as the purity and unadulteration of the drugs used. Such supervision was intended to prevent the use of deteriorating compounded drugs and syrups, and to safeguard the public.

This early rise and development of professional pharmacy in Islam -over four centuries before such development took place in Europe- was the result of three major occurrences: the great increase in the demand for drugs and their availability on the market; professional maturity; and the outgrowth of intellectual responsibility by qualified pharmacists.

Pharmaceutical Contributions During the Third/Ninth Century

 

The third/ninth century in Muslim lands witnessed the richest period thus far in literary productivity insofar as pharmacy and the healing arts were concerned. This prolific intellectual activity paved the way for still a greater harvest in the succeeding four centuries of both high and mediocre caliber authorship. For pharmacy, manuals on materia medica and for instructing the pharmacist concerning the work and management of his shop were circulating in increasing numbers. Only a few authors and their important works will be briefly discussed and evaluated.

One of the contributors to Arabic pharmacy in the third/ninth century was the Nestorian physician, Yuhanna b. Masawayh (Latin Mesue, 160-242/777-857), the son of an apothecary. In his book on aromatic simples, Ibn Masawayh lists about thirty aromatics, their physical properties methods of detecting adulteration, and pharmacological effects. On ambergris, far example, he explains that there are many types, the best among them the blue or gray (gray-amber) fatty as-salahiti is Used mixed with the choicest of aromated mixtures (ghaliyyahs, perfumes, or medical cosmetics), and in geriatric electuaries. Only vaguely did Ibn Masawayh know that the ambergris is

Medecin prenant le pouls d'un patient Miniature d'un recueil de fables Kalila Dinna. Bagdad 1343. (Le Caire, Bibliotheque nationale).

affected from certain seafish (a concreation from the intestinal tract of the sperm whale, physeteridae found in tropical seas or on theshores).

Of camphor, he reports, with some uncertainty, that it originates in China and that the wood and the crystalline substance was brought to Arab lands by trade through India. This substance was extensively used in Arabic medical therapy. Ibn Masawayh also recommended saffron for liver and stomach ailments. He noted that sandalwood, whether yellow (the best), white, or red is brought from India where it is used in the manufacture of perfumes. In Islam it entered pharmaceutical preparations as early as the second/eighth century, if not earlier. It soon thereafter became associated with the profession: hence the pharmacist 'was called as-saydanani or as-saydalani (he who sells or deals with sandalwood), and savdanah for pharmacy.

In his medical axioms, Ibn Masawayh recommended the use of only a few well known medicinal plants which should be utilized with the aim of building up a natural resistance to diseases. He urged physicians to prescribe one remedy for each disease, using empirical and analogous reasoning. He finally stated that the physician who could cure by using only diet without drugs, was the most successful and lucky.

Ibn Masawayh's book al-Mushajjar al-Kabir is, to some extent, a tabulated medical encyclopedia on diseases and their treatment by drugs and diet.   This is in contrast with his other small treatises such as those on barley water, how to prepare it and its therapeutic uses; on dentifrices; and on the amelioration of purgative drugs.

A countryman and a younger colleague of Ibn Masawayh was Abu Hasan 'Ali b. Sahl Rabban at- Tabari who was born in 192/808. At about thirty years of age, he was summoned to Samarra by caliph al-Mu'tasim (217-227/833-842), where he served as a statesman and a physician. At-Tabari wrote several medical books, the most famous of which is his Paradise of Wisdom, completed in 235/850 (a Syriac version of it was simultaneously prepared by the author). contains discussions on the nature of man, cosmology, embryology, tempera-ments, psychotherapy, hygiene, diet, and diseases -acute and chronic -and their treatment, medical anecdotes, and abstracts and quotations from Indian source material. In addition, the book contains several chapters on materia medica, cereals, diets, utilities and therapeutic uses of animal and bird organs, and of drugs and methods of their preparation.

At- Tabari urged that the therapeutic value of each drug be utilized in accordance with the particular case, and the practitioner should always choose the best of simples. He explained that the finest types of simples come from various places: black myrobalan comes from Kabul; clover dodder from Crete; aloes from Socotra; and aromatic spices from India. He was also precise in describing his therapeutics. He said, 'I have tried a very useful remedy for swelling of the

Preparation d'un vin aromatique pour la toux. Page d'une traduction arabe de la Materia medica de Dioscoride. Bagdad, 1224. (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art).

stomach; the juices of the liverwort (water hemp) and the absinthium after being boiled on fire and strained to be taken for several days. Also powdered seeds of celery (marsh parsley) mixed with giant fennel made into troches and taken with a suitable liquid release the wind in the stomach, joints and back (arthritis).  To strengthen the stomach and to insure good health he prescribed 'black myrobalan powdered in butter, mixed with dissolved plant sugar extracted from the licorice and that this remedy should be taken daily.' For storage purposes he recommended glass or ceramic vessels for liquid (wet) drugs; special small jars for eye liquid salves; lead containers for fatty substances. For the treatment of ulcerated wounds, he prescribed an ointment made of juniper-gum, fat, butter, and pitch. In addition, he warned that one mithqal (about 4 grams) of opium or henbane causes sleep and also death.

The first medical formulary to be written in Arabic is al-Aqrabadhin tly Sabur b. Sahl (d. 255/869). In it, he gave medical recipes stating the methods and techniques of compounding these remedies, their pharmacological actions, the dosages given of :cc each, and the means of administration. The formulas are organized in accordance with their types of preparations into which they fit, Whether tablets, powders, ointments, electuaries or syrups. Each class of pharmaceutical preparation is represented along with a variety of recipes made in a specific form; they vary, however, in the ingredients used and their recommended uses and therapeutic effects. Many of these recipes and their pharmaceutical forms are remindful of similar formulas given in ancient documents from the Middle East and the Greco-Roman civilizations. What is unique is the organization of Sabur's formulary-type compendium purposely written as a guidebook for pharmacists, whether in their .Own private drugstores or in hospital pharmacies.

A few books related to pharmacy were written by the famous Muslim scholar Ya'qub b. Ishaq al-Kindi (Philosopher of the Arabs, d. 260/874). His contributions to philosophy, mathematics and astrology, however, were greater than those on medicine and therapy. Nevertheless it is to his credit that he was an outspoken critic of alchemists and attacked their procedures and claims as deceptive under the circumstances.

Hunayn's book of the Ten Treatises on the Eye was completed in 245/860.   After finishing the nine treatise the author felt the need for a closing treatise to be devoted to compounded drugs for eye medication. He extracted some recipes from earlier treatises and added more prescriptions recommended by Greek authors. In this tenth treatise, compounded eye remedies were divided into four types:

1. A kneaded soft mass (mess) in which dry ingredients are pounded, then mixed (blended) with water, a little at a time. This produced a dough-like eye paste (or ointment).2. Cory eye powders (kuhls) were used to sharpen vision, and prevent eye itching, Corneal opacities, pterygium and roughness. These powders included such  simples as burnt vitriol, verdigris, vitriol, sarcocol, aloes horned poPpy, antimony, and Scoria of silver.

3. Wet (liquid) eye salves or collyria were useful against trachoma and dimness of vision. They were prepared from such substances as honey, olive oil anointing extract (duhn) of balsam asafetida and fennel.

4. Eye compresses or poultices (plaster) which were bandaged Over the eye and medications were made of such simples as mill dust powdered frankincense, argil, myrrh, gum Arabic and opium mixed with egg white. The text included ill over 44 recipes in which Hunayn described methods of preparations, techniques ill employed, vehicles and solvents used, the doses of ingredients in the mixtures and the therapy .

As one obvious example of the uses and therapeutic values of using compounded drugs, Hunayn gave that of the theriac, the universal antidote against poisoning Hunayn, who knew Greek, defined the Greek word theriake as an animal that bite or snaps. Since these antidotes were used against animal bites the word eventually was applied to all antidotes, especially when snake flesh was incorporated. The Arabs, in a distorted transliteration of the Greek work, called this Tiryaq; hence the Latin theriaca. The originator of the theriac was the Greek sage Magnus. It was then perfected by Andromachus in the first century. In the second century, it was revised by Galen who made known its action and effectiveness and the manner in which it should be used.

Concerning Galen's Phenix, which comprises two treatises (one on medicine, and the other on books of philosophy, logic and rhetoric) Hunayn explained that it was translated first into syriac by Ayyub ar-Ruhawi al-Abrash in the early third/ninth century, then by himself to Dawud, the physician. He added to it other books not mentioned by Galen. Later, Hunayn translated it into Arabic for his patron, Abu ja'far Muhammad b. Musa. Also for his brother, Abu al-Hasan Ahmad b. Musa, Hunayn translated, Galen's treatise on the arrangement (classification for readers) of his books (maratib kutubih), as they were known among Muslim authors ever since.

Hunayn corrected the translation into Arabic of the major part of Dioscorides', Materia Medica, undertaken by his associate Istifan b. Basil (about mid third/ninth century) in Baghdad. Due to the influence of this work, several books of materia medica were written in Arabic. Dioscorides definitely influenced the writing and  direction of sabur's formulary, which has been mentioned earlier. Dioscorides in his Herbal emphasized the need to know better the crude drugs from the three natural , kingdoms, as well as an intelligent choice of the best simples suited for the com. pounding of medical recipes. His Herbal treatise established the basis for Arabic pharmacology, therapy, and medical botany. It also provided a description of the physical properties of drugs, types, and organoleptic means of testing their purity, and usefulness. As a result, Arabic pharmac: and pharmacognosy advanced beyond the Greco-Roman contribution. In turn, this helped and influenced a similar development in Europe through the Renaissance.

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A History of Muslim Pharmacy:

Arabic Alchemy and Toxicology in the Third/Ninth Century

Parallel with the development of pharmacy and pharmacology in Islam, there was also a similar development in alchemy and toxicology. Origins of these developments date back to the Greeks and Indians as well as the empiric knowledge of the indigenous population. Alchemy was commonly practiced during the third/ninth century and many works have been written on this art. Although alchemists failed achieve their goal in the transmutation of lesser metals into silver and gold, they succeeded to a degree in improving chemical techniques, equipment, and processes used, and built up their own methodology, symbolism, and style of communication.

One good example of an independent manual on toxicology is Kitab as-Sumum, in five treatises, attributed to Shanaq the Indian. It was translated into Arabic by al-'Abbas b. Sa'id al-Jawhari for caliph al-Ma'mun (reigned 197-217/813-833). It is a compilation from Greek and Indian sources of the third/ninth century. In the introduction, it is reported that the book was considered a secret of Indian sages and was consi-dered 'unique' and 'unequaled'. Kings kept it in their treasure cabinets, hidden from their children and bosom friends.

Poisons are discussed and how they can be detected by sight, touch, taste, or by the toxic symptoms which they cause. Descriptions are given of poisoned drinks, foods, clothes, carpets, beds, skin lotions, and eye salves, as well as narcotics and universal antidotes. A similar approach and information can be found in a later book on toxicology by Ibn Wahshiyyah during the early 300's/900's.

Another, equally important example, is the book on Poisons and their Antidotes by the famous Arab alchemist, Abu Musa Jabir b. Hayyan as-Sufi al-Kufi. In its six chapters, the author identifies poisons by their kinds and natural origins, their modes of action, dosages, methods of administration, choice of drugs, and the target organ which is attacked by each particular poison -a proposition that is modern in its chemo-therapeutic application. He also discussed general human anatomy, the four humors and how they are affected by purgatives and lethal drugs, warned against poisonous or poisoned matter, and prescribed anti-dotes. His discussion of body principles and subordinate organs and their function is similar to the previously mentioned Greek classification.

Significantly, the authenticity of Jabir and his writings have been controversial f for over one thousand years. In the fourth/tenth century, for example, many scholars  and book dealers doubted even the very existence of a historical figure by the name of Jabir. The texts carrying his name were considered spurious and were thought to have been written by several -and possibly later -alchemists who hid their identity behind the famous and revered name of Jabir. Others speculated that even if such - a man existed, he could have written only Kitab ar-Rahmah (The Book of Mercy).  On the other side of the controversy were scholars like Ibn an-Nadim who attributed numerous alchemical works to Jabir.  To consider such a large number of writings to be the work of one man, no matter how prolific he was, seems doubtful or even impossible under the circumstances.

Just as the general origin and development of the art of alchemy is shrouded with mystery, so is the history of Arabic alchemy. In this chapter, however, al-chemy's beginnings in Islam will be discussed briefly, because of its relationship to the history of pharmacy and therapy.

The earliest figure associated with the development of Arabic alchemy was the Umayyah Prince, Khalid b. Yazid (d. 84/704). A grandson of caliph Mu'awiyyah, who founded the Umayyah Dynasty in 40/661, Khalid was the heir apparent to the throne. In 63/683, however, the throne was taken over by his second cousin, Marwan, with inheritance passing to his direct heirs. As a result of his disappointment and possibly personal inclination, Khalid turned his attention to the occult and hermetic sciences in order to fulfill an inner satisfaction and ambition. We are told that he summoned to Damascus the monk, Marianos, an alchemist hermit from  Alexandria, Egypt, who taught him the secrets of the art. Later, Arab alchemists affected an intimate relationship between Khalid and the sixth Imam, ja'far as-sadiq (d. in 147/765) of al-Madinah who flourished after Prince Khalid. In this writer's estimation there is no basis for the ja'far alchemical legend which appears to be a fabrication. For there seems to be no relationship between him and Prince Khalid as a student on the one hand nor between him and jabir as a teacher on the other.

The first Arab alchemist who is known to have promote,d the practice of alchemy as a profession and a career, was the previously mentioned master, jabir b. Hayyan, who flourished about 183/800. Some information can be gathered from his epithets. He was a scion of the Arabian Azd tribe hence called al-Azdi. He resided in Kufah in southern Iraq hence al Kufi and had led the religious and ascetic life of a mystic: as-sufi.  The few works many moderate historians attribute to him, such as the Book of Mercy, can only be considered as an early third/ninth century contribution. At this time, Greek, Indian, and the indigenous cultural activities in Iraq, Syria, and Egypt interacted harmoniously. Apparently, j abir compiled few treatises which incorporated various hermetical concepts, however, these attracted considerable attention and publicity. The complex society that existed in third/ninth century Iraq, together with the resultant political upheavals, paved the way toward popularization of secretive societies and underground organizations. These sects, such as the Mu'tazilah, were often politically motivated. The society of Ikhwan as-Safa (Brethren of Sincerity) is another example, who formed a part of a conspiracy against the state, and yet contributed to Islamic culture, a large encyclopedia of knowledge in 52 epistles on religion, politics, philosophy, and the sciences.

From the beginning of the third/ninth century, a progressive group of alchemists developed. After the 21415/830'5 this group constituted a well-defined and active cult which had a separate entity with different objectives from that of the practitioners of the healing arts.

That the aims pursued by alchemists to make silver and gold from lesser metals r were never achieved, encouraged members of these cults to write more and more anonymous books burdened with ambiguous symbolisms and abstracts. They sought to attract more converts and were not much concerned about gaining credit orlacking it. They were outspoken in demanding that ignorant people and untrained disciples should not read or even hold these 'sacred' writings in their hands. The apparent fact, however, confirms the belief that they diligently sought more followers and vehemently defended their cause and claims by every possible means. One,of course, was to attribute spurious writings to Imam ja'far and jabir for prestige and sanctity. With the same fervor, many Muslim opponents of alchemy, such as al-Kindi (d. ca. 260/874) attacked the claims of the alchemists and considered their works to be fakes and deceptive and called their members and propagators charlatans.

After Jabir, we know of such alchemists as Abu al-Fa'id Ohun-Nun (d. 246/ 861) of Egypt who wrote several alchemical treatises. Another prolific author was Ibn Wahshiyyah (flourished ca. 287/900) who wrote on a variety of topics including alchemy, toxicology, magic, and astrology. Rational alchemical activities, however, reached a climax in the works of ar-Razi, a contemporary of Ibn Wahshiyah, and a far more original writer. Ar-Razi's works are of much higher caliber both in their relevance to alchemy, as well as to pharmacy and medicine as we shall see shortly. Ar-Razi's works, no doubt, pioneered scientific alchemy and outlined a rational course for its development in Islam.

Hopefully, scholars who are interested in the history of chemistry, and Arabic alchemy in particular, might give us more details concerning the so-called Jabirean corpus in future studies. Here, I would like briefly to describe only a collection of some fourteen alchemical treatises ascribed to Jabir which are bound in one volume and housed at the National library of Medicine. They reflect the trend, approach, and type of information circulated in third/ninth-century Arabic alchemical manuals. Several of these treatises represent some of the best works in this field that were written in Arabic. In them, one senses a rational and experimental approach based on originality in interpretations and genuine interest in alchemical procedures. For example, the first series of four books or treatises on amalgums, al-Malaghim, bring new rational material on the subject based on experimentations. The author or compiler applied the names of planets to minerals, a system that continued to be used up to the twelfth/eighteenth century in Europe. For example, he symbolized mars for iron; the moon for silver; venus for Copper; mercury for live mercury, and Saturn and Jupiter for lead and tin, respectively. In the process of experimenting in the making of amalgamations and elixir several important mineral and chemical substances were used such as sal ammoniac, vitriols, sulphur, arsenic, common salt, quicklime, tutty, malachite, manganese, marcasite, natron, impure sodium borate,  and vinegar. Among the many simples of botanical origin, the compiler used fennel, saffron, pomegranate rinds, celery, leek, sesame, rocket, olives, mustard, and lichen. Important gums were used, such as frankincense and acacia. Of animal origin the following were included: hair, blood, egg white, milk and sour milk, honey, and dung. Among the equipment used were pots, pans, tuber, retorts, alembics, crucibles, and various distilling apparatus; covering platters, ceramic jars, tumblers, mortars and pestles (often made of glass or metals) ; and tripods, scales, and medicinal bottles. The range and scope of alchemical operations included: distillation, sublimation, evaporation, pulverization, washing, straining, cooking, calcination, and condensation (thickening of liquid compounds).

Another interesting part in this series of alchemical documents on amalgamation is that which is devoted to artificial dying of metal, such as silvering and gilding. The idea of using these mordents is to imitate the genuine substances with supposedly 'permanent' dyes to promote sales. The approach and reasoning seem objective and businesslike. There was apparently no intention tocheat the consumer, but rather to make use of advanced technology. This shows the commendable and practical part played by the early Arabic alchemists and jewelers.

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Arabic Alchemy During the Fourth/Tenth Century

Throughout the third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries, alchemy continued to win adherents, as well as arouse opponents to its validity. In this study, only certain important aspects of its development will be briefly discussed. One aspect is the peculiarity that some learned men of high caliber and great prestige would propagate this art. Another oddity is the fact that literary contributions by some alchemists lured many a scholar to stand in awe of these magical procedures and operations and the elegance with which they were described. A good example is the biography of Abu Bakr Mohammed ar-Razi (250-312/865-925), and his alchemical writings. He was one of the greatest physicians in Islam, but at the same time an ardent supporter of the art of alchemy. To a great extent, he influenced the development of alchemy, pharmacy, and medical therapy throughout the Middle Ages. For this reason, his literary contributions to these areas of Islamic Science will be discussed briefly.

Ar-Razi's interest in alchemy and his strong belief in the possibility of transmutation of lesser metals to silver and gold was confirmed half a century after his death by Ibn an-Nadim. He attribute a series of twelve books to ar-Razi, then seven more, including his refutation to al-Kindi's denial of the validity of alchemy, and finally, ar- Razi's two best known alchemical texts; al-Asrar and Sirr al-Asrar (the secrets, and secret of secrets). These two works were not only among ar-Razi's last publications on alchemy, but they superseded his earlier ones as the final representation of his alchemical teachings. The latter text incorporates much of the former (al-Asrar).

Therefore, a survey of the Sirr al-Asrar will hopefully throw some light on ar- Razi's rational approach and technical procedures, and which represent the highest expression of alchemical knowledge during this period.

This book was written in response to a request from ar-Razi's close friend, colleague, and former student, Abu Mohammed b. Yunis of Bukhara, a Muslim mathematician, philosopher, and ia natural scientist of good stature In Sirr al-Asrar, ar-Razi divides his subject matter into three categories as he did in his book al-Asrar.

1. Knowledge and identification of drugs from plant, animal, and mineral origins and the choicest type of each for utilization in treatment.2. Knowledge of equipment and tools used, which are of interest to both the alchemist and the apothecary.3. Knowledge of the seven alchemical procedures and techniques such as sublimation and

condensation of mercury, precipitation of sulphur and arsenic calcination of minerals (gold, silver, copper, lead, and iron), salts, glass, talc, shells, and waxing.

This last category contains, in addition, a description of other methods and piratical applications used in transmutation: the admixture and uses of solvent vehicles, the amount of heat (fire) used, 'bodies and stones' that can or cannot be transformed into corporal substances of metals at Id salts, and the liquid mordant that quickly and permanently color lesser metals for better sales and profits.

Similar to the discussion on the third/ninth-century text on Amalgams ascribed to Jabir, ar-Razi describes methods and procedures or coloring (gold leafing) a silver object to imitate gold.  Also described is the reverse technique for removing the color and returning it to silver. Gilding and silvering of other metals ( alum, calcium salts, iron, copper, and tutty) are also described, as well as how colors will stay for years without tarnishing or changing. The procedures involved no deceptive motive, but rather technical and economic deliberations. This is evident from the author's quotation of market prices and the technical triumph of artisan, craftsman, or , alchemist in declaring the results of their efforts so that 'it will look exactly like gold!   There was, however, another similar motive involved, namely, to manufacture something to resemble gold for easy sale to help a good friend who happen to be in need of quick money.  It could be due to this trend in ar-Razi's alchemical technique for silvering and gilding of metal that man,.' Muslim biographers concluded that he was first a jeweler before he turned to alchemy.

Of interest in the text is ar-Razi's classification of minerals into six divisions,  giving his discussion a modern chemical connotation: 1.  Four spirits: mercury, sal ammoniac, sulphur, and arsenic.2.  Seven bodies; silver, gold, copper, iron, black lead (plumbago), zinc, and tin.3 . Thirteen stones including marcasite, magnesia, malachite, tutty, talcum, lapis lazuli, gypsum, and glass (then identified as as made of sand an d alkali of which the transparent crystal Damascene is considered the best).4. Seven vitriols including alum, and white, black, red, and yellow vitriols (the impure sulphates of iron, copper, etc.).5. Seven borates including the tinkar, natron, and impure sodium borate.6. Eleven salts including brine, common (table) salt, ashes, naphtha, live lime, and urine, rock, and sea salts. Then he separately defines and describes each of thesesubstances and their choicest kinds and colors and possible adulterations.

Concerning the tools and equipment of the alchemist, ar-Razi classifies them into two kinds:

1. Utensils used for the dissolving and melting of bodies such as the furnace, bellows, crucible, holder (tongue or ladle), macerator, pot, stirring rod, cutter, and grinder. 2. Utensils use(j to carry out the operation of transmutation, such as the retort, alembic, receiver, other parts of the distilling apparatus, oven (stove), cups, bottles, jars, pans, and blowers.

The instructions given are minute and detailed showing intimate knowledge of the procedures, materials, and technology involved.

To illustrate one aspect of this operation, ar-Razii relates the following story. He once went on a trip to Baghdad. There, the scholar al-Hakim al-Hamadani heard of ar-Razi's visit and came with his friends to welcome him. Among the subjects they discussed was alchemy. Ar-Razi, using the elixir, gilded two metals so that they looked exactly like true gold. His viewers watched with admiration and astonishment.

Later alchemists, nonetheless, departed greatly from these leading guidelines that ar-Razi had described with precision and thoroughness in his two books. As a result, the whole art suffered disrepute and setbacks, especially during the latter period of medieval Islamic science.

In addition to ar-Razi's alchemical writings, Ibn an-Nadim mentions 115 works and 30 epistles, a majority of them on natural sciences and the healing arts, including commentaries, abstracts, and refutations. Ibn an-Nadim also identifies briefly the five areas in which ar-Razi distinguished himself:

1. Ar-Razi was recognized as the best physician of his time who had fully absorbed the Greek medical learning.2. He traveled in many lands. His repeated visits to Baghdad and his services to many princes and rulers are known from many sources.3. He was a medical educator who attracted many students, both beginners and advanced.4. He was compassionate, kind, upright, and devoted to the service of his patients whether rich or poor.5. He was a prolific reader and writer and has authored many books, the titles of which were cited by Ibn an-Nadim and other Muslim biobibliographers of physicians and philosophers.

The best survey of ar-Razi's works from the medieval period seems to be an epistle by al-Biruni written about 4:28/1037.  Through this epistle, can be seen concealed sides of ar-Razi's life and his contributions as a prolific author and compiler to pharmacy, pharmacology, and medical therapy. To understand and appreciate him fully, however, one should look upon him as the product and in the context of his time (250-312 / 865-925). For in the West and Byzantium this was an. Age of Faith,  important to our discussion here, therefore, is his courageous attack of errors in the medical and philosophical teachings of the ancients. For it was ar-Razi who wrote a book, Shukuk 'ala Nazariyat jalinus, in which he doubted the accuracy in many medical, physiological, and therapeutic concepts, theories, and procedures as stated by Galen and which were blindly accepted and transmitted by his followers and later compilers and commentators.

Interestingly, ar-Razi foresaw that mainly because of his doubts on Galen, many would attack him bitterly and accuse him of ignorance, malice and misconception, a fact that no sooner was reported as having been said than his expectations were confirmed. Yet it was ar-Razi who repeatedly expressed praises and gratitude to , Galen for his commendable contributions and labors. Ar-Razi explained in the introduction to his Shukuk, 'I prayed to Allah to direct and lead me to the truth in writing this book. It grieves me to oppose and criticize the man [ Galen ] from whose sea of knowledge I have drawn much. Indeed, he is the master and I am the servant (disciple). But all this reverence and appreciation will and should not prevent me from doubting, as I did, what is erroneous among his theories. I imagine and feel deep in my heart that Galen has chosen me to undertake this task, and if he was alive, he would have congratulated me on what I

am doing. I say this because Galen's aim was to seek and find the truth and to bring light out of darkness. Indeed I wish he was alive to read what I have published'.

Thereafter, ar-Razi, with a view to vindicate Galen's greatness and to justify his criticism of him, lists four reasons why great men make errors more than others:1. Because of negligence, as a result of too much self confidence.2. Because of unmindfulness (indifference) which often leads to errors.3. Because of enticements to follow one's Own fancy or impetuosity in imagining that what he does or says is right.4. Crystallization of ancient knowledge in view of the dynamic nature of science so that present day knowledge must of necessity surpass that of previous generations. This is because of the continuous discoveries of new data and new truths. Ar-Razi believed, and rightly so, that contemporary scientists and scholars, because of accumulated knowledge at their disposal. are, by far, better equipped, more knowledgeable, and competent than the ancients.  Indeed, what ar-Razi did in attempting to overthrow blind reverence and the unchallenged authority of ancient sages was, by itself, a great step in the right direction. This impetus encouraged and stimulated research and advances in the arts, 'technology, and the sciences. It unshackled the human spirit for greater and more fasting achievements.

On the professional level, ar-Razi introduced many useful, progressive, medical and psychological ideas. He also attacked charlatans and fake doctors who roamed the cities and the countryside selling their nostrums and 'cures'. At the same time, he warned that even highly educated doctors did not have the answers for all medical problems and could not cure all sicknesses or heal every disease. Humanly speaking, this is an impossibility. Nonetheless, to be more useful in their services and truer to their calling, ar-Razi exhorted practitioners to keep up with advanced knowledge by Continually studying medical books and expose themselves to new information. He further classified diseases into three categories: those which are curable; those that can be cured; and those which are incurable. On the latter, he cited advanced cases of cancer and leprosy which if not cured, the doctor should not take blame. Then, on the humorous side, ar-Razi pitied physicians caring for the well being of princes, nobility, and women, for they did not obey doctor's orders for restricted diet and medical treatment, thus making most difficult the task of their doctor.

This writer is inclined to believe that ar-Razi was the first in Islam to deliberately Write a book -home medical (remedial) advisor -entitled Man la Yahduruhu Tab for the general public. He dedicated it to the poor, the traveler, and the ordinary citizen who could consult it for treatment of common ailments when the doctor was not available. This book, of course, is of special interest to the history of pharmacy since books on the same theme continued to appear and has found acceptance by readers to the present century. In its 36 chapters, ar-Razi described diets and drugs that can be found practically every where in apothecary shops, the market place, in well-equipped kitchens, and in military camps. Thus, any intelligent mature person can follow its instructions and prepare the right recipes for good results. Some of the illnesses treated are headaches, colds, coughing, melancholy, and diseases of the eye, ear, and stomach. In a feverish headache, for example, he prescribed, 'two parts of the duhn (oily extract) of rose, to be mixed with part of vinegar, in which a piece of linen cloth is dipped and compressed on the forehead'. For a laxative, he recommended 'seven drams of dried violet flowers with twenty pears,

macerated and mixed well, then strained. To the filtrate, twenty drams of sugar is added for a draft'. In cases of melancholy, he invariably recommended prescriptions including either poppies or their juices (opium) or clover dodder (Curcuma epithymum Muss.) or both. For an eye remedy, he recommended myrrh, saffron, and frankincense, two drams each to be mixed with one dram of yellow arsenic and made into tablets. When used each tablet was to be dissolved in a sufficient quantity of coriander water and used as eye drops.

Ar-Razi followed the same method in his book Bur as-Sa'ah, in which he prescribed remedies to cure ailments in one hour, or at least in a short time, so that the patient did not need frequently to call on his doctor and to pay larger fee.

In his other book on diets, their uses and disadvantages, Mnafi' al-Aghdhiyyah, ar-Razi followed a pattern that had been introduced earlier by Galen. In it, ar-Razi attempted to correct several errors made by Galen and to introduce new data missed by the latter.

Ibn Masawayh was another physician who wrote on the same topic. According to ar-Razi, Ibn Masawayh did more harm than good in his exposition of the subject. These misgivings challenged ar-Razi to undertake the writing of a comprehensive study, Manafi', which is of great interest not only to pharmacy and medicine but to the history of the culinary art as well. Emphasizing specific matters and general regulations for healthy living, ar-Razi discussed breads, waters, dairy products, fruits, vegetables, spices, meats, and fishes. He explained in detail their kinds, methods of preparation, physical properties, and therapeutic modes of action, and pointed out when they were useful and when not. Of wines, for example, he mentioned whether they were made of grapes of raisins, their color, taste, and preferred use in the particular situations. He concluded by describing the disadvantages of frequent consumption of wines leading to alcoholism, 'which often causes many serious diseases as epilepsy, paralysis, senile tremor in older people, cirrhosis, hepatitis, mental disorders, visionary distortions, obesity, debility, and impotence.

While ar-Razi paid much attention to curing the body's ills, he did not ignore cures for infirmities of the soul. The proof of his concern for psychotherapy seems quite evident. On completing his medical encyclopedia, al-Mansuri, on the diagnoses and treatment of body diseases, he filled in the gap by writing a counterpart at- Tibb ar-Ruhani on the medicine of the soul. Both works (completed about 293-294/ 906-907 respectively) were written for, and dedicated to, ar-Razi's great patron, Prince Abu Sajih Mansur b. Ishaq b. Ahmad b. Asad. In the twenty chapters of at-Tibb ar-Ruhani, ar-Razi, discussed with objectivity, farsightedness, and mature understanding of human nature and desires, such topics as human passions, vices, pleasures, lust, anger, pain, miserliness, drunkenness, virtue and death.  His concern for, and penetration into, human nature, its complexities, and the directions leading into it, confirm his appreciation of the importance of psychotherapy and psychology as two important parts of the healing art.

In his famous al-Mansuri, however, ar-Razi devoted four out of the book's total of ten treatises, to diets and drugs, medicated cosmetics, toxicology and antidotes, amelioration of laxatives, and compounded remedies, all of which are of pharmaceutical interest.

Ar-Razi's last and largest medical encyclopedia is his al-Hawi fit-Tibb, which embraces all areas of medical knowledge of the time. This huge compilation of sayings and interpretations by the ancients, Arabic physicians, and ar-Razi was gathered and edited after the author's death by h is students. Inevitably, it included sections related to 'pharmacy in the healing art', materia medica arranged in alphabetical order, compounded drugs, pharmaceutical dosage forms and toxicology. It also included numerous medical recipes and tested prescriptions that influenced 'medical therapy' in Islam and in the West during the Middle Ages.

In his use of mineral drugs as external and internal remedies, including vitriols, copper, mercuric and arsenic salts, sal ammoniac, gold scoria, chalk, clay (as in the terra sigillata and Armenian clay), coral, pearl, tar, and bitumen, ar-Razi, encouraged and pioneered chemotherapy in Islamic medicine.

Although he recommended poppies and opium internally as somniferous agents and to quiet coughing, and externally to relieve eye and wound pains, he warned against their deadly effects (two drams are fatal).

Attention to diet and drug therapy was likewise emphasized by Ahmad b. Abi al-Ash'ath in his two books; Quwa al-Adwiyyah and al-Ghadhi wal-Mughtadhi (com- completed around 353/965).

In his Quwa, in three treatises, Ibn Abi al-Ash'ath discusses general rules and regulations for medicinal treatment; the properties of vegetable, animal, and mineral drugs obtained from the three natural kingdoms and those mineral-like drugs manufactured by man, such as cinnabar and tutty, and their uses and advantages. The book was dedicated to the author's two students, Mohammed b. Ayyub Ibn ath-Thallaj of Mosul, and Ahmad b. Mohammed al-Baladi. Ibn Abi al-Ash'ath described the three principles connected with sickness and health: receptive body; apparent symptoms; and unavoidable operative causes. Medicine, therefore, explores general laws of body conditions; symptoms and their interpretations; and causes and their effects.  He explained that the five principles concerned with conditions of sickness and health -the air we breath and that surrounds us sleep and wakefulness rest and motion, infusion and evacuation, and psychic manifestations -all generate and evolve within our bodies. But what comes to our bodies and affects us from the outside is the principle that involves what we eat and drink as well as the drugs we use to restore health or to cure diseases.

To simple drugs, the author assigned primary efficacy functions (generating powers): heat, moisture, dryness and cold; and secondary efficacy functions, e.g., their uses and pharmacological advantages. He warned against charlatans and ignorant doctors' and encouraged academic training for practitioners and continued medical education for hospital internship, residency and beyond. He concluded, 'For those who collect money are always afraid to lose it, but those (like physicians) who accumulate knowledge endeavor to increase it

In his earlier work, al-Ghadhi, in two treatises, Ibn Abi al-Ash'ath not only described the anatomy and physiology of body organs but also animal organs used in diet therapy.

Of interest to psychotherapy, however, is the author's treatise on sleep and wakefulness, in six chapters. In it he confirms that the act of sleep is under the control (or one of the functions) of the brain, just as jaundice is connected with the liver. Sleep is not to be compared with death; they are two different things.  Sleep gives rest from labor (active motion) of the brain which consists of contemplation, memory (reminiscence), and imagination. Sleep increases with cold. When the brain reacts to slumber, one awakens. The author concluded by dividing sleep into three types: the first stage; sleep with dreams; and deep sleep without dreams.

Little is known of Ibn Abi al-Ash'ath's younger contemporary and countryman, al-Majusi. He received his medical training under the tutorship of Abu Mahir Musa b. Sayyar. AI-Majusi served King' Adud ad-Dawlah (d. 372/983) to whom he dedicated his only known medical compendium, al-Maliki (Liber Rigius). This encyclopedia consists of twenty treatises on the theory and practice of medicine (ten on each). In them, the author encourages the use of indigenous medicinal plants, as well as animal and mineral products. Using minerals -chalk, Armenian clay (bole), red ochre, terra sigillata, marcasite (Pyrites), natron, sal ammoniac, vitriols, burned copper, and ii naphtha -internally and externally encouraged chemotherapy as utilized by his predecessors, ar-Razi (d. 312/925), and others.   He emphasized in the treatment of patients that in addition to natural principles, age, sex, dichotomy of colors, and facial complexions should also be taken into consideration.

Interesting also were some of al-Majusi's physiological interpretations. He spoke of the two opposing movements generated by the animal vital spirit: expansion and contraction which in regard to heart and arteries constitute the diastole and systole, and inspiration and expiration with regard to the respiratory organs. He compared these two opposing movements to a bellows. The difference is that they are produced by an internal (innate) spirit, while an external force operates the bellows. He then explained that after lungs inhale air from the outside, they expel the vaporized (smoky) superfluities during exhalation. When the heart draws air from the lungs, it mixes with the blood and augments the vital spirit. He defined temperaments as pertaining to the management of life, and action as tools to help carryon the functions of nature and the soul in animals and plants. He described the veins as haying pores that open toward the arteries and pass light blood. He cited as proof the fact that if a vein is cut, it spews out all the blood it contains. Respiration, he continued, takes place through contraction and expansion during which the arteries, especially those close to the heart, evacuate air and blood; and through expansion draw air and light blood from the heart to fill the vacuum created by contraction. Blood formation and body growth results from digested and assimilated food, and takes place in three stages, through the natural faculties which attract, hold, digest, and expel.

Concerning physical exercises, al-Majusi explained that they increase and nourish innate heat for a better metabolism, to widen the pores, to rid the body of superfluities and to strengthen the organs.

Also of interest in al-Majusi's al-Maliki, are the two sections devoted to specific skin diseases such as leprosy, sores, skin ulcers, abscesses, pimples, swellings, car- buncles, rashes, wounds, and poisonous animal bites, as well as dermatology at large.

Al-Majusi divided drugs according to their pharmacological action as hymnotics, sedatives, antipyretics, laxatives, demulcents, diuretics, emetics, emollients, astringents, and digestants. He described medicinal plants and their parts used as remedial agents: seeds, leaves, flowers, fruits, and roots. He also had special chapters on gums, extracts, and plant juices, as well as mineral drugs used for external or internal treatment. He urged practitioners to collect them until need for their use arose. He seemed to have little use for pharmacists, and wanted physicians to compound or to supervise the preparation of their own medications. He recommended application of a purity test against drug adulteration. He said, for example, that the best kind of aloes is reddish in color and which turns darker when breathed upon (introducing  carbon dioxide).

In the preparation of compounded remedies, the author advised doctors to increase or decrease the amount of each included ingredient according to need. Quantities for each dosage in each case, al-Majusi confirmed, should be determined only by the practitioner himself. Finally, he described compounded drugs in the various pharmaceutical forms: lohocks, decoctions, powders, robs, and dentifrices.

Al-Majusi's al-Maliki was translated first in part by Constantine Africanus (d. 479/1087), under the title Pantegno. A complete and much better translation, however, was made in 520/1127 by Stephen of Antioch. It was printed first in Venice in 897/1492 by Bernard Rici de Novaria, and in 929/1523 in Venice and Lyons with annotation by Micheal de Capella.48This work, like those of ar-Razi's, thus continued to circulate and influence medicine and pharmacy in the West for over five hundred years.

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The Final Stage in Medieval Arabic Pharmacy

As was the case in Europe and America up to modern times, many prominent physicians in Islam, too, prepared the necessary medications for their patients. Al-Majusi, az-Zahrawi, and Ibn

Sina (d. 428/1037} are good examples. But the importance of the role played by educated pharmacists in the medical field and in society was never ignored. One of the finest definitions of

the pharmacist, his role and his profession, was given by the illustrious scholar Abu ar-Rayhan al-Biruni (born in Birun near Khiva 362/973, and died in Ghazna, Afghanistan, 439/1048).

In a book on pharmacy, as-Saydanah fit-Tibb, al-Biruni defined the Pharmacist (as-Saydanani} as the professional who is specialized in the collection of all drugs, choosing the very best of

each simple or compound, and in the preparation of good remedies from them following the most accurate methods and techniques as recommended by experts in the healing arts. As part of the health profession, pharmacy became independent of medicine, just as language books (grammars) are separate from the art of composition and prosody from poetry, and logic from philosophy. Pharmacy, therefore, provides the tools to help in the healing art but is not a part of (or a unit with) medicine. Unfortunately, al-Biruni lamented that many so-called pharmacists were not worthy of the name. All they knew was a tradition copied from hearing what others had to say about making remedies; not realizing that pharmaceutical progress resulted only from training academically oriented disciples of intelligent and industrious students who also did not neglect day-to-day practical experiences with drugs. As a result, these trainees would become more and more familiar with the shapes, physical properties, and kinds of drugs. They would then be able to differentiate one from the other and would possess the know-how, a knowledge that could not be taken away from them.

Al-Biruni confirmed that the word Saydanani came from the Indian (Sanskrit) chandanani (or jandanani). In India sandalwood (Sanskrit, chandan or jandan) was used extensively, more than other aromatic woods. Since in Arabic the person who sells amber ('anbar) is called 'anbari, so the person who traded in sandalwood Or chandan was called sandanani) and later sandalani or saydalani. By the same token the apothecary (al-'attar) in Arabic was called ad-dari, since it was reported that ships carrying musk, aromatics, and spices from India and the Orient landed in Darien port. The Arab apothecaries ( 'attarin ), who sold perfumes and aromatics, did not use sandal as often as the Indians. They excluded sandalwood, primarily, because it was not a popular wood in Arabia. Therefore, they applied the title Sandalani (which according to al-Biruni is the most appropriate Arabic rendering of the title) to the highly qualified pharmacist as a dealer of drugs and rare aromatic simples and compounded remedies. The word drug ('uqqar), al-Biruni stated, comes from the Syriac word for the stump of a tree ( root, and Greek rizoma). This word ( uqqar) was later applied to all the parts of the tree and was taken by the Arabs to mean a materia medica and in plural, 'uqaqir'.

Then al-Biruni divided the substances taken internally into three categories:1. Diets that adapt to the powers and functions of the body and are digested and assimilated to replace what has been lost. Thus) diets were first affected by the   body and then they affected it for its own good (and nourishment).2. Poisons that act forcibly on the body's functions to the highest degree and cause sickness or death depending on their toxicity and potency, as well as on the body's resistance. In India, there is a special class of 'toxicologists', who treat patients by the use of poisons, he explained.3. Drugs fall between diets and poisons and their efficacy and advantages as cures depend on the talents, competence and skills of the physician who prescribes them. For this reason physicians prefer to use diets first for treatment. If there is further need, they use simples. They do not resort to compounded drugs except when necessary.

Al-Biruni further defined pharmacy as the art of knowing the types, kinds, shapes, and physical properties of simples and of knowing how to compound them into remedies according to doctors' prescriptions. The pharmacist should also be able to substitute or to discard one drug for another. The knowledge of how drugs work on the body (pharmacology), however, is more important than the mere skill of preparing them. In substituting one drug for another the various actions of

eachshould be considered and accounted for. Cure can be sought through a draft, ointment, anointing oils, or by fumigation. Thus, in seeking a substitute, all these and  other applications should be considered. Without this knowledge one falls short of professional goals. Physicians, therefore, should help develop the art 'by the two  wings of science (theoretical knowledge) and experience, and then hand their efforts to social minded pharmacists to carryon excellent professional services'. Enthusiasm for the study of drugs from natural resources and their actions, al-Biruni observed, is much stronger in North Africa (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia) and Spain than in the Eastern caliphate. Still greater activities are known to exist in India, but these follow, different principles and approaches from those practiced in the Muslim lands, mainly through Greek influence. These differences have made contact and dissemination between the two regions (the Muslim world and India) very difficult.

From his early youth, al-Biruni was very interested in acquiring knowledge. When once he became acquainted with a man residing in the area who knew Greek, he approached him with grains, seeds, fruits, and various herbs, seeking his aid for identification and to familiarize himself with their synonyms. To illuminate his point, al-Biruni told of a prescription calling for a drug that only one pharmacist out of many who were requested to dispense, was able to recognize. He was able to dispense and sell it because he knew that the name was synonymous for the dried roots of licorice, which the others did not know. Al-Biruni, therefore, studied drugs, physical properties and their synonyms both in books and by examining available specimens. This he did over the years to prepare himself to write his treatise on pharmacy. He systematically arranged all simples discussed in alphabetical order. His friend, Ahmad an-Nahsha'i, who likewise was interested in the subject, helped in authoring the book.

To illustrate al-Biruni's approach and methodology, a free translation of three materia medica items included in the text is attempted here. Under the letter 'S' (sad), al-Biruni discussed sandalwood. 'The kind which was reddish in color was called rakht chandan in India. Some preferred the yellowish, heavy, fatty and soft kind with the pleasant aroma. The coarse whitish type with a reddish shade is more used by pharmacists for internal medicine'.

Another example is the aristoloch; 'of which the rounded apple of earth (Aristo- lochia rotunda L. ) is stronger than the tall birth-wort, which has longer leaves (A. rotunda L.). A third type resembled the shed of the vine tree. The first kind had a pleasant aroma, a rounded rind (not the flowers), many long branches, and a bitter taste. Apothecaries used the rind for the preservation of anointing oils in many perfumes and in parturition.

A third and final example is al-Biruni's description of hellebore (under h, harbaq), of which there are two types: 'black from Asia Minor (Greek's land) with long, thin branches (a finger's width) with black to reddish knots; and white hellebore (mainly the bark) brought from Transoxiana (the land beyond the Oxus river in Turkistan, USSR today). In Syriac it is known as hur yakhana or faggusha. It was mentioned by Galen, Oribasius, Ibn Masawayh, and ar-Razi. It is poisonous if taken in large quantities'.

Of interest in the history of pharmacy is al-Biruni's book on precious and semiprecious stones, al-Jamahir. It gives another example of the development of the lapidary art in Islam. This

tradition had started by the early third/ninth century and reached a high level in the works of al-Kindi (d. ca. 260/874) and other contemporaries. Al-Biruni's text contains many original ideas and personal observations.  Muslim lapidarists influenced similar developments in Europe.

Another theme of pharmaceutical interest that continued to draw attention during the fifth/eleventh century was toxicology. A good example is al-Munqidh, by al-Husayn b. al-Mubarak, completed about 483/1091, and dedicated to the wazir al- Mufaddal b. Abi al-Barakat in San'a, Yemen. Ibn al-Mubarak explained that there were two dangers the wise ought to avoid by all means. One, spiritual, meant getting rid of hatred, envy, malice, and the like. In so doing one avoided troubles and illness , for the body and the soul. The second danger was related to poisons that are fatal to the body in the shortest possible time. Poisons are hidden weapon in the hands of enemies to take revenge and to kill. Ibn al-Mubarak was concerned with the safety of , his master, the wazir al-Mufaddal, who was always exposed to servants and ministers, and decided to write a book on all types of poisons and poisoning in foods, drinks, and things to be smelled. Then he recommended antidotes, many of which he copied from the ancient sages of India and, elsewhere. The Indians he observed, 'paid special attention to these studies' and many of their books were available for him to read. He compiled manual in three treatises. In these he explained the need, especially for the kings and high government officials, for such information to keep them out of trouble, free of dangers to health. This seemed even more important, he wrote, when one considered the good, such as prosperity and national security, that will be caused by the leaders' safety; and the chaos and evil that could result if they were injured or killed.

He described drugs that were familiar and how to be on guard against intrigues by relatives, attendants, and opponents. He described poisonous symptoms and physical properties of poisoned substances for foods. He spoke highly of rue, dandelion, holly wormwood (Artemisia santonicum L. ), and wild mustard as antidotes to poisonous animals. Other antidotes included I.aurel and juniper seeds and asafetida and an extract of balm (duhn) dissolved in milk. If milk or butter was poisoned it showed up like an iris with many colors ranging from green to yellow to red and foam-like whitish. Butter became moist and putrid; sour milk showed reddish dots or lines and oils displayed rosy coloration like a sunset and putrefaction while sesame oil exhibited a dark, cloudy appearance. White linen clothes turned yellow if poisoned; colored clothes were bleached. Incenses and amber became inflammable, leaving dark ashes and giving off bad odors and cloudy smoke. Poisoned iron utensils, arrows, and swords show grey, swarthy colors. Ibn al-Mubarak devoted, in addition, a section, to theriacs and general antidotes.

In the sixth/twelfth century, Ibn at- Tilmidh (d. 560/1165) of Baghdad wrote an antidotarium al-Aqrabadhin, in twenty chapters, in which he followed with some improvements and modifications, the pattern followed by Sabur in mid-third/ninth century. In his detailed discussions of pharmaceutical dosage forms and preparations and methods of collecting, identifying and preserving drugs, Ibn at- Tilmidh showed his competence in the subject. He preferred experimentation over methodology and emphasized empiricism and personal observation of individual simples as well as their pharmacological action on the individual patient. He urged also the weighing of exact doses of drugs in medications and outlined ways of administering them in each case.

A century later, al-Minhaj, a manual on practical pharmacy by Abu al-Muna Ibn al-'Attar of Cairo, was completed about 658/1260. Ibn al-'Attar, an experienced pharmacist, dedicated the manual to his son, also a pharmacist, who was about to take charge of the business in place of his aged father. He gave attention to the important practical aspects of pharmacy, the upkeep of the drug store, and good management. Like az-Zahrawi, he also emphasized skill in the technique of compounding and dispensing pharmaceutical preparations, and knowledge of the materia medica.

Throughout all this period in Islam there were many regulations and documentation that were highly regarded and meticulously followed by social minded and educated Muslim pharmacists who respected these regulations and were, in turn, highly esteemed in their communities. In great centers like Baghdad, rulers occasionally issued decrees regulating pharmacy practice, whenever the situation demanded it. There were also government officials, such as al-Muhtasib and his aides, who supervised markets, sales of commodities, weights and measures, and the professions, including pharmacy and medicine, to curb adulteration and social violations and crimes and to guard the safety of the public. Rulers as well as patrons of learning gave support and protection to practitioners of the health professions. The public as well paid homage to eminent and honest pharmacists and physicians. Furthermore, expanding trade in the vast Muslim world and the great demand for medications and spices brought added prestige to the profession. Under these circumstances Muslim pharmacy, from the third/ninth through the seventh/thirteenth centuries, developed and matured. Literary contributions of practitioners were noteworthy. These commendable developments influenced the rise of professional pharmacy in Europe and enriched available literature in pharmacy and related fields.

This study was supported in part by a Smithsonian Research Grant.

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The Pharmacy and Materia Medica of Al-Biruni and Al-Ghafiqi: A Comparison

The development of professional pharmacy, as a separate entity from medicine, started in Islam under the patronage of the early' Abbasiyyah caliphs. This first clear-cut separation of the two professions, and the recognition of the independent, academically oriented status of professional pharmacy materialized in and around the , Abbasiyyah capital and army installations shortly before 183/800. By that time special attention was directed towards the investigation of natural products and therapeutic agents in the Islamic world. Besides the studies of their practical medico- pharmaceutical applications, emphasis was focused on lexicographical, lexicological, and philological interpretations of accumulated data on natural history. This was evident in the works of many Arabic naturalist-philologists such as Abu Sa'id al- Asma'i (d. 212/828) and his contemporaries Abu 'Ubaydah and Abu Zayd al-Ansari. But most important to our topic is the partially extant work on plants by Abu Hanifah ad-Dinawari (d. ca. 280/849), which is the earliest, at least in part, available of such comprehensive texts.

Pharmaceutical Compendiums and Formularies in Arabic. Soon thereafter a great amount of pharmaceutical literary contributions became accessible to the Arabic reader. Much of it was spurred by the translations from the Greek during the first three quarters of the third/ninth century. These include the rendering of Dioscorides' Materia Medica (C. E. first century), and the writings on simple and compounded medications of Galen (second century), and the commentaries and compilations resulting from them. There were in addition translations from the Sanskrit, Syriac, and local legacies in the Fertile Crescent region.

As a result, a new trend developed ushering spontaneous writings of pharmaceutical compendiums such as those in the form of formularies. The earliest and best known of such formularies was Aqrabadhin al-Kabir by Sabur b. Sahl (d. 255/869). Soon after its publication it became, and for almost three centuries, a guide manual to pharmacists in hospitals as well as in privately owned pharmacy shops.  It was superseded by Aqrabadhin of Ibn at- Tilmidh of Baghdad in the mid-sixth/twelfth century.

It was only in the early fourth/tenth century that the great clinician Abu Bakr ar-Razi compiled a treatise on pharmacy and materia medica entitled as-Saydanah fit- Tibb.  This text was a useful innovation. It, however, fell short from the high standards expected from its author, containing very little personal observations. Thus it seems a disappointment if compared with his other writings on clinical medicine, psychotherapy, alchemy, physiology and the philosophy of science. Other medical encyclopedists such as al-Majusi (d. 384/995), his contemporary Ibn al-jazzar (d. ca. 373/984), and Ibn Sina (d. 428/1037) compiled similar treatises in their compendia.

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Al-Biruni's as-Saydanah and al-Ghafiqi's al-Jami'

The breakthrough came soon thereafter in several independent works of which the two most important and original are selected here for comparison. The first and possibly the foremost was of Abu ar-Rayhan al-Biruni (362-442/973-1051 ) on pharmacy and materia medica, also entitled as-Saydanah fit-Tibb, whose first draft was only completed in 441/1050. In it Arabic pharmacy was adequately and technically defined. The second, authored over a century later, was al-Jami' al-Adwiyyah al-Mufradah by Abu ja'far al-Ghafiqi (d. 560/1165). In these two manuals, I believe, Arabic contribution, in this field, reached its highest expression with authentic methodology in approach, experimentations and observations. This point was emphasized by Meyerhof and Sobhy in Egypt during their investigation of the abridged copy of al-Ghafiqi's al-Jami'. But is in view of the important places these two works occupy in the history of Arabian pharmacy and materia medica that this attempt of a brief comparison of the two authors and their respective texts was undertaken.

By and large, medieval cultural contacts and the ties between the eastern and western parts of the Islamic world were not only favorable but rather strong, dynamic and challenging. Books, political and religious trends, as well as ideas traveled back and forth over the great expanse of the Islamic world from the borders of India in the east to the farthest parts of al-Maghrib and al-Andalus in the west. There were also an exchange of authors, educators and wandering scholars. This was true and obvious regarding the technical and scientific output.

The difficulties and factors Involved were both technical as well as economic. But most importantly was the time-consuming copying of Arabic books of technical or scientific nature which require expertism, special skills, and attentive concentration. The greater part of such copying was done for personal use and not for public consumption. This explains the reason why a most significant book as al-Biruni's, drafted most probably at Ghaznah in mid-fifth/eleventh century, was almost unknown a century later in al-Andalus. Moreover, copies were extremely rare and hardly accessible in the east as well. This serves as a good example of the missing link in scientific contacts not only between one region and another, but even within the borders of the same area also. This may explain why al-Ghafiqi of Muslim Spain never knew of al-Biruni's work on such a vital topic that concerned them both.

By the same token numerous technical works mentioned in medieval bibliographical records are known only through very rare copies, if any. Those unavailable now, may be lost forever. Fortunately, a few copies of the two works of al- Biruni and al-Ghafiqi which are now under consideration are extant, a fact that helped make this attempted comparison possible.

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