A HISTORICAL PANORAMA OF AN ISTANBUL NEIGHBORHOOD:

CIHANGIR FROM THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY TO THE 2000s

by

Binnaz Tuğba Sasanlar

Submitted to

The Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

Master of Arts

Boğaziçi University

2006

ii

“A Historical Panorama of an Istanbul Neighborhood: Cihangir from the Late

Nineteenth Century to the 2000s”, a thesis prepared by Binnaz Tuğba Sasanlar in

partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree at the Atatürk

Institute for Modern Turkish History. This thesis has been approved and accepted by:

Assoc. Prof. Duygu Köksal

Prof. Şevket Pamuk

Prof. Zafer Toprak

iii

An Abstract of the Thesis of Binnaz Tuğba Sasanlar for the degree of Master of Arts in

the Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History to be taken August 2006.

Title: A HISTORICAL PANORAMA OF AN ISTANBUL NEIGHBORHOOD:

CIHANGIR FROM THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY TO THE 2000s

This study can be seen as a contribution to the history of a cosmopolitan Istanbul

neighborhood, Cihangir, where Greeks, Armenians, Jews, Levantines, Turks, and other

Muslim and non-Muslim inhabitants lived in harmony for centuries. Based on oral

history narratives by older and new inhabitants of the neighborhood as well as primary

sources identified by the author, the present study aims to shed light on its cosmopolitan

fabric and the changes it has undergone throughout the republican history of Turkey. It

reflects its author’s perspective which situates the story of Cihangir within the

framework of the story of the decline of cosmopolitan Istanbul due to the Turkification

policies of the nationalist state. After a series of regrettable events like the notorious

Wealth Tax of 1942, the 6-7 September riots in 1955, and the 1964 decree for the

deportation of Greek nationals, Cihangir lost its original human fabric with the gradual

departure of its non-Muslim inhabitants, specifically the Greeks, who were the main

population in the neighborhood. It also presents the cosmopolitan mahalle life in

Cihangir, especially in the 1950s and the 1960s. After a period of déclassement,

however, Cihangir was reinvented in a globalizing metropolis, Istanbul. This study also

discusses the process of gentrification in Cihangir and its effects on the neighborhood

and the daily mahalle life there. Present day Cihangir is a culturally heterogeneous but

ethnically less mixed neighborhood embracing the few remaining Greeks, Armenians,

Jews and Levantines. However, it is a neighborhood still living together with its past.

iv

Atatürk İlkeleri İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü’nde Yüksek Lisans derecesi için Binnaz

Tuğba Sasanlar tarafından Ağustos 2006’da teslim edilen tezin kısa özeti

Başlık: Bir İstanbul Semti’nin Tarihsel Panoraması: On Dokuzuncu Yüzyıl

Sonundan 2000’lere Cihangir

Bu çalışma yüzyıllardır Rum, Ermeni, Musevi, Levanten, Türk ve diğer Müslüman

ve gayrimüslim unsurların bir arada uyum içinde yaşadıkları kozmopolit bir İstanbul

semti olan Cihangir’in tarihine bir katkı olarak görülebilir. Eski ve yeni

Cihangirlilere ait sözlü tarih anlatıları ve yazar tarafından ortaya çıkarılan birincil

kaynaklara dayanan bu çalışma semtin kozmopolit dokusuna ve onun Cumhuriyet

tarihi boyunca geçirdiği dönüşümlere bir ışık tutmayı hedeflemektedir. Bu çalışma

Cihangir’in hikayesini milliyetçi devletin Türkleştirme politikaları ile ilintili olarak

kozmopolit İstanbul’un düşüş hikayesi içerisine yerleştiren yazarının perspektifini

yansıtmaktadır. 1942 Varlık Vergisi, 6-7 Eylül 1955 olayları, 1964’te Yunan

tebaalıların sınır dışı edilmesine yol açan kararname gibi bir dizi üzücü olay

sonrasında Cihangir gayrimüslim, özellikle de semtin ağırlıklı nüfusu olan Rum

sakinlerinin zaman içerisinde ayrılması sonucunda orijinal insan dokusunu

kaybetmiştir. Çalışma aynı zamanda özellikle 1950’ler ve 1960’ların Cihangirindeki

kozmopolit mahalle hayatını da yansıtmaktadır. Bununla birlikte Cihangir bir dönem

geçirdiği sınıfsal düşüşün ardından küreselleşen bir metropol olan İstanbul’da

yeninden keşfedilmiştir. Bu çalışma aynı zamanda Cihangir’de mutenalaşma sürecini

ve onun semt ve oradaki mahalle hayatı üzerindeki etkilerini tartışmaktadır.

Günümüzde Cihangir kültürel anlamda heterojen ama etnik olarak daha az karışık

fakat hala az sayıdaki Rum, Ermeni, Musevi ve Levanten sakinlerini kucaklayan ve

her şeye rağmen bugünü dünü ile birlikte yaşayan bir semttir.

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This study could not have existed without the valuable assistance, contributions and

motivations of special people, whom I would like to thank here. First of all, I would

like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Professor Duygu Köksal, who

always helped and encouraged me during the preparation of this thesis by spending

her valuable time. She was always there with her ever-lasting intellectual

contribution, kindness, friendly attitude, and moral support whenever I felt myself

faced with a difficulty during the formation of this thesis.

Before starting this project, my concerns about it were certainly not

insignificant but as I found myself more involved with the thesis and progressed, I

realized that the existing concerns added up to a lot more therefore making me

follow a structured road map. Here, I would like to express my special thanks to

Professor Köksal, Professor Şevket Pamuk and Professor Zafer Toprak, not only for

their fruitful comments and contributions, but also for shaping my mind to construct

my study as a history thesis both examining the past the present situation of Cihangir.

I also would like to express my special and sincere gratitude to Boğaziçi

University Social Sciences Institute editor Ms. Kathryn Kranzler, who has read the

entire manuscript and made the necessary corrections, inspired me with her

invaluable ideas and contributions, and always motivated me with all her patience,

not only during my study but also whenever I had a question about my studies since

the day I met her. She has always been closely interested in my study as a historian,

editor, and a friend.

Special thanks are also due Dr. Yorgi Petridis, who has shared a considerable

amount of his valuable time to help me during my research on Cihangir’s past and

provided me significant primary data through a meticulous scanning of some

historical records. I owe him a lot for his unique contribution and thank him for

everything.

This study could not have been existed if various special people had not

shared their stories and experiences related to Cihangir. Without their narratives, I

would not have been able to reconstruct Cihangir’s past and present. Thus, I thank all

my old and new Cihangirli informants, especially to Giovanni Scognamillo, Mihael

Vassiliadis, who introduced me to Mr. Petridis, Professor Murat Belge, and Selim

İleri.

I also thank the Cihangir Beautification Foundation and its former and current

presidents, Tülay Konur and Selçuk Erdoğmuş, for their interest.

Special thanks are also to Ms. Aylin Beşiryan and Ms. Nida Özkaymak at the

Ottoman Bank Archives and Research Center for their friendly attitude and help. I

also thank the Center and its rich library.

Thanks are also to the Boğaziçi University Atatürk Institute for Modern

Turkish History, my professors and everyone there as well as my undergraduate

department, the Sociology Department at Boğaziçi University.

My very special gratitude is also to my friends Zeynep Doğruyol, Sevgi

Akarçeşme, Sema Akboğa, Ayşegül Hacıoğlu, and Elif Kuru. Last but not the least, I

am always grateful to my father İsmail Sasanlar, my mother Şermin Sasanlar, my

aunt Yıldız Sasanlar, my sisters Didem and Melis, and my dear grandmother

Müşerref Sasanlar for their love, encouragement, physical and moral support and

everything so far.

vi

for my family and for the history of Cihangir…

vii

CONTENTS

I. INTRODUCTION: SURRENDERING TO THE AURA OF AN ISTANBUL

NEIGHBORHOOD…………………………………………………………..............1

Cihangir: Semt or Mahalle……………………………………………………………5

Theoretical Concerns………………………………………………………………..13

Methodology and Sources…………………………………………………………...20

II. REFLECTIONS OF COSMOPOLITAN CIHANGIR: RECONSTRUCTING

THE NEIGHBORHOOD’S PAST………………………………………………….33

Cihangir in Ottoman Times…………………………………………………………33

Cosmopolitan Pera and the Rise of Cihangir as a Residential Area during the

Nineteenth Century Globalization in Istanbul………………………………………40

Cihangir in Republican Turkey……………………………………………………...51

Turkification Process………………………………………………………………..60

The Wealth Tax……………………………………………………………………...62

The 6-7 September Riots and Cihangir: Narratives of Testimony………………….66

Cihangir Depopulated: The 1964 Expulsion of the Greeks of Istanbul and Its

Effects on Cihangir…………………………………………………………………82

Déclassement in Cihangir: 1970s-1990s……………………………………………98

The Lost Mahalle Spirit in Cihangir: A Mirror on the Minutiae of Everyday Life..104

A New Type of Cosmopolitanism in Present Day Cihangir……………………….114

III. REDISCOVERING, REDEFINING, REMAPPING CIHANGIR AS A

MAHALLE IN THE GLOBAL ERA……………………………………………...121

Istanbul Globalizing?................................................................................................121

Istanbul since the 1980s: The Impact of Economic Globalization………………...123

The Political Ethos of a Globalizing City………………………………………….126

Changing Urban Form……………………………………………………………..128

Redefinition of the Local…………………………………………………………..135

Reinventing Cihangir in the Global Era……………………………………………138

New Strata, New Lifestyles………………………………………………………..140

A Local Initiative: The Cihangir Beautification Foundation………………………145

A Local Newspaper: Cihangir Postası……………………………………………..149

Spatial Transformation……………………………………………………………..150

Genesis of a Fetish: The Republic of Cihangir…………………………………….154

Gentrification Transforms Cihangir………………………………………………..156

The Neighborhood Consumed and Commercialized: Cihangir as Commodity…...175

Narrations of a Globalizing Mahalle: How Cihangirlis Perceive the Change……..182

IV. CONCLUSION: CIHANGIR RECONSIDERED…………………………….188

APPENDICES……………………………………………………………………..194

BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………….288

viii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Cihangir from the Bosphorus, 1888 267

2. Panorama of Cihangir from the Bosphorus, 1900 268

3. Cihangir from the sea, 1900 268

4. Cihangir Mosque from the sea, 1900 269

5. View from Defterdar Yokuşu, 1966 269

6. An old wooden house in İlyas Çelebi Street, 1994 270

7. An old abandoned house in Cihangir, 1994 270

8. A decaying house in Cihangir 271

9. A postmodern house next to an old house in Güneşli Street, 1990 271

10. Tavukuçmaz, 1937 272

11. Güneşli Street and Cihangir Park, 1989 272

12. A decaying apartment building, photograph taken by the author, 2006 273

13. A gentrified street in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006 273

14. A renovated apartment building in Cihangir, photograph taken

by the author, 2006 274

15. A renovated house for sale, photograph taken by the author, 2006 274

16. A renovated house in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006 275

17. Apartment building under renovation, photograph taken by the author, 2006 275

18. Old apartment building in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006 276

19. Apartment buildings in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006 276

20. House formerly belonging to a Polish Otoman pahsa, photograph taken

by the author, 2006 277

21. Apartment buildings, photograph taken by the author, 2006 277

22. Renovated apartment buildings, photograph taken by the author, 2006 278

23. Akarsu Street, photograph taken by the author, 2006 278

24. Houses in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006 279

25. Apartment building in Akarsu Street, photograph taken by the author, 2006 279

26. Firuzan Apartment in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006 280

27. View from Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006 280

28. Pervititch Map, Djihanghir, Foundoukli, 1926 281

29. Pervititch Map, Pervouz-Agha, Sali Bazar, 1926 282

30. Pervititch Map, Péra, Syra-Selvi, 1927 283

31. Sıraselviler and Cihangir, Istanbul City Guide, 1934 284

32. Map of present day Cihangir 285

33. Residence certificate of a Rum inhabitant in Cihangir, the 1970s 286

34. The 1964 decree annulling the 1930 Greco-Turkish Convention, the

Republic of Turkey, Official Gazette, 17 March 1964 287

1

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

SURRENDERING TO THE AURA OF AN ISTANBUL NEIGHBORHOOD

Cihangir was a select neighborhood in those days.

People were more civilized, more cultivated.

Those were the good days.

We miss them, but they shall never come again.

Yannis Y., a 75 year-old Cihangirli

Cihangir was cosmopolitan.

This is incontrovertible.

Rums, Armenians, Jews, and of course, Levantines...

French and Germans, who were the officials at

consulates and the teachers in the schools nearby...

Feridun D., a Cihangirli for 72 years

Cihangir is still beautiful. Cihangir is old,

beautiful.

But its people have changed.

Old people do not exist anymore.

Yervant M., a Cihangirli

But the neighborhoods are essentially made up of people.

Andrew M. Greeley, 1977

Only a few Istanbul neighborhoods today constitute the surviving historic

quarters of the old city even though they have lost many of their original

characteristics, which made them genuinely old Istanbul neighborhoods. No doubt,

these characteristics were those reflecting the spirit of Istanbul’s past, a past that has

already faded away. What remains for sure today is, to me, the soundness of an idea

2

that in fact the story of each such neighborhood may well be the story of

cosmopolitan Istanbul, a summary of the changes it has gone through, the times

through which it has lived. From their human fabric to their special historic

landscapes, the characteristics of these old quarters of Istanbul have always reflected

the city’s epochs, whether belle or not.

Following is the story of such an old (though relatively not so old) Istanbul

neighborhood, which since its inception has been ascribed uniqueness and owned a

reputation not only for its special geographic situation on top of one of Istanbul’s

hills with several of the most beautiful panoramic views of the historic city and the

Bosphorus, but also due to its reputation as a “select” neighborhood of the city. What

you will read below is the story of Cihangir.1 Situated near Pera (Beyoğlu), the

historic multi-religious and multi-lingual district, which was the first to be

westernized in the city of Istanbul in the nineteenth century, Cihangir was renowned

as a neighborhood of the Istanbul Greeks, the Rums.2 However, there used to live in

Cihangir other non-Muslims as well. Armenians, Jews, mostly Italian origin

Levantines, French, Germans, and Turks were all living side by side in the

neighborhood. Thus, besides its physical location, the still-existing reputation of

Cihangir in fact derived from its being a neighborhood of select non-Muslim

families. As Yannis Kalamaris, director of the secondary section of the Zappeion

1 In Turkish, the words mutena or kalburüstü are used for neighborhoods that have a higher status.

Above, I use the word “select” to indicate that Cihangir was known as such an Istanbul neighborhood. 2 The term Rum in Turkish is used to denote the Greek-speaking Christian Orthodox community living

in the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey. The Istanbul Greeks believed they were descendents of

the citizens of Romano-Byzantine Constantinople, so they call/ed themselves Romioi. Under the

Ottoman administration based on the millet system, the Greek-speaking Christian Orthodox

community living in Asia Minor, thus, was called Millet-i Rum or Rum Milleti. The term Rum;

however, began to be used to indicate the difference between an Ottoman Greek and a Yunanlı, the

citizen of the independent Greek state, after 1821. Thus, the term Rum and the term Yunanlı, the

Greek (Hellene), who is a citizen of Greece, have different connotations. In modern Turkey, Rum is

largely used to refer to the Greek Orthodox community who are Turkish nationals, while Hellenic

Greeks, who are Greek nationals, are called Yunanlı. Throughout this study, I will use both terms

flexibly and I will use the term “Rum” to refer the established Greek Orthodox community in Istanbul.

3

lycée, the renowned Rum school close to Cihangir in Beyoğlu, said, “There used to

reside kalburüstü ekalliyet (minority) families in Cihangir. Akarsu Street, for

example... Cihangir was such a Cihangir at that time. A very beautiful neighborhood,

very clean... As far as I remember... It is because I used to pass through there when

going to Beyoğlu.”3

To what extent Cihangir could be described as a cosmopolitan neighborhood

in itself is open to debate since the Rums constituted the majority of the

neighborhood’s population; however, one may unhesitatingly say that Cihangir has

always been a part of cosmopolitan Istanbul, even more truly, one of the parts of the

city providing and/or enriching its cosmopolitan fabric. As the backyard of

cosmopolitan Pera, Cihangir evolved as a residential area, where non-Muslims of

Istanbul used to live, since the nineteenth century. However, it lost almost all of its

original demographic fabric decades ago with the gradual departure of its non-

Muslim inhabitants.

In contemporary Istanbul, however, Cihangir remains the subject of a

commercialized nostalgia for a past cosmopolitan urban fabric. As said above,

Cihangir’s population was constituted mainly by the Rums, but following a series of

events causing the Rums to leave Istanbul, Cihangir witnessed gradual depopulation,

leading much of its original character to disappear. After the foundation of the

Turkish nation-state in 1923, nationalist projects by the Republican state caused the

non-Muslims of Istanbul to leave the country. In the case of the Rums, specifically

the 1950s and the 1960s were problematic decades that saw regrettable events

against the Rum denizens of Istanbul. Indeed, major changes that forced the non-

Muslims of Istanbul to emigrate began during the final years of World War II. The

3 Talk with Yannis Kalamaris in Beyoğlu’nda Beyoğlu’nu Konuşmak, Salı Toplantıları 2000-2001

(Istanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2002), p.24.

4

notorious Wealth Tax of 1942, which was most heavily imposed on Istanbul’s non-

Muslims, was a breaking point in Istanbul’s loss of its cosmopolitan fabric because

many Jews, Armenians and Rums left the country after this event. On 6-7 September,

1955, Istanbul’s Rum community was victimized in government-instigated riots by

Turkish mobs. Rum properties were destroyed by massive attacks by Turkish mobs.

After the Events of 6-7 September, thousands of Rums left Istanbul. In 1964, Rums

were again the victims of Turkish-Greek relations related to Cyprus. Turkey

unilaterally cancelled the 1930 Turkish-Greek convention that enabled Greeks

citizens to reside in Istanbul. With a governmental decree on 17 March 1964,

residents of Istanbul with Greek citizenship were expelled from the country. These

events in the case of Cihangir triggered a serious depopulation spread over the

ensuing decades in the neighborhood as they did in other non-Muslim neighborhoods

of Istanbul.

Yet Cihangir, whose destiny has always been determined by that of

Pera/Beyoğlu, continued to be a distinct neighborhood both representing and

differing from the many patterns of change Istanbul has undergone throughout its

history.

Thus, this thesis aims to shed light on Cihangir’s past within the framework

of Istanbul’s cosmopolitanism, which has already “faded away” as a result of

nationalist policies, to problematize this cosmopolitanism with reference to the

Turkification process in Istanbul during the Republican decades and to provide an

overall portrait of the neighborhood throughout its history including its status today.

This thesis may well be seen as an effort to situate the story of Cihangir inside the

story of the decline of cosmopolitan Istanbul and how its cosmopolitanism was

replaced by a cosmopolitanism of a new type today. In other words, this study

5

reflects my interpretation of the history of a neighborhood. It is about how I read a

neighborhood’s historical transformation within the framework of the overall

transformation of Istanbul though it has a place peculiar to itself on Istanbul’s multi-

layered urban fabric. It is the product of how I relate the story of a cosmopolitan

neighborhood as a historic unit to the story of a whole city until the 1980s since the

two stories were in fact the summary of one true story: The decline of cosmopolitan

Istanbul.

Cihangir: Semt or Mahalle?

Istanbul’s denizens used to have a localized life, especially before the

nineteenth century. Cem Behar, who has conducted a study on a neighborhood in

Ottoman Istanbul, says that the mahalle (neighborhood) has been the historic unit

making up the urban fabric of the residential areas in Istanbul since the early

sixteenth century.4 However, it is not possible to find any archival sources on

mahalles before the nineteenth century. This was a crucial difficulty for me in

attempting to write on Cihangir’s past. Thus, all I could do was to search for

secondary sources about the neighborhood and its past. However, secondary sources

on Cihangir’s past were also scarce. Nevertheless, one can examine Cihangir on the

mahalle and semt (neighborhood) axis.

The mahalle, the basic unit of space in Istanbul, was a small sized area in the

city’s overall landscape. Similarly, its population was small in number. Behar

indicates that the Istanbul mahalles had an average population of about fifteen

4 Cem Behar, A Neighborhood in Ottoman Istanbul: Fruit Vendors and Civil Servants in the Kasap

İlyas Mahalle (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003).

6

hundred people just before World War I.5 Often situated side by side and constituting

Istanbul’s multi-layered topography, the mahalles were formed on ethnic and

religious grounds. However, they were not completely homogeneous in terms of

ethnicity and religion. Even, most of the time a rich religious and ethnic diversity

characterized Istanbul’s residential mahalles as well as those throughout the Middle

East. The Istanbul mahalles were made up of a few streets surrounding a square or a

mosque, a church or a synagogue.

Behar notes that although the Istanbul mahalles did not have distinct borders,

they still served as units confiding households. Thus, the mahalle was the only

functioning unit creating a sense of belonging to a certain space and a local identity.

The sense of belonging to a mahalle was, without a doubt, a primary source of

acquiring identity for the inhabitants of that mahalle since the mahalles were the

main shapers of local identity. For example, those who were/are living in Cihangir

were/are Cihangirlis.6 As Behar indicates, traditional Istanbul mahalles were units of

differing income groups and classes as well as social statuses. However, there were

also a considerable number of ethnically and religiously heterogeneous mahalles.

Thus, mahalle life was cosmopolitan in many neighborhoods of Istanbul in the

nineteenth century. Cihangir also emerged as such a neighborhood towards the end

of the nineteenth century and in the early twentieth century.

Behar stresses the distinction between a semt and a mahalle.

Accordingly, a semt is an area which has no official description or borders, and

5 Ibid., p.4.

6 In Turkish the suffix “-li” or “-lu”, when attached to the name of any particular place, refers to

someone from that place. Thus, a Cihangirli is someone from Cihangir. In Turkey, originally being

from a certain place is ascribed more sociological meanings. Most of the time, individuals utter the

names of places where they are from as part of their identity. Thus, being from somewhere creates a

sense of belonging to that certain place and it becomes an indicator of identity. In the case of Istanbul

neighborhoods, belonging to any particular neighborhood most of the time is a signifier of identity

and status. Thus, being from Cihangir, for example, connotes a set of meanings that are different from

those of any other neighborhoods.

7

refers to a wider area than a mahalle does.7 The semt may also take its name from a

certain place in the area. In the case of Cihangir, it was a mosque, around which the

whole neighborhood began to take its shape.

When compared in terms of their familiarity for the denizens of Istanbul,

semts are better known or have better reputations than mahalles. Both the semt and

the mahalle have roles in shaping local identity; however, as Behar indicates, the

sense of belonging to a semt rather than belonging to a mahalle connotes more than

simply being a local identity but some sort of more prestigious status, differentiating

itself from the other denizens of the city: “A residential semt could be more or less

prestigious than another and there could be a-real or imagined- hierarchy of semts,

but not of mahalles.”8

While Cihangir legally refers to a mahalle in Istanbul, it has been defined

mostly as a semt. Thus, when the name is uttered, Cihangir connotes a larger area

than simply a mahalle and being a Cihangirli is something providing a status to an

inhabitant defining herself/himself as someone from that semt.

In almost all sources, Cihangir is defined as a semt within the borders of

Pera/Beyoğlu district, the old center in the European section of Istanbul. In the north,

it starts from between Sıraselviler Street, on which the German Hospital was built

between the 1840s and the 1870s, and Kazancıbaşı Yokuşu (hill). In the south, it

reaches down to Tophane, Salıpazarı and Fındıklı quarters on the European shore of

the lower Bosphorus. In other words, Cihangir is located in the Galata-Beyoğlu-

Tophane triangle. However, the main mahalles which constitute the real Cihangir are

7 Behar, 2003, p.5.

8 Ibid., p.6.

8

Cihangir Mahalle and the Pürtelaş Mahalle. These two mahalles are also shown as

constituting Cihangir as a semt in the official Istanbul City Guide published in 1934.9

On the other hand, some streets of the surrounding Firuzağa, Kılıç Ali Paşa, and

Kuloğlu Mahalles are also considered as streets of Cihangir as a semt. Thus, what I

try to express is that a semt is something that is not bounded by administrative

borders but by mental ones. Although there is only one mahalle that is called

Cihangir Mahalle, what constitutes Cihangir as a semt is a wider area, including

Pürtelaş Mahalle and many streets of Firuzağa, Kılıç Ali Paşa, and Kuloğlu mahalles.

Present day Cihangir Mahalle is composed of twenty-two streets.10

However, for

example, although officially placed within the borders of Kılıç Ali Paşa Mahalle,

some streets like Susam, Akarsu, Anahtar, Coşkun, Altın Bilezik, Batarya, Tüfekçi

Salih, Enli Yokuşu, and İlyas Çelebi are also well-known streets of Cihangir.

Similarly, the famous Defterdar Yokuşu, officially located within the borders of

Firuzağa Mahalle, is considered a part of Cihangir as a semt.

Thus, the answer for the question of whether Cihangir is a mahalle or a semt

is that it is the latter. Rather than administrative boundaries, it is mental ones that

determine a semt. Thus, rather than by which streets Cihangir as an administrative

unit is bounded, the perception of it by its inhabitants is more determining since it is

a matter of a sense of belonging to a certain locality. As Behar stresses, the

distinction between the semt and the mahalle is important for perceiving the urban

space and placing the local identities.11

9 See appendix for a map of Cihangir taken from the Istanbul City Guide 1934.

10 These streets are Akyol (Tavukuçmaz), Cihangir, Sıraselviler, Alçakdam, Aslan Yatağı, Bakraç,

Güneşli, Havyar, Kazancı Yokuşu, Kumrulu Yokuşu, Lenger, Matara, Mebusan, Oba, Pürtelaş, Sağıroğlu, Seyit Ahmet Çıkmazı, Sirkeci Mescit, Soğancı,Somuncu, Başkurt (Sormagir), and Yeni

Yuva. 11

Behar, p.5.

9

Finally, Cihangir has several of the best and the most unique views of

Istanbul, thanks to its position on one of the hills of Istanbul. From different angles

and even unexpected corners of the neighborhood, one may encounter surprising

panoramas of the silhouette of Istanbul of both Ottoman and Byzantine times. It is

possible to see the historic peninsula with Topkapı Palace, Hagia Sophia, the Maiden

Tower on the Marmara Sea, the entrance of the Bosphorus and an area from Selimiye

Barracks to Kuzguncuk on the Anatolian shore of Istanbul. One may even see the

Princess Islands in fine weather.12

Cihangir also presents a wonderful view of

Üsküdar district on the Anatolian shore of the Bosphorus. The following verses of a

poem by Yahya Kemal Beyatlı, a neo-classical Turkish poet, whose poems on

Istanbul are well-known, are a good expression of the neighborhood’s unique

position.

“Go and look across from Cihangir in this season during the sunset!

And give yourself to the dream across for a little while!”13

This study is my debt to my semt, Cihangir, where I was born, went to

school, grew up, and feel I belong to. Above all, it is a dedication to follow the traces

of a lost human fabric in an Istanbul neighborhood. With the most humble state of

being, it is an endeavor to remain as a tiny note on history with an aim to shed light

on a neighborhood’s past and present

Studying Cihangir or, in other words, reading, remembering and interpreting

both the past and current experiences of this distinct Istanbul neighborhood initially

appeared in my mind when I clearly began to see the changes it was undergoing

during the 2000s.

12

Behzat Üsdiken, “Cihangir,” in Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, 2 (1993), p.430. 13

These are the opening verses of Beyatli’s poem titled the Hayal Şehir (Dream City). Translated by

me. Below is Turkish version of the verses:

Git bu mevsimde gurub vakti Cihangir’den bak!

Bir zaman kendini karşındaki rü’yaya bırak!

10

At the beginning of this study, I was stuck between historicizing and

sociologizing, in other words, writing the history or making the sociology of

Cihangir, because I was a sociology graduate and a master’s student of Turkish

History. In Cihangir the changes were tremendous. New cafés were being opened

and old houses were being renovated. It was as if a new make up was being applied

on Cihangir’s face. All these changes; however, were making Cihangir more

artificial and fake in my eye. Like an inverse proportion, the more Cihangir was

undergoing transformation, the more it was losing its “authenticity,” which also had

been lost in great part after the departure of the Rums.

One of the reasons why I chose to study my neighborhood other than personal

reasons related to my cultural identity was that Cihangir, which has a unique history,

though not much written, has also been undergoing a remarkable transformation

within the larger metropolis, Istanbul, due to the effects of the march of global

capitalism. On the one hand, it is subjected to a process of a rapid gentrification,

while on the other hand a consciousness of belonging to a semt at the local level is

increasing among its inhabitants while globalization transforms the metropolis with

its uneven effects. Cihangir today is a highly complex cosmos with its locals, who

have remained while other residents have “faded away” in the neighborhood’s space,

its newcomers, new spaces, new meanings, and new sites of consumption. It has been

turned into a commodity and is being consumed day by day. On the other hand, there

are many intellectual people who live/have lived there watching all the changes with

eyes that are city-aware. For some the neighborhood is recovering yet for others it is

getting degenerated day by day. Thus, in the middle of all these changes, I felt this

social change should be analyzed not only with reference to the dynamics of our day

but also by recalling and recycling the neighborhood’s past.

11

What prompted me to conduct a study on Cihangir was also the fact that there

are very few printed sources on the history and current situation of Cihangir.

Therefore, my study is a modest attempt both to tell about the past of Cihangir from a

different perspective focusing on the neighborhood’s multi-religious and multi-ethnic

human fabric based on primary sources as much as possible together with oral

history methods. My study can be seen as presenting a historical panorama of a

neighborhood situated in the general framework of the social history of Istanbul. It

focuses on the demographic shifts in the neighborhood and relates them to the shifts

in the ethnic composition of Istanbul throughout the Republican history. In this

sense, this thesis also wishes to be fruitful for further studies on the neighborhood.

Another reason for me to decide on writing about the past of Cihangir was

that Cihangir’s past gives us clues regarding the situation of the non-Muslims of

Istanbul within the last half century. At the micro level in Cihangir, the changes,

specifically the gradual but considerable decrease in the number of the Rums and

other non-Muslims throughout the last fifty years and even more is an indicator of

the decline of multi-ethnic coexistence in Istanbul. I tried to formulate my chapter on

Cihangir’s history in terms of the above issues. I believed that remembering

Cihangir’s past could be achieved through listening, presenting and analyzing the

narratives of the remaining old Cihangirlis as well as the new inhabitants of the

neighborhood because I was aware of the fact that Cihangir was a neighborhood

where oral history studies should already have been conducted in order to shed light

on its past. One of my aims before starting this study was also to find out as many

primary sources as possible regarding the neighborhood’s history, therefore to

contribute to the existing limited information about it. Another aim of this study is

also to portray the everyday life in a cosmopolitan mahalle sphere that made up

12

Cihangir during the decades when the multi-ethnic coexistence was not destroyed in

Istanbul.

The possible contributions of this study are that it presents a body of oral

history interviews with the old and new inhabitants of Cihangir; that is to say, it can

be described as an ethnographic study on the neighborhood. Second, the narratives

collected are supported by archival documents studied for the first time. The result of

my scanning of five official telephone directories for Istanbul related to the years

1929, 1933, 1942, 1950, and 1966 provided me with an important source on the

neighborhood’s history. I reached the names and the addresses of inhabitants of

Cihangir in those years as well as the names of the apartments in the neighborhood.

The lists I created after scanning the telephone directories are a considerable source

of information about who lived in Cihangir in those years. Similarly, my examination

of what are called the Annuaire Orientals of the years 1881, 1883-84, 1909, and

1921 helped me identify the inhabitants of Cihangir of those years name by name

and street by street. The resulting data also constitute a significant source on the

neighborhood’s history. Again, my study of the church records to find out the

situation of the Rum population in Cihangir after both the Events of 6-7 September

1955 and the 1964 decree for the deportation of the people who had Greek

citizenship enabled me to show the tremendous decline in the Rum population in the

neighborhood. This is the first such study of Cihangir’s ethnic composition has been

conducted. Although they may be eclectic, I find it necessary to present my sources

together in this study since I believe they fill gaps in the neighborhood’s history.

I should also mention the importance of Çağlar Keyder’s article “A Tale of

Two Neighborhoods” for my work, where he explores the changes in two

neighborhoods, Laleli and Arnavutköy, in Istanbul, a metropolis “between the global

13

and the local.”14

His work was a source of inspiration for me in studying

contemporary Cihangir and is a pioneer study on gentrification in Istanbul. I also

reviewed the other studies related to gentrification in Cihangir. Cemile Nil Uzun’s

diagnostic study, which analyzes gentrification in Istanbul, looks at Kuzguncuk and

Cihangir, two Istanbul neighborhoods which have been remarkably affected by the

process.15

Indeed, literature on gentrification in Turkey recently has been emerging.

However, printed studies on the issue are very few. Another one of these sources was

published by the Istanbul Bilgi University in 2006.16

It also presents studies on

gentrification in different neighborhoods in Istanbul and argues that Cihangir is a

good example of the process in the city. However, these two sources are not ones

directly written only on Cihangir, they also study other parts of the city and other

issues related to gentrification. On the other hand, because the issue they deal with is

gentrification, which is a process that has appeared in Istanbul in the global context,

they do not provide a historical perspective on the neighborhoods. In this sense, I

argue that my thesis on Cihangir is a different one aiming to study its history through

a double methodology consisting of ethnographic work and primary sources as well

as secondary sources.

Theoretical Concerns

This thesis can be considered as a study within the framework of urban

history and microhistory with the help of oral history. It scrutinizes an Istanbul

14

Çağlar Keyder, “A Tale of Two Neighborhoods,” in Çağlar Keyder (ed.), Istanbul: Between the

Global and the Local, (Oxford: Rowman&Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1999), pp.173-186. 15

Cemile Nil Uzun, Gentrification in Istanbul: A Diagnostic Study (Nederlandse Geografische

Studies, No. 285, Utrecht, 2001). 16

David Behar, Tolga İslam (ed.), İstanbul’da “Soylulaştırma:” Eski Kentin Yeni Sakinleri (İstanbul

Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006).

14

neighborhood which has always been a place peculiar to itself in the urban history of

Istanbul, and its changing social and urban fabric from the late nineteenth century to

the present. As Suzanne Keller wrote the “neighborhood unit” was to function to,

(1) introduce a principle of physical order into the chaotic, fragmented urban

aggregate, (2) reintroduce local, face-to-face types of contacts into the

anonymous urban society, thereby helping to regain some sense of

community, (3) encourage the formation of local loyalties and attachments

and thereby offset the impact of extensive social and residential mobility, (4)

stimulate feelings of identity, security, stability, and rootedness in a world

threatening such feelings on all sides, and (5) provide a local training ground

for the development of larger loyalties to city and nation.17

Cihangir, in this sense, has been a place, where locals have a mahalle life with

face-to-face relations and the sense of belonging to the neighborhood has always

been something, which has been going hand in hand with a feeling of “rootedness.”

Peter Burke writes that in the 1970s, some of the social historians “turned

from the telescope to the microscope.”18

He gives examples of the Montaillou by the

French historian Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie and The Cheese and the Worms by the

Italian historian Carlo Ginzburg as “two famous studies” that “did much to put

microhistory on the map”.19

Burke continues that the tendency towards the microhistory derived from

historians’ “discovery” of what the social anthropologists studied.20

He explains that

the microhistorical approach have paved the way for a shift from large-scale to

small-scale studies. “Microhistory as a practice is essentially based on the reduction

of the scale of observation, on a microscoping analysis and an intensive study of the

documentary material,” also says Giovanni Levi, who has a microhistorical

17

Suzanne Keller, The Urban Neighborhood: A Sociological Perspective (New York: Random House,

1968), p. 126. 18 Peter Burke, History and Social Theory (New York: Cornell University Press, 1992), p. 38. 19

Ibid. 39. 20

Ibid. p. 40.

15

approach. 21

Thus, to study a neighborhood in the city of Istanbul can be seen as an

endeavor to make a microsocial and microhistorical analysis.

As Burke points out, criticisms often raised against the microhistorians are

that they either deal with biographies of ordinary people or focus on small scale

communities like villages, towns, or neighborhoods. However, he continues that

microhistorians intend to reach general statements through local data. In the case of

studying Cihangir; however, one might ask whether the story of Cihangir can

represent the development of any other neighborhood in Istanbul. Or can Cihangir be

a typical Istanbul neighborhood? The answer to these questions is certainly “no.”

Cihangir has always been a unique neighborhood. If we look at the development of

Istanbul neighborhoods, we see many differences in them partly deriving from their

earlier status as well as the social, political, cultural, and economic factors that

determine their current status. Thus, while conducting a study at the micro level on

the neighborhood of Cihangir, my claim is not that Cihangir is a typical of an

ordinary Istanbul neighborhood. However, what I propose in the second chapter of

this thesis is that what Cihangir has witnesses throughout its cosmopolitan past can

give us clues of the social, political, cultural, economic, and demographic changes

regarding the non-Muslims of Istanbul of the period. Thus, connections between an

in depth study and another one at the macro level can exist. Accordingly, gradual

demographic changes, which caused Cihangir to lose its original character

throughout the decades following the second part of the 1950s and reaching today,

can also tell us about the experiences of a whole city, Istanbul, during the same

period. For instance, the gradual loss of Cihangir’s Rum inhabitants is the result of

the process of Turkification occurred in the country after the foundation of the

21

Giovanni Levi, “On Microhistory,” in Peter Burke (ed.), New Perspectives on Historical Writing

(Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), p. 99.

16

republic of Turkey. The multi-ethnic coexistence of Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Turks

and other ethnic communities in Istanbul was declining as a result of this process and

Cihangir’s story was being shaped and re-shaped by it.

On the other hand, my work appreciates the value of oral sources in

reconstructing the past. Since there are very few sources written on Cihangir and its

past, the narratives I collected from both the former and the current inhabitants of

Cihangir about the past and the present experiences of the neighborhood are of

importance as much as primary sources.

There are certainly oppositions to oral history among historians. Paul

Thompson, who pioneered the use of oral history in social research, criticizes the

historians opposing oral history in his work titled The Voice of the Past that

the opposition to oral evidence is as much founded on feelings as on

principle. The older generation of historians who hold the Chairs and the

purse-strings are instinctively apprehensive about the advent of a new

method. It implies that they no longer command all the techniques of their

profession. Hence the disparaging comments about young men tramping the

streets with tape-recorders.22

However, although I have used oral data to reconstruct Cihangir’s past, I also

tried to base my work on archival primary sources as well. Thus, both the oral and

the documentary sources are supportive of each other in this thesis. For instance, in

addition to my informant’s narrations of Cihangir’s cosmopolitan past with reference

to the Armenians, Jews, Levantines, Rums, and Turks, the Istanbul official telephone

directories, which I used as documentary sources, also reflect the multi-religious and

multi-ethnic fabric of Cihangir in the past.

Another theoretical concern of this thesis is related to its use of the concept of

cosmopolitanism. I situate the story of Cihangir within the story of the dramatic

change of the ethnic composition of Istanbul due to the process of Turkification in

22

Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), p.63.

17

the Republic of Turkey. My focus here is that the centuries-old coexistence of the

Muslims and non-Muslims in Istanbul, the capital of the multi-ethnic, multi-religious

and multi-cultural Ottoman Empire, the administrative system of which is called the

millet system, began to ‘fade away’ with the rise of Turkish nationalism in the

Republican era and due to events like the Wealth Tax of 1942, the Events of 6-7

September and the 1964 decree for deportation of Greeks, which caused non-

Muslims to leave the country. As Keyder points out,

The Republican state was nationalist, but it was ambiguous in defining the

constituent coordinates of nationhood. Mostly it veered toward an ethnic

definition rather than a constitutional one, and when ideological propping was

required, religion was brought in as a defining element despite the state’s

avowed secularism. Thus, wartime measures led to the departure of non-

Muslims after 1945; in 1955 there was a government-instigated riot

destroying Greek property; in 1964 there were demonstrations against

Istanbul Greeks and a legislation requiring those with Greek citizenship to

leave the city. By the 1980s the Greek population had dwindled to less than

two thousand, Armenians to fifty thousand, and Jews to twenty-five thousand.

Istanbul came to reflect the ethnic balances of Turkey as a whole, where the

population is said to be more than 99 percent Muslim.23

Hence, in the case of Cihangir, the departure of its non-Muslim inhabitants,

mostly the Rums, reflected the process of the diminishing of the multi-ethnic

coexistence in Istanbul. My reference to Cihangir’s past as one with a cosmopolitan

character and my argument that that type of cosmopolitanism has undergone changes

not only in Cihangir but also in Istanbul overall is based on the historical

transformation of Istanbul’s ethnic composition. Regarding the process Keyder

writes that,

For the old city, the second half of the 1950s spelled the end of multiethnic

coexistence. The number of Greeks (those declaring their mother tongue as

Greek in the census) declined from sixty-five to thirty-five thousand between

1955 and 1965, or from 5.2 percent to 2.0 percent of Istanbul’s population

(Devlet Istatistik Enstitusu 1958, 1968). By 1965, non-Muslims living in the

old city were a rarity.24

23 Çağlar Keyder, “The Setting”, in Çağlar Keyder (ed.), Istanbul: Between the Global and the Local

(Oxford: Rowman&Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 1999), p. 11. 24

Keyder, “A Tale of Two Neighborhoods”, p.175.

18

Benton Jay Komins, who studied the question of cosmopolitanism in Istanbul,

also argues that Istanbul became “less ethnically diverse” after the 1950s.25

Komins

argues that Istanbul’s cosmopolitan character faced a “structural transformation”

during the following decades. Accordingly, the cosmopolitanism of Istanbul has

taken a new form after the immigration of many Anatolian Turks to the city and the

departure of many of its non-Muslim denizens. Since the 1980s, fragmentation and

cultural diversity have marked the city. The impacts of globalization have been re-

shaping Istanbul, its urban form, human fabric and cultural identity. A new Istanbul

has appeared. A new type of cosmopolitanism has replaced the former one. This was

reflected in various forms of cultural encounters in the city. Ayşe Öncü describes this

situation as the following,

In the 1980s, when the inhabitants of Istanbul were introduced to McDonald

hamburgers, Toblerone chocolate and Italian pizzas, they also got to know

hamsili kebap, the taste of Kayseri mantı, black cabbage, and the distinctive

flavours of Urfa, Antep, and Bursa kebaps. They adopted the image of an

Istanbul that linked past and present, opening its arms to the various cultures

of the last 1500 years.26

In the case of Cihangir, both the departure of its non-Muslim inhabitants and

arrival of its new inhabitants from Anatolia have defined and re-defined the

composition of population in the neighborhood. The 1980s reflected this process in

its peak. On the other hand, Cihangir today is a highly heterogeneous neighborhood

both in terms ethnicity and culture. As Zafer Toprak writes,

If asked where the most “global” neighborhood of Istanbul is, the answer of

this is Cihangir. Cihangir is a multicultural neighborhood. If left aside the

negative inferences in nationalistic discourse, it is a “cosmopolitan”

residential area. Cihangir is a neighborhood, where various elements

25 Benton Jay Komins, “Cosmopolitanism Depopulated: The Cultures of Integration, Concealment,

and Evacuation in Istanbul,” Comparative Literature Studies, Vol. 39, no.4 (2002), p. 361. 26

Ayşe Öncü, “Understanding Istanbul,” İstanbul (English Language edition), 1, 2 (1993), p. 75.

19

coexisted; tolerance was dominant without distinction of religion, language,

and sect for centuries.27

Thus, in the global context of Cihangir, there is a new type of

cosmopolitanism, which, I argue however, is lacking a considerable number of its

former elements, namely and specifically the Rums. That’s why my study can be

seen as an effort in search for the vestiges of a “lost local” on the multi-layered fabric

of this special neighborhood.

On the other hand, I examine the process of gentrification related to the

globalizing context of Istanbul in the third chapter of this thesis. Since the literature

on gentrification in Istanbul shares a great deal on Cihangir because it is one of the

best examples of the process in the city, I will largely rely upon the work of writers

on the issue. As explained above, Uzun’s study and the book edited by David Behar

and Tolga İslam and published by Istanbul Bilgi University are two significant

sources referred in this thesis. However, I also observe that gentrification in Cihangir

has not fully occurred yet. Cihangir is still a neighborhood of inhabitants from

various social and economic levels. There are still many houses that have not been

renovated. Another aspect of the process is that it has caused the relatively lower

income inhabitants to leave the neighborhood. In other words, a process of

displacement or exclusion has taken place as a result of the so-called gentrification of

the neighborhood. The interviews with my informants regarding Cihangir’s present

situation related to gentrification are also helpful in understanding the nature of the

process in the neighborhood.

27

Zafer Toprak, “Cihangir Semt Tarihi Yazılıyor,” in Cihangir Postası 19 (2003), p. 13.

20

Methodology and Sources

As expressed above, the aim of this study is to present a historical panorama

of a unique Istanbul neighborhood, Cihangir, from a different perspective based on

primary sources as much as possible. Since secondary sources on Cihangir are very

few and primary sources wait to be discovered, this attempt or effort, would, without

a doubt, face many difficulties. However, regardless of my disappointment resulting

from not finding any corpus of sources satisfactory enough on Cihangir’s history, I

decided to go beyond the existing limits and conduct a new research on the

neighborhood, its history, and current status based not only on secondary sources but

also on primary ones. I call it a “Cihangir project.”

An important aspect of this study is that it aims to explore the demographic

shifts in Cihangir throughout its history. Indeed, it is impossible to write a history of

Cihangir without referring to demographic changes it has witnessed. As explained at

the beginning of this thesis, Cihangir was a neighborhood where non-Muslims made

up the majority of the population. Thanks to the neighborhood’s unique position in

the backyard of Pera, it has always been home to foreigners who work in the

consulates, embassies, foreign banks and schools in Pera. Also, the doctors and

officials who work in the German and Italian hospitals in Cihangir live in the

neighborhood. In addition to these inhabitants, Cihangir has been home to

established non-Muslim citizens of the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey.

Among them, however, the Rum community had a great importance, like many other

parts of Pera. Thus, my indirect aim for this study was to find out the number of the

Rum population in Cihangir from the late nineteenth century, when the neighborhood

appeared as a residential area, until present.

21

The reason I was interested in the Rum population in Cihangir was that it

underwent dramatic changes after the second half of the 1950s and especially after

1964, when those who held Greek passports were deported by state as a result of the

Cyprus question. Thus, I searched for the Rum population in Cihangir belonging to

many decades from the 1950s to the 1960s, 1970s and the 2000s in order to make a

comparison and show the dramatic decline in number until present. First of all, I

applied to the muhtars of the mahalles that made up the neighborhood. The first

muhtar I contacted was the muhtar of the Cihangir Mahalle. However, she told me

that they did not have any records belonging before the year 1996 and the only data

regarding the population of Cihangir Mahalle she could submit me was what she has

in her computer. Still, thanks to the muhtar of Cihangir mahalle, I was provided the

information about the population of the Mahalle, which is composed of the main

streets forming Cihangir as a semt, between the years 1996 and 2006. I was also

submitted the religious division of the population of the current Cihangir Mahalle

thanks to the muhtar records. The other muhtars that I talked to were those of

Firuzağa Mahalle and Kılıç Ali Paşa Mahalle. They provided me the current

populations of their mahalles, but not their ethnic or religious divisions. As for

Pürtelaş Mahalle, again, I could only learn how many people live there but not how

many Rums, Armenians, Jews or Levantines, if any have remained.

The second step I took was to access the records at the Beyoğlu Civil

Registry Office. Unfortunately, I again was provided only the present total

population of Cihangir Mahalle for the years 1990, 1997 and 2000, not for the

previous years or decades. Similarly, my attempts to receive any information and

statistical data regarding Cihangir’s Rum population or any information about

Cihangir’s population composition belonging especially to the 1960s and earlier

22

from the Beyoğlu Municipality, the Istanbul Office of the State Institute of Statistics,

and the Greek Consulate failed because of the lack of information about the ethnic

division of the population of Cihangir for decades such as the 1950s and the 1960s or

either before or after those decades at these institutions as they told me.

On the other hand, the fact that written sources on Cihangir are very scarce

led me to seek other ways to conduct my research. I was and still am highly

concerned about writing the history of Cihangir from a perspective which focuses on

its human fabric, the changes in its demographic structure and cosmopolitan

atmosphere as well as in its landscape. So, how was I going to formulate my study?

How was I going to narrate Cihangir’s past with just a little written information in

hand? The answer to these questions lay in oral history methods and doing archival

research on the neighborhood.

First of all, I shall present my oral history methodology here. It appeared that

Cihangir’s history could be best written based on the narrations of people still living

there and those who had already left it. Unfortunately, circumstances were not

available for me to go and find former Cihangirlis who live in other countries, for

example in Greece; however, other inhabitants of the neighborhood were still there.

Thus, for this study to come to life as a master’s thesis, I followed a double-

methodology since I believe that the patterns and the dynamics of the topic I have

been studying cannot be understood merely through the attributions to the literature

on it. I believe that “self” is an important image alongside with the whole image of

Istanbul therefore I used ethnographic data, based on interviews, through which I

believe the specific social history of the “self” herself/himself has spoken out

throughout this thesis.

23

I therefore paid ongoing visits to Cihangir between September 2005 and July

2006 specifically for my thesis. My visits were to local shops and cafés as well as the

houses of my informants. Indeed, the fact that I was born and have spent twenty

years of my life in Cihangir in addition to the fact that my family was also from

Cihangir and that we still have a house and a lot of relatives living there already

helped me during my study. My ethnographic methodology was then based on

participant observation and focused or in-depth interviews. As Tim May writes,

unstructured or focused interviews have an open-ended character, which provides a

qualitative depth thanks to interviewees’ narrating their experiences “in terms of their

own frames of reference.”28

In this way, the researcher can understand how her/his

interviewees attach certain meanings to events or topics they talk about. Thus, oral

history interviews are a part of the technique of focused interview. The number of all

the interviews I conducted for this thesis in total was twenty-five. They included old

non-Muslim and Muslim Cihangirlis as well as new Cihangirlis and business owners

in the neighborhood. At first, I was confused about how to formulate my questions

without making my informants feel sad about the past since some issues were

sensitive and asking them for their memories could have change their attitudes

towards me. However, as I said before, my identity as a former Cihangirli and my

knowledge about the bittersweet experiences lived in the neighborhood in the past

helped me to communicate with my informants. Although not perceived as an insider

completely, I was not seen as an outsider either. Yet, I was a female researcher from

a respected university in Istanbul and aiming to prepare an academic work on “our”

“beautiful” Cihangir and its past, so I can say that I was even welcomed. Thus, what

May calls as the issue of rapport, which means constructing a mutual trust between

28

Tim May, Social Research: Issues, Methods and Process (Buckingham, Philadelphia: Open

University Press, 1998), p. 112.

24

the researcher and the interviewee, was established.29

They even liked the idea that a

study was being conducted on Cihangir and a thesis would be written on it. The

stories I collected certainly can be qualified as oral histories since they are based on

self experiences as well as testimonies of their narrators. During my interviews, I

used a tape recorder when my informants allowed me to do. However, a few of them

did not prefer our conversations to be recorded, so I took notes. The disadvantage of

note taking was that it inhibited me to probe my informant to speak more on the topic

since note taking requires more attention and ability to write fast therefore leading

the interview become less fruitful.

Another aspect of the qualitative research I have conducted was that

specifically my old Cihangirli informants were glad to be part of such a study on

Cihangir and even said the neighborhood had already deserved to be searched. They

were all narrating the neighborhood’s past with nostalgia, expressing that they

missed the good old days, the neighborly relations and the multi-religious

coexistence. When doing the narrative analysis of the stories I gathered, I noticed

that either all my interviewees, Rum and Armenian or Turk, referred to the

cosmopolitan and specifically non-Muslim/Rum history of Cihangir while narrating

it. The peaceful coexistence of Muslims and non-Muslims in the neighborhood was

mostly cited as the main characteristic of it.

Other than oral history interviews, muhtar records, though not belonging to

years before 1997, some issues of the Cihangir Postası, the local newspaper,

published in Cihangir since February 2001, were helpful. In addition to these,

sources on the Internet about Cihangir, since it is also a very popular neighborhood

in media, and my visits to the Cihangir Güzelleştirme Derneği (Cihangir

29

Ibid. 117.

25

Beautification Foundation) as well as my talks with the president of it were fruitful

for my study.

In addition to oral history interviews, one of the most important components

of my thesis are my archival findings regarding Cihangir and its ethnic composition

belonging to decades starting from the late nineteenth century up until the late 1960s.

As expressed before, there is only a small amount of information about Cihangir’s

history written so far. The first category of these primary sources that I accessed was

old official telephone directories of Istanbul at The Ottoman Bank Archives and

Research Centre located on the historic Bankalar Street of Karaköy, Istanbul. Since

the aim of this thesis was to shed light on Cihangir’s past from a perspective which

focuses on the neighborhood’s human fabric and cosmopolitan atmosphere as well as

the demographic changes it has undergone, I thought that the only possible and

perhaps the best way to learn who lived in the neighborhood in the earlier decades

was to search for the old telephone directories of Istanbul. At the Center’s

specialized library, I had the chance to search thoroughly those directories. I selected

five official telephone directories for Istanbul belonging to dates determined by me.

They are the 1929 directory, which is the earliest one I found, and those for the years

1933, 1942, 1950, and 1966. My preference of these dates derives from my concern

to reflect Cihangir’s multi-ethnic character but mainly Rum character in each decade

starting compulsorily from the year 1929 and ending in the second half of the 1960s

because I took the series of events like the 6-7 September and the 1964 decree, which

caused the Rum population to decrease in Istanbul and naturally in Cihangir into

account therefore to provide a general picture of the neighborhood’s demographic

situation. As seen in the appendixes, a thorough scanning of the five official

telephone directories resulted in discovery of all the names and the addresses in

26

Cihangir, bringing to light the approximate numbers of residents, who lived on which

street of Cihangir in what year. Certainly, such an effort required a considerable

amount of time, which I never hesitated or refrained to spend since my thesis would

be the first to provide such a data regarding Cihangir’s human fabric. It should be

noted that a disadvantage of scanning the telephone directories was that, as

understood from their titles, these catalogues include only the names and the

addresses of the subscribers and should not be forgotten that telephone usage in

Istanbul were at very low levels before the 1980s. Given this fact, the number of the

inhabitants of Cihangir was certainly more than the number of those recorded in

telephone directories selected for this study.

Another part of my archival research is composed of Rum Orthodox church

records, the kalamazoos, for Cihangir for the year 1968. During the process of oral

history interviews, I had the chance to meet Dr. Yorgi Petridis, president of the

Beyoğlu Rum Ortodoks Cemaati Kiliseleri ve Mektepleri Vakfı (The Foundation of

the Rum Orthodox Community Churches and Schools). Mr. Petridis provided me

with the Foundation’s records, the kalamazoos for the year 1968, a date which comes

after both the Events of 6-7 September 1955 and 1964 decree for the deportation of

the Yunan tebaalıs, people who had Greek passports. After a week of scanning seven

huge kalamazoos, thanks to Mr. Petridis, we counted all the households and the

number of their members on the streets of Cihangir for the year 1968 therefore we

had the number of the Rum population in the neighborhood after the said events in

1955 and 1964 since they caused a considerable depopulation in the neighborhood.

The work carried out by Mr. Petridis and myself is a significant one because it both

provides a concrete number for the Rum population in Cihangir in the late 1960s and

does so for the first time for Cihangir. It also gave me the opportunity to compare our

27

findings with what the muhtar of the Cihangir Mahalle provided me as the number of

Christian population in the neighborhood today and therefore to show the dramatic

decline in time. However, the scanning of the kalamazoos was limited only with

those belonging to the year 1968, not only because it took a lot of time including Mr.

Petridis’s valuable hours after office during many days but also they were physically

the most reachable ones for my study on Cihangir. Still, further study should be

conducted on more church records for the earlier decades.

Another significant constituent of the primary sources this thesis presents is

the information obtained from a meticulous study of the Annuaire Orientals, the

commercial almanacs published in the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey

between the years 1868 and 1945. When scanned, these almanacs though focus on

commercial activities of the Empire and later Turkey, appear as unique sources for

those who study micro history. For me, they were useful in the sense that some of

them included the names of the streets of Pera, the lists of the apartment buildings

there as well as the names and the occupations of inhabitants of these streets. The

first almanac I scanned was called the Indicateur Ottoman Illustré belonging to the

year 1881. Between 1891 and 1930, these commercial almanacs were titled Annuaire

Oriental. I also scanned those belonging to the years 1893-94, 1909, and 1921. As a

result of my study on these sources, I have found out who lived on some streets in

Cihangir in the above years. The Annuaire Oriental of the year 1909 also provides a

list of the apartment buildings in Istanbul. Based on this list, I selected all the

apartment buildings in Cihangir. The lists are attached in the appendixes of this

thesis and reflect not only the multi-ethnic character of the neighborhood but also the

social and economic atmosphere of their time. Again, my study of the Annuaire

Orientals took place at the The Ottoman Bank Archives and Research Center. Both

28

my examinations of the official Istanbul telephone directories and the Annuaire

Orientals at the Center occurred between March and July 2006.

In addition to the sources mentioned above, this thesis provides visual

materials regarding the neighborhood of Cihangir. Not only do the Cihangir section

of the large map by Pervititch drawn in 1926 and the one published in the 1934

official Istanbul city guide, but also the pictures of Cihangir from the Deutsches

Archaologisches Institut’s (German Archaeological Institute) archive and photos

taken by the author of this thesis constitute the visual part of this thesis.

As for secondary sources, Reşat Ekrem Koçu’s İstanbul Ansiklopedisi

(Istanbul Encyclopedia) and the Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi

(Encyclopedia of Istanbul from Past to Present) by The Economic and Social History

Foundation of Turkey were two crucial sources on Cihangir as well as Evliya

Çelebi’s Seyahatname (travel book), a seventeenth century classic. Many other

secondary sources also contributed in shaping this thesis.

This study is a modest first work on Cihangir’s history both in terms of the

methodology and the sources it used and the perspective it looks from this unique

neighborhood’s cosmopolitan past. Yet, Cihangir’s history needed and still does need

more focused research. This thesis is also an effort at opening such a path towards

remembering and writing Cihangir’s history as well as including its present place in

globalizing Istanbul. Cihangir has already deserved it.

The following chapters of this thesis tell the story of Cihangir both related to

its cosmopolitan past and its globalizing present. Cihangir as a semt always has

undergone changes in its social and urban fabric. This thesis tries to explore these

changes that have spread over more than a century from the late nineteenth century

to the present. Chapter II specifically examines the historical changes in Cihangir

29

beginning from its emergence as a settlement in the Ottoman times, touches upon its

genesis as a residential area within the borders of cosmopolitan Pera in Istanbul as a

significant port city during the nineteenth century globalization and the Ottoman

Empire’s peripheralization process, explains its situation during the early twentieth

century, and continues to describe the shifts in its demographic structure caused by

Turkification policies of the nationalist state specifically in the 1950s and the 1960s

as well as by mass immigration from Anatolia to Istanbul beginning from the 1950s

and gained momentum in the 1970s and the 1980s. Chronologically, the first chapter

ends in the mid-1990s, when Cihangir began to face tremendous changes both in its

human fabric and landscape in the global era.

The aim of Chapter II is to situate Cihangir’s cosmopolitan past within the

decline of the cosmopolitan Istanbul as a result of Turkification process during the

high Republican period (1923-1950), the 1950s and the 1960s. Cihangir had been a

multi-ethnic and multi-religious neighborhood beginning from its rise as a residential

area in the late nineteenth century until the second half of the 1970s. In Chapter II, I

relate the story of Cihangir’s loss of its non-Muslim inhabitants, especially the Rums,

to the decline of the cosmopolitan Istanbul. I argue that the Events of 6-7 September

in 1955 and the 1964 decree for the deportation of the people who had Greek

passports shaped the neighborhood’s history by causing considerable depopulation in

the Rum community of the neighborhood since these two events have already caused

Istanbul in general to lose almost all of its Rum population. Thus, Chapter II looks at

the history of Cihangir from a perspective which situates it within the general

framework of the decline of cosmopolitan Istanbul. In the 1970s and the 1980s,

Cihangir lost its character of being a non-Muslim neighborhood, faced a mass

immigration from the rural sides of the country and became a lower class area as

30

with the entire Pera/Beyoğlu. Its déclassement during the 1970s, the 1980s and the

first half of the 1990s was followed by its revival, which emerged in the latter part of

the 1990s and increasingly continued in the 2000s.

Chapter II as well as the entire thesis presents my informants’ narratives of

Cihangir, of both its past and present. The stories told by old Cihangirlis, either non-

Muslim or Muslim, reflect their testimonies to the events that shaped the

neighborhood’s destiny.

On the other hand, the second chapter is the one where I mostly use the

findings of my research on documentary primary sources. In this chapter, I also try to

portray the patterns of the daily cosmopolitan mahalle life in Cihangir in the 1950s,

the 1960s and the 1970s. Neighborly relations, celebrations of religious festivals of

both the non-Muslims and Muslims and street vendors as well as local grocers were

all parts of this localized mahalle life in Cihangir as mentioned in the narratives of

my interviewees. Nostalgia is a common characteristic of all the narratives regarding

the past of Cihangir. Thus, this chapter can be seen an attempt to search for the

vestiges of the local in Cihangir. By local, I mean both the people who made up the

multi-layered fabric of the neighborhood, as well as the patterns of a cosmopolitan

mahalle life. This search for a lost past was, then, mediated through the narratives of

the current locals, who are remnants of a missed localized life idealized as in the

1950s and the 1960s in a modest Istanbul neighborhood, Cihangir.

Another aspect of this chapter is that it tries to explore the changes in

Cihangir’s landscape. From wooden mansions razed in several fires in the late

nineteenth century and in the early twentieth century to brick and stone apartments

mostly built in the 1930s, the chapter explains how the present physical fabric of the

31

neighborhood was formed. Here, I refer to the Pervititch maps of the 1926, which

shows important streets of the neighborhood of Cihangir under construction.

Chapter III, on the other hand, is an endeavor towards reading Cihangir in a

globalizing metropolis, Istanbul. Globalization has uneven effects in economic,

political and cultural realms in Istanbul since the 1980s. The impact of globalization

also showed itself in the sense that neighborhoods have been reinvented in this era.

Cihangir is an example of them in Istanbul. Specifically, Chapter III demonstrates

that Cihangir has been reinvented since the latter part of the 1990s. It has been

undergoing a process called gentrification since the second half of the 1990s. An

important aspect of the developments in the urban form and spatial organization in

Istanbul in the global era is gentrification, which is observed as a process of

movement of the middle or upper-middle classes into lower class neighborhoods.30

In addition to neighborhoods like Kuzguncuk and Galata, Cihangir is seen as one of

the best examples of the gentrification process in Istanbul. The main characteristic of

this process is that all these neighborhoods were historic ones, where there used to

live intensively the non-Muslims of Istanbul before they left the city. In the case of

Cihangir, it had faced a déclassement in the 1970s and the 1980s after its non-

Muslim inhabitants left. However, beginning from the second part of the 1990s,

Cihangir has been revived. Thus, Chapter III asks what changes occurred in the

neighborhood, and why and how have these changes taken place in the global era?

Cihangir has recently become the bohemian downtown neighborhood of the

city and highly popular among the upper-middle classes. The bohemian and the

bourgeois are all mixed up on the neighborhood space. The neighborhood has re-

appeared as a mahalle where hybrid social and cultural identities and lifestyles have

30

Uzun, p.12.

32

contributed to unique character of the neighborhood. The particularities and minutiae

of the neighborhood can give an account of the process of uneven globalization in

Istanbul. Social identities constructing their living and symbolic spaces in the web of

power constellations, constraints and opportunities are generated by interaction and

articulation of the global and the local. Chapter III also argues that just as physical

space is fragmented, so the social space is also fragmented. There is differentiation

by age, ethnicity, income, values, and lifestyles. This heterogeneous ethos is what

embraces Cihangir in the 2000s. Throughout the third chapter, how Cihangir is

perceived by its residents as a genuine mahalle is explored. I seek for answers to

questions of “what meanings are ascribed to the neighborhood space?” “In what

ways it has become to be internalized as a fetish?” “How do residents of the

neighborhood perceive each other?” “How do residents perceive the change in

Cihangir?” and “why has it begun to be called the Republic of Cihangir?” Chapter III

also tries to grasp the process of how Cihangir itself became a “commodity” and to

analyze it meticulously in terms of a large spectrum of issues from real estate prices

to how neighborhood space is consumed in bohemian coffeehouses.

Chapter IV or the conclusion chapter is about my own observations and

arguments regarding Cihangir’s history and current status. The possible problems

and the lacking points are defined related to this study. The final chapter also

includes my further suggestions on studying Cihangir in detail as a subject of micro

history.

33

CHAPTER II

REFLECTIONS OF COSMOPOLITAN CIHANGIR: RECONSTRUCTING THE

NEIGHBORHOOD’S PAST

“New lands you will not find, you will not find other seas.

The city will follow you. You will roam the same streets.

And you will age in the same neighborhoods;

in these same houses you will grow gray.

Always you will arrive in this city.”

From The City, Constantine P. Cavafy, 1910

Cihangir in Ottoman Times

There is little historical information about Cihangir in pre-Ottoman times. It

is known that the settlement in the area began in the sixteenth century. The earliest

historical record regarding the neighborhood in the Ottoman period dates back to

1563. According to this record, which is in the Topkapı Palace’s archives, some

indecent women and men used to live in the settlement.31

However, some ruins were

found in the neighborhood that are assumed to be the remnants of either an ancient

pagan temple, which Evliya Çelebi defines as an ancient temple named Alexandra or

an early Byzantine monastery.32

Evliya Çelebi reports an apocryphal story about the

31

Üsdiken, p.430. 32

Evliya Çelebi (1611-c. 1680), also known as Derviş Mehmed Zilli, was a famous Ottoman traveler

and chronicler, who traveled throughout the Ottoman Empire and the neighboring lands over a period

of forty years. His famous ten volume work called Seyahatname (Book of Travels) is composed of his

collection of notes of all his travels. He traveled throughout the city of Istanbul before 1640 and wrote

34

ancient temple on the hill, where the Tophane and the Cihangir Mosque were later

built.

In Tophane in the time of the Christians, there was a convent, which was

situated in the middle of a forest and was dedicated to İskender-i Rumi

(Alexander). Today, the Cihangir Mosque has been built on the place of that

church. As it was called “Hagia Alexander,” infidels used to visit it once a

year. İskender-i Zülkarneyn (Alexander the Great) made the Yajooj/Gog wall,

brought some bogeys/ghouls, some huge white giants, magician gluttons of

the Alburz Mountain in Circassia, and witches from the Sadsha mountains in

Abaza land to the city of Constantinople, and enchained them in a big pit at

Tophane....Those who visited the Alexander’s Convent in Cihangir once in a

year used to watch these bogeys, giants, magicians, and the witches....Thus,

the initial building in Tophane was that of Alexander.33

Thus, Cihangir took its name from a mosque built on top of this steep hill,

where the ruins of the ancient temple or monastery had been found. This mosque was

built by the great Ottoman Architect Sinan in 1559-1560 for the Ottoman Sultan

Süleyman the Magnificent and his wife Hürrem Sultan, who dedicated it to the

memory of their son Prince Cihangir. The prince had been born physically disabled

and had a great interest in poetry and aesthetics. He had loved the area, which would

later begin to be called with his name. It was said that Prince Cihangir had died very

young, out of sorrow for his brother Prince Mustafa, who had been executed by their

father Süleyman based on the suspicion of having attempted to usurp the throne.34

With the construction of a dervish lodge and a sıbyan mektebi (Ottoman

elementary school) near the Cihangir Mosque, a quarter started to be shaped at the

site.35

The Cihangir Mosque, then, gave its name to the surrounding quarter.

However, the area had not yet evolved into a settlement that could be defined as a

about the markets, social and cultural aspects of everyday life in Istanbul in the 17th century Ottoman

Empire. 33

Seyit Ali Kahraman and Yücel Dağlı, eds. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi: İstanbul, vol. 1 (Istanbul:

Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2006), pp.395-396. Translation of the quotation by Binnaz Tuğba Sasanlar. 34 Murat Belge, İstanbul Gezi Rehberi (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2004), p.266. 35

Reşad Ekrem Koçu, İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, 7 (Istanbul: İstanbul Ansiklopedisi ve Neşriyat

Kollektif Şirketi, 1965), p.3564.

35

neighborhood at that time. More than a hundred marble steps carved in the rocky

slope from the shore up to the Cihangir Mosque prove that the regular visitors to the

mosque were people from other parts of the city, who came to Fındıklı either by

caique or by horse-drawn carriages and then ascended these steps to reach the

mosque.36

Evliya Çelebi also mentioned about the Cihangir Mosque.

Sultan Cihangir Mosque: Sultan Süleyman (Süleyman the Magnificent) had it

built on the spot, where Alexander’s Convent used to stand, and dedicated it

to the memory of his son (Prince) Cihangir...The Cihangir Mosque is

ascended by a hundred steps from the steep way on the edge of the mosque of

Mehmet Ağa. It is a very narrow way and it takes an hour by walking...It has

a minaret, a dervish lodge, a hostel for pilgrims, and a courtyard, which is

adorned with tall plane trees. In the afternoon, all companions and friends

come together there and look at the ships on the sea. It is a work of the great

architect Sinan.37

However, the original Cihangir Mosque built by Sinan was damaged in many

fires, the first one in 1719 and several others in the eighteenth and the nineteenth

centuries, so the mosque was re-built several times.38

The presently construction was

built by Sarkis Balyan, a member of the famous Armenian family of architects in the

Ottoman Empire, in 1890 during the period of Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamit II (1876-

1909).

Some other historical information regarding Cihangir in the Ottoman period

indicates that the first observatory in Istanbul was built there during the period of

36 Üsdiken, p. 430. 37

Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi: İstanbul, pp.402-403. Translation of the quotation by Binnaz Tuğba

Sasanlar. 38

Üsdiken, p.431. A total of five fires damaged the mosque after its construction. The first fire

occurred in Fındıklı in 1719, the second is called the Cihangir fire in 1765, the third is called the

Çivici Limanı fire in 1771, the fourth erupted in Tophane in 1823, and the fifth happened in Tophane

and Cihangir in 1874. The fires in and around the neighborhood also led its tulumbacıs, members of

traditional Ottoman fire brigades, to become popular and be subject of some folk rhymes such as the

following one:

“Hendek ile Cihangir, bir de Topçular, bunlar en iyi tulumbacılar...” (Hendek and Cihangir and also

the Topçular (artillerymen), these are the best tulumbacıs...)

36

Ottoman Sultan Murat III; however, it was destroyed in 1579.39

It is also known that

a library was found by Mahmud Bey in Cihangir Mosque in 1593 and another one,

which included books only on astronomy, was formed in the observatory during the

period of Murat III.40

Thus, around Cihangir Mosque, Cihangir emerged as a small settlement on

the periphery of Pera in the second half of the sixteenth century. In the seventeenth

century, the settlement started to acquire liveliness thanks to the increasing activity

of the dervish lodge near the mosque. Some more dervish lodges as well as fountains

and other mosques were built in Cihangir during the following periods.41

However,

as said above, as the number of settlement units increased, the area faced big fires.

Indeed, the fires posed a great threat to the wooden houses that constituted the urban

fabric of most of the neighborhoods of Istanbul. However, while Cihangir was

devastated by several fires, the damage was less compared to fires in other

neighborhoods in Istanbul because of the low population density in the area.

According to Koçu, the 1765 fire lasted for ten hours and razed almost the entire

Cihangir. Üsdiken also writes another fire that broke out in Firuzağa in the southeast

of Cihangir in 1823 spread to Sormagir, which is a renowned street of the

39

Urungu Akgül, “Osmanli’nin Uzaya Bakan Gozu Takiyuddin ve Istanbul Rasathanesi,” Bilim ve

Teknik, no. 351 (February 1997), p.34. 40

Türkiye Yazmaları Toplu Kataloğu, National Library of Turkey. Available [online]:

http://www.mkutup.gov.tr [11 January 2006]. 41

According to information obtained from the Cihangir Beautification Foundation, almost all dervish

lodges in Cihangir were burnt to the ground due to the big fire towards the end of the nineteenth

century. Some of these dervish lodges were Gülşenihane, Sakabaşı (Tatar Osman Efendi) Tekkesi,

Paşa Baba Tekkesi, and Cihangiri Tekkesi. Also the historic Kadirihane, a dervish lodge on one of

Firuzağa’s hills sloping down to Tophane, was burnt down in an unexpected fire in 1997. As Cihangir

Beautification Foundation explains, this historic complex had been constructed upon ruins of a

Byzantine monastry in the seventeenth century. On the other side, the Foundation says that a total of

21 fountains were built in Cihangir since the construction of the Cihangir Mosque. Only 17 of these

fountains have survived to present. Some of them are Hafız Ahmed Paşa Çeşmesi (Fountain), Paşa

Baba Tekkesi Çeşmesi, Mahmud Efendi Çeşmesi, Defter Emini Çeşmesi, Cihangir Camii (Mosque)

Çeşmesi, Saliha Sultan Çeşmesi, and Kadirihane Çeşmesi. In addition to these, other historic mosques

in Cihangir are Defterdar Mosque, İlyas Çelebi Mosque, Kazancı Mosque, and Firuzağa Mosque.

37

neighborhood (known as Başkurt Street today). Again, another fire in Sormagir in

1863 burned forty-two houses.42

In 1869, 1875, and 1890, the neighborhood faced relatively small fires. In

another fire in 1916, however, all of the wooden houses in Cihangir were burned

down and several of the stone buildings were seriously damaged. A total of 1,325

houses were burned down in Tophane and Cihangir in 1916.43

No more wooden

houses were built in the neighborhood after this devastation.44

Hence, wooden

mansions were the typical residential units in Cihangir in the nineteenth century

before several fires razed them to the ground. For example, as Murat Belge writes,

there was the mansion of Polish-origin Sadık Pasha in Cihangir.45

Mikhail

Chaikovski, who is also known as Mehmed Sadık Pasha, was a Polish-origin man

and was one of the founders of the Polonezköy, the Polish Village, a district of

Istanbul, where Polish immigrants settled in the mid-nineteenth century.46

The

Polish-origin Sadık Pasha’s mansion in Cihangir is a beautiful example of wooden

mansions in the neighborhood and still stands on its place today. The mansion began

to be used as the official building of a school called the American Language and

Arts in 1911. The school, where I also attended English courses in 1991 and 1992,

later moved to its current place in Akyol Street in Cihangir in the following few

years. The same mansion also served as the Japan Consulate for some time.47

It is

relevant to note here that Cihangir’s wooden mansions were also encountered in the

works of literary men in Turkey. The novel Kiralık Konak by Yakup Kadri, who was

a novelist, poet, diplomat and senator and lived between 1889 and 1974, tells the

42

Koçu, p.3568. 43

Ibid. 44

Usdiken, 1993. 45 Belge, p.266 46

Ibid., p. 350. 47

Ibid. P. 266.

38

story of the encounter of Westernization and traditional values, differences between

life styles and their perceptions between generations in the context of Istanbul during

the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Main characters of the novel include Naim Bey, a

Muslim gentleman, who is the son of an Ottoman pasha and is bound to Ottoman

traditions. Naim Bey is the owner of tired off mansion in Cihangir and lives there

with his family in 1914.48

In the early twentieth century, Cihangir’s wooden

mansions started to disappear and to be replaced by stone houses with new

architectural styles.

On the other hand, there is very limited information about the population of

Cihangir in the nineteenth century in secondary sources. Thanks to Sedat Bingöl,

who conducted a research on 1829 census records regarding the population of eight

mahalles in the town of Tophane in Galata and presented them in a book, we see that

one of these eight mahalles was called the Cihangir Mahalle.49

According to Bingöl,

the 1829 census was the first ‘modern’ census conducted in the Ottoman Empire. As

he wrote, the records he has reached show the male Muslim population in eight

mahalles in Galata as of September 1829. Accordingly, these mahalles were

Cihangir, Sehil Bey, Perizat, Muhiddin, Tam Tam and Avni Efendi mahalles in the

town of Tophane and Ayaz Paşa and Molla Çelebi mahalles in the town of Fındıklı.50

As it is understood from Bingöl’s work, the area called Cihangir Mahalle in 1829

was in the borders of the town of Tophane, which means in my opinion that it did not

refer to the inner and especially the upper streets of present day Cihangir, which are

close to Sıraselvi Street and Taksim. Bingöl explains that the names of the household

heads, who were males, first were recorded and then the names of other male

48

Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Kiralık Konak (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 36th Edition, October

2005). 49 Sedat Bingöl, 1829 İstanbul Nüfus Sayımı ve Tophane Kasabası, (Eskişehir: T. C. Anadolu

Üniversitesi Yayınları, no. 1596, Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları, no. 17, 2004), p. V. 1. 50

Ibid.

39

household members come in the records showing the entire Muslim male inhabitants

of the said eight mahalles. The records also include the origins, physical appearances,

ages, occupations and other characteristics of the inhabitants of the mahalles.

Bingöl argues that Muslim mahalles were more in number in Tophane and

Fındıklı in contrast with Galata and the existence of a couple of mosques including

the Cihangir Mosque also showed it.51

He continues that the presence of the Ottoman

Cannon Foundry in Tophane (the neighborhood’s name comes from the cannon

foundry) also shaped the demographic composition of the surrounding mahalles and

led small shops like greengrocers to be opened around. He stresses that the

occupations of the male Muslim inhabitants of these mahalles also proved that

because they were mostly people working in Tophane or Tersane-i Amire, the naval

yard, which is close to the neighborhood.52

Hence, according to Bingöl’s work,

which is based on Ottoman archives, the total Muslim male population in the

Cihangir mahalle in the town of Tophane was 403.53

Many of these inhabitants were

either craftsmen working in Tophane and the naval yard or artisans and small traders.

Today, some streets in the lower part of Cihangir, the ones close to Tophane

and Firuzağa have names like Batarya (battery) and Tüfekçi Salih (gunsmith Salih).

These sounds like names deriving from these places’ being close to the cannon

foundry.

51 Ibid., p. XVI. 52

Ibid., pp.XVI-XVII. 53

Ibid., pp.1-29.

40

Cosmopolitan Pera and the Rise of Cihangir as a Residential Area during the

Nineteenth Century Globalization in Istanbul

As Keyder writes Istanbul has always been a world city.54

It has always been

a multiethnic and multi-religious imperial capital, in which Muslims, Greeks, Jews,

and Armenians as well as Levantines from all parts of Europe have lived together.

In the nineteenth century, during the Ottoman Empire’s peripheralization

process, which saw its integration with the capitalistic world economy, Istanbul also

emerged as a port-city. Indeed, port-cities in the periphery developed as points of

contact with the world capitalist economy. 55

Keyder defines Istanbul as a genuine

port city during the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the

nineteenth century and indicates that the city was crowded with Levantines from the

Mediterranean and Western Europe as well as Turkic, Tatar and other ethnic groups

from the Russian empire.56

The reason why these groups were in Istanbul was the

fact that Istanbul, as a port city, was witnessing an increase in its economic activity, a

high volume of trade and foreign investment in the nineteenth century. Thanks to its

increasing commercial role in the region as well as its specific location as an imperial

capital between the East and West, nineteenth century Istanbul was, then, enabling

the Ottoman economy to integrate with the capitalistic world economy. According to

Toprak, the population of Istanbul was around one million at the beginning of the

twentieth century.57

54

Keyder, “The Setting”, p.3. 55

Çağlar Keyder, Y.Eyüp Özveren and Donald Quataert, “Port-Cities in the Ottoman Empire, Some

Theoretical and Historical Perspectives,” Review, 16, no. 4, (Fall 1993), pp.519-58. 56 Keyder, “The Setting,” p.4. 57

Zafer Toprak, “Modernization and Commercialization in the Tanzimat Period: 1838-1875,” New

Perspectives on Turkey, 7, (Spring 1992), pp.57-70.

41

During the commercialization and globalization process in Istanbul in the

nineteenth century, economic, social and cultural environment became vibrant,

specifically in Galata and Pera, the districts inhabited mostly by non-Muslims. In

1849, there were 6,120 Greeks, 1,029 French, 1,581 Austrians, 1,983 British, 657

Iranians, 182 Belgians, 35 Portuguese, 405 Sardinians, 144 Prussians, 27 Dutch, 297

Neapolitans, 122 Swedish, 24 Americans, 293 Tuscans, 48 Spanish, 926 Russians,

and 47 Danes in Pera.58

Pera of the second half of the nineteenth century was, then,

the first modernized and Westernized Istanbul district with foreign banks, embassies,

consulates, office buildings, cafés, restaurants, hotels, department stores and bazaars.

In such a milieu, Cihangir also grew in the periphery of Pera and became a

relatively dense residential area, especially with the spread of embassies and

consulates in Pera. Many of the officials who worked in these institutions as well as

foreigners, who taught in French or Italian schools or worked in German or Italian

hospitals in the region, lived in Cihangir. In addition to expatriates from Europe or

other parts of the world, Levantines and Rums, Armenians, and Jews, who were the

non-Muslim citizens of the Ottoman Empire constituted the majority of the

population in Cihangir during this period. In other words, its proximity to the historic

Pera, the Bankalar Street, Yüksekkaldırım, and the Cadde-i Kebir, shaped the

neighborhood’s destiny. As part of cosmopolitan Pera, the composition of population

in Cihangir also looked like a mosaic consisting of Rum tradesmen, Jewish bankers,

who actually concentrated in Yüksekkaldırım, Armenian artisans, Levantines, Turks

as well as German, French and other officials of various nationalities, who work in

the schools, hospitals, consulates, embassies, and foreign banks near the

neighborhood and in Pera. Hence, it can be argued that Cihangir emerged as a

58

Data is taken from Giovanni Scognamillo’s unpublished study titled Beyoğlu Yazıları.

42

cosmopolitan neighborhood especially with upper streets like Sıraselvi, Soğancı,

Somuncu, Araslar, Firuzağa, and Defterdar Yokuşu thanks to its position adjacent to

cosmopolitan Pera, the global, commercial, cultural, and economic center of Istanbul

in the second half of the nineteenth century. However, the Rums constituted the

majority among the non-Muslim inhabitants of Cihangir. The Rum character of the

neighborhood was dominant especially during the Republican decades. In addition to

many minority schools in Pera and Galata, the two Rum schools, the Zappeion lycée

for girls in Meşelik (Rum Kabristan) Street and the Zographeon lycée for boys are

the ones, which are closest to Cihangir. The Zappeion was the largest Greek lycée for

girls and was founded in 1857.59

The Zographeon was founded in 1890.60

On the

other hand, among the Rum Orthodox churches in Pera, the Ayia Trias, which was

built by Rum architect Kampanaki towards the end of the nineteenth century, is a

significant Rum Orthodox church on Meşelik Street, which is again near Cihangir.

Meşelik Street is also home to the Armenian Esayan high school for girls.

Some volumes of the Annuaire Orientals, which were commercial almanacs

published between 1868 and 1945, reflect this ethnic composition of the

neighborhood, which certainly and naturally reflected the cosmopolitan fabric of

Pera of the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. According to the

l’Indicateur Ottoman Illustré published in 1881, many addresses and streets in Pera

are recorded. Among these streets, the Pervouz Agha (Firuzağa) Street and the Syra-

Selvi (Sıraselvi) Street are two streets, which can be accepted as border streets of

Cihangir. Today, there is no street called Pervouz Agha in Cihangir. However, it is

noticed that the Pervouz Agha Street recorded in the l’Indicateur Ottoman Illustré of

1881 refers to the street, which is known as Sıraselviler Street today. Also the Syra-

59 Alexis Alexandris, The Greek Minority of Istanbul and Greek-Turkish Relations: 1918-1974

(Athens: Center for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), p. 47. 60

Ibid.

43

Selvi (Sıraselvi) Street is defined as the street from Kichla Djaddesi (Kışla Street) to

the Quartier Turc in the same source.61

Thus, it can be said that the lower part of the

present Sıraselviler Street was called the Pervouz Agha Street. As stated before,

Firuzağa is the name of a mahalle which is adjacent to Cihangir and which even has

some streets making up Cihangir as a neighborhood today. On the other hand, I was

surprised by the expression ‘Quartier Turc’, which is uttered as the lower border of

Syra-Selvi Street. This may imply that the lower part of Cihangir, specifically the

area close to Tophane, was a Turkish and Muslim quarter. However, I will not be

able to present any information about this in this study because I could not reach any

source about it. Hence, if the names and the occupations of the inhabitants recorded

in two streets in the l’Indicateur Ottoman Illustré of 1881 are observed, they provide

us significant clues about who lived in upper parts of Cihangir, which is close to

Taksim. In Pervouz Agha Street, for example, M. Caravokyros, a pharmacist, Alex

Theodorides, a collector, and Michel Bey, a doctor, are the inhabitants recorded in

1881.62

Also the names recorded in Syra-Selvi Street are H. A. Hadjian, a banker,

Hayder Ibrahim, former ambassador of Turkey to Vienna, and Georges Le Chevalier,

an attorney.63

Also in the Annuaire Oriental of the 1893-94, the following streets, which are

parts of Cihangir, are recorded: The Defterdar Yocouchou (Yokuşu), where the

Hopital Royal Italien (Italian Hospital) and the Hopital Municipal (Municipal

Hospital) stand/ed, the Pervouz Agha Street, The Soandji (Soğancı) Street, and the

61

L’Indicateur Ottoman Illustré, Annuaire Almanach du Commerce de l’Industrie, de

l’Administration et de la Magistrature, Deuxieme Annee 1881, Hegire 1298, Cree par Raphael C.

Cervati et Publié par Cervati Fréres & D. Fatzea, pp. 406-408. 62 See Appendix H for the entire list of names and adresses of the inhabitants recorded in some streets

of Cihangir in 1881. 63

See Appendix H.

44

Syra Selvi Street.64

It is noticed that there were apartment buildings called Maison

Gravier, Maison Georgiadés, Maison Criticos, and Maison Apostolidés recorded in

the Pervouz Agha Street, which was located from Defterdar Yochouchou to the Syra

Selvi Street.65

The Annuaire Oriental of the 1893-94 also describes the Soandji

Street, the Soğancı Street of present day Cihangir, as between the Pervouz Agha

Street and the Djean Kir Street, which is the Cihangir Street.66

Because the

Annuaires were written in French, the name Cihangir appeared as Djean Kir, spelled

as it is pronounced in French. The names, mostly non-Muslim, and the occupations

of the inhabitants of these streets represent the ethnic composition as well as the

economic level in the area. However, it should not be forgotten that these almanacs

are commercial records therefore the names and the streets appeared in them are the

ones related to commercial activities in the Ottoman capital Istanbul. For example,

many of those individuals are merchants, bankers, brokers, and shop owners like

pharmacists or employees in various banks including the Ottoman Bank.

As explained above, the Annuaire Orientals were yearbooks published in the

Ottoman Empire and in modern Turkey between the years 1868 and 1945 to

introduce the commercial centers and commercial activities in these centers within

the territorial boundaries of the Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey to both

domestic and foreign investors and entrepreneurs. However, only some of them

include the addresses and streets in commercial districts like Pera, Galata and

Eminönü. The 1909 almanac was also one of them. As a result of my scanning of the

addresses and the streets of Pera as recorded in this almanac, I have encountered the

following streets, which are again some streets of Cihangir: Araslar Street, the

64

Annuaire Oriental du Commerce de l’Industrie de l’Administration et de la Magistrature, 12me

Annee, 1893-94, pp. 694-719. 65 Ibid., p.715. See Appendix I for a list of the entire names and adresses of the inhabitants recorded in

some streets of Cihangir in 1893 and 1894. 66

Ibid. p. 718.

45

Defterdar Yocouchou, the Kazandji (Kazancı) Street, the Ouroudjilar (Urucular)

Street, the Pervouz Agha Street, the Soandji Street, the Somoundjou Street, the Syra-

Selvi Street, and the Tchechme (Çeşme) Yocouchou.67

The Araslar Street is the

Aslanyatağı Street of present day Cihangir. It is the street situated just before the

German Hospital on the left side of the Sıraselviler Street when walking down to

Cihangir from the Taksim Square. The Rizzo Apartment and the Jones Apartment are

two apartment buildings, which are two of the early examples of stone apartment

houses built as residential units in Pera in the late nineteenth century and in the early

twentieth century. Beyoğlu A.Ş., a private company, which is located in Cihangir and

aims to restore and renovate historic buildings in Istanbul in line with their original

architectural characteristics, restored the Rizzo Apartment between 2004 and 2006.

According to the information obtained from the official website of the company, the

Rizzo Apartment was a house with a garden.68

Located on this street (Aslanyatağı) and neighbor to Henri de Wilson house

and garden and sometimes to Ali Çavuş and Faik Bey and Abdi Efendi Bey

house and gardens on the one side and to W. J. Jones house and garden on the

two other sides, this house with a garden with the door number 38, which was

owned by Andonaki, son of Dimitri, who is a member of the Rum millet

(nation) of the Ottoman Empire, an inhabitant of Bebek Village, and an

employee of the Fener İdaresi (Administration), was bought by Marianne

Rizzo, who is John Francis Rizzo’s spouse, on 8 May 1894.69

Upon death of John Francis Rizzo in 1910, the Rizzo Apartment was

inherited to his spouse Marianne and their children Edgar V. Rizzo, Egbert Rizzo,

Alfred Rizzo, and Rozina Georgevich. All the shares of five parcels of land, two in

67 Annuaire Oriental du Commerce de l’Industrie, de l’Administration et de la Magistrature, publié

par la The Annuaire Oriental & Printing Company Limited, 21 Rue de Pologne, Péra, Constantinople,

29me Année, 1909, pp. 1347-1453. 68

Rizzo Apartmanı. Available [online]: http://www.beyogluas.com [6 June 2006]. According to the

information broadcast on this website, the Rizzo family was an Italian-origin, Maltese and British

Levantine family, who lived in Istanbul between 1883 and 1953. John Francis Rizzo was a

bussinessman and merchant. Alfred Rizzo and he also published the Annuaire Orientals between the

years 1921 and 1930. The family also owned a publication company, which published many books in

Istanbul. The architectural style of the Rizzo Apartment has eclectic characteristics with mannerist,

empiric, neo-classic, baroque, Art Nouveau elements and very few Ottoman ornaments. 69

Ibid.

46

the Somuncuoğlu Street and three in the Saatçi Street, which surround the Rizzo

Apartment, were also transferred to Mrs. Rizzo after the sale that took place on 8

May 1894.70

According to the Annuaire Oriental for 1909, a banker, a consultant at

the British Embassy, a representative at the Dette Publique Ottomane, General Debt

Management Office of the Ottoman Empire (Düyun-u Umumiye), an engineer, and a

merchant were the residents of the Rizzo Apartment.71

According to the CEO of the Beyoğlu A.Ş., who currently lives in Cihangir,

the tenants of Rizzo Apartment included the vice-secretary of the German Embassy,

the vice-president of the Ottoman Bank, the undersecretary of British Embassy, the

CEO of the Deutsche Bank, merchants, bankers, and doctors in the late nineteenth

century and in the early twentieth century and the architect of the apartment could

possibly have been Ohannes Aznavour, an Armenian architect of the period.72

The

Rizzo Apartment has been determined as a first-degree historic work of art by the

Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Turkey.73

Another important apartment

building in the Araslar Street recorded in the Annuaire Oriental of 1909 was the

Jones Apartment. Its residents also included engineers, attorneys, officials working in

maritime lines as well as in Romanian Legation and German Embassy.74

As with the former Annuaire Orientals, almost all the denizens recorded in

the streets of Cihangir in 1909 almanac are non-Muslims both because these

almanacs are commercial sources therefore recorded names related to commercial

activities and because the non-Muslims constitute the bourgeoisie of the Empire’s

capital Istanbul. The 1909 Annuaire Oriental also included lists of maisons and

70

Ibid. 71

See Appendix J for the entire list of names and addresses that appeared in some streets of Cihangir

in 1909. 72 Radikal, 25 October 2004. 73

Available [online]: http://www.arkitera.com/v1/haberler/2004/10/09/tarihi.htm [16 June 2006]. 74

See Appendix J.

47

appartements in the streets of Péra, Pancaldi, and Galata, significant commercial

districts. Among the apartment buildings in Pera, Apostolidés, Chryssoverghi,

Criticos, Georgiadés, and Gravier Apartments on the Syra Selvi Street; Apostolidés,

Hamid Bey, Mavroudis, Photiadés, and Sterio Calfa Apartments on the Soandji

Street; Dimakis and Poulissi et Calloghéra Apartments on the Somoundjou Street;

Yazidji Zadé Apartment on Defterdar Yocouchou; and Bay Apartment on Pervouz

Agha Street are the ones in Cihangir in addition to the Jones and Rizzo Apartments

on the Araslar Street.75

These buildings are early examples of a shift from mansions

to stone apartment buildings as residential units in the late nineteenth century and in

the early twentieth century.

The Annuaire Oriental for 1921 also includes the same streets of Cihangir in

the Annuaire Oriental for the year 1909.76

It is noticed that the number of inhabitants

and apartment houses of these streets had increased as shown in this almanac. In

addition to the former ones, apartments like Stouca, Loukianos, Tchelik Zade Ali

Bey, Caraviotis Const., Crespi, Constant., Gheorgopoulos, Constantinidis, Marino,

Stephan Effendi, Mavridis Fréres, Pappadopoulos, Capsali, Souvadjioglu, Héraclée,

Alexiadis, Kehayaoglou, Stamboulian, and Ioakimopoulos are the new ones in

Cihangir as recorded in 1921.77

Hence, the Annuaire Orientals selected for this study reflect the physical and

social fabric of some streets of Cihangir in the late nineteenth century and the early

twentieth century as much as they do inform us about the streets of Pera and Galata

and Istanbul in general. An analysis of them has provided a considerable amount of

75

See Appendix K. 76

Annuaire Oriental, Oriental Directory Lait Hollandia Grandes Brasseries la Haye Biere, L.H.B.

Marque le Lion, Teolin, Amidonroyal Remy. Cacao Van Houten, Agents Generaux Societe

Commerciale Neerlandaise, 1921, pp. 974-1192. 77

See Appendix L for an entire list of names and adresses recorded in some streets in Cihangir in

1921.

48

information about important streets, which constitute Cihangir today, although these

almanacs do not include any information about the inner streets of Cihangir or the

Cihangir Mahalle, which is the core area of Cihangir as a semt. This stems from the

fact that these almanacs were formed as commercial sources therefore they included

records of people, addresses and streets related to commercial activities, thus the

wealthier segments of the city of Istanbul. Still, they are crucial sources for the

current study because they reflect the ethnic composition in the area, who lived on

which streets, the occupations, names of the apartments, which are important in

terms of representing the way of life and the changes in the landscape of the area, as

well as the names of the streets in the late nineteenth century and in the early

twentieth century. Thus, the appendices attached at the end of this study are primary

sources, which contribute reconstructing Cihangir’s history, an aim of this thesis.

As stated above, the genesis of Cihangir as a settlement dates back to the

sixteenth century, but the area could not be described as a neighborhood at that time.

It grew slowly and gradually throughout the following three centuries and became a

relatively dense and cosmopolitan residential area specifically in the second half of

the nineteenth century. Its architectural fabric also underwent changes in line with

the new styles in Pera. Barillari, who has studied the transformation of Istanbul’s

architectural style between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the

World War I, has explored meticulously the development of art nouveau architecture

in Pera.78

Uğur Tanyeli, who analyzes the architectural transformation of Pera in the

nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, indicates, however, that Pera’s

78

Diana Barillari, Istanbul 1900: Art Nouveau Architecture and its Interiors (New York: Rizzoli,

1996).

49

architectural layout underwent a significant change with the penetration of the art

nouveau style into Istanbul.79

According to Tanyeli, the pioneers of the change in architecture in Pera were

Greeks and Levantines. Art nouveau was a style that was demanded mostly by the

bourgeoisie, specifically the newly rising bourgeois groups in Pera. Thus, Tanyeli

argues that while Pera was turned into an art nouveau museum just at the beginning

of the twentieth century, it was almost impossible to encounter any art nouveau

buildings in other relatively poor Rum neighborhoods, such as Samatya

(Ipsomatheion), Kumkapı or Fener(Phanar). Thus, art nouveau was a style that was

mostly seen in areas where Levantines and upper-class Rums lived. In this case,

Cihangir, which was a part of cosmopolitan Pera and a residential area, where Rums

constitute a considerable part of the inhabitants, represents the architectural change

in overall Pera. In the neighborhood, a number of art nouveau and art deco style

apartment buildings were built by Greek and Italian architects, who used to work in

Pera in the late nineteenth century and in the early twentieth centuries. A

characteristic of these buildings is that they carry the signatures of their architects.

One can still encounter art nouveau and art deco buildings and the examples of the

first national architecture styles in today’s Cihangir. Some of the streets with the best

examples of such buildings are Akarsu Street, Coşkun Street, Altın Bilezik Street,

Tüfekçi Salih Street, Oba Street, Lenger Street, Yeni Yuva Street, Susam Street,

Güneşli Street, and Cihangir Street.80

Hence, if we look at Pera in globalizing Istanbul as a port city in the late

nineteenth century and in the early twentieth century we see that Cihangir,

79

Uğur Tanyeli. 6 July 2005. Pera Mimarisinin Doğumu ve Ölümü (The Birth and Death of Pera’s

Architecture). Activities-Galata Tales at the Ottoman Bank Museum. Available [online]:

http://www.obarsiv.com/guncel_ugur_tanyeli.html [20 December 2006]. 80

Information obtained from the Cihangir Beautification Foundation.

50

specifically the streets like Sıraselvi, Firuzağa, Somuncu, Soğancı, Araslar, and

Defterdar Yokuşu, which form the upper parts of the neighborhood, reflected the

changes in social and economic ethos of Pera. It also resembled the changes in the

landscape. New stone apartment buildings with new architectural styles formed a

new urban fabric, one different from a landscape, which was covered with wooden

mansions and houses. Thus, cosmopolitanization and the shift to stone apartment

buildings as residential units emerged in Cihangir in the late nineteenth century. The

Annuaire Orientals published in the period are also significant sources reflecting the

ethnic composition, the cosmopolitan flavor, and the changes in the landscape on

streets of Pera and of course in Cihangir.

When the development of Cihangir is from its emergence as a small

settlement around the Cihangir Mosque in the sixteenth century to its rise as a

relatively dense residential area in the backyard of Pera, it can be argued that the

neighborhood had Muslim and Turkish characteristics in its lower parts, which were

close to Tophane. As Bingöl’s work indicates, the Cihangir Mahalle and other

mahalles of Tophane town mostly were inhabited by Muslims in the early nineteenth

century. Cihangir’s was being formed around a mosque and having wooden houses

as urban fabric also imply that the area close to Tophane was Muslim and Turk. The

dervish lodge and the Islamic elementary school within the mosque complex were

also Muslim elements. However, we know that the area we know as real Cihangir

today and its upper streets close to Taksim; the streets like Sıraselvi and the streets

on its left constituted the neighborhood as a cosmopolitan residential area in the

second half of the nineteenth century as part of cosmopolitan Pera.

51

Cihangir in Republican Turkey

Near the end of the nineteenth century and in the first quarter of the twentieth

century, Cihangir became a relatively dense residential area thanks to the

construction of stone buildings and big apartment buildings. Added to its non-

Muslim constituencies, Cihangir welcomed another population in the 1920s: White

Russian refugees.

Istanbul was under occupation by the British, French and the Italians during

the Turkish-Greek War until 1922. In this context, it witnessed an influx of White

Russian refugees, who escaped from Russia after the Bolshevik revolution. Between

150,000 and 200,000 White Russians, who fled to Istanbul, were concentrated in

Pera.81

Especially White Russian ladies, namely the Harashos, meaning “beautiful”

in Russian, altered the character of Pera, introducing new forms of entertainment and

fashion as well as prostitution and gambling.82

A considerable number of these

newcomers settled in Cihangir throughout the 1920s. Even the commanders of the

occupying powers took up residence in Cihangir during the occupation of Istanbul.

Westernized Turks were also a part of the neighborhood’s population. Thus,

population growth in Cihangir continued in the 1920s as well.

The construction and evolution of Cihangir continued after the foundation of

the Republic. Following the big fire of 1916, which razed almost all of the wooden

structures and damaged many stone buildings, no more wooden houses were built in

Cihangir. Thus, in the first quarter of the twentieth century, Cihangir took on a new

look, thanks to newly built brick (kagir) houses or apartment buildings in new

81

Jack Deleon, Beyoglu’nda Beyaz Ruslar (1920-1990) (Istanbul: Çelik Gülersoy Vakfı İstanbul

Kütüphanesi Yayınları, 1990). 82 Zafer Toprak, “İstanbulluya Rusya'nin Armağanlari: Haraşolar,” Istanbul, 1 (1992), pp.72-79.

52

architectural styles. In the mid-1920s, Cihangir was evolving on a topography

surrounded by Fındıklı and the Cihangir Mosque on the south and city’s newly

emerging city-center, Taksim Square.

As said above, Istanbul’s urban fabric has been damaged by several fires

throughout its history. During the nineteenth century, when the modernization

process gathered momentum in Istanbul, some foreign insurance companies opened

branches in the city and raised the need for many maps of the city to be drawn.

Croatian-origin Jacques Pervititch, who was a student at Saint-Joseph, a

distinguished French high school in Istanbul, was the second person, who drew maps

of Istanbul between 1922 and 1945, following insurance maps firstly drawn by

Charles Edward Goad between 1904 and 1906.83

Insurance maps drawn by Pervititch

covered Istanbul’s districts of Beyoğlu, Beşiktaş, Beyazıt, Üsküdar, Eminönü,

Kadıköy, and Taksim. Thanks to Pervititch’s Plan Cadastral d’Assurances of

Djihanghir-Foundoukli (Cihangir-Fındıklı) and of Pervouz-Agha-Sali Bazar

(Firuzağa-Salıpazarı) drawn in 1926 and of Péra-Sıra-Selvi (Pera-Sıraselvi) drawn in

1927, it is possible to examine the urban fabric of Cihangir with newly built stone

apartments as well as the places and the names of the streets constituting them.84

For

example, the plan of Djihanghir-Foundoukli with section number 31 shows Cihangir

Street and Güneşli Street, the two streets which unite Cihangir and Pürtelaş Hasan

Efendi Mahalles today, as under construction, and the Cihangir Street as a boulevard

project.85

According to the same plan, Tavukuçmaz (later took the name Akyol)

Street seems non-existent as with some other inner streets of present day Cihangir.

However, Sormagir, Soğancı, and Somuncu Streets with apartment buildings are

83

Osmanlı Bankası Arşiv ve Araştırma Merkezi. Dönemin Topoğraf ve Haritacılarına Dair.

Available [online]: http://www.obarsiv.com/dokumantasyon/planlar/topograf_haritacilar.html [6 June

2006]. 84

Jacques Pervititch Sigorta Haritalarında İstanbul (Istanbul: Axa Oyak, 2000). 85

Ibid., p.105.

53

apparent in the plan. In the plan for Pervouz-Agha-Salı Bazar, the section number of

which is 33, it is seen that the area, which is called Havyar Street in Cihangir today,

was named the Terlikdji (Terlikçi) Street.86

According to the same plan, current Akarsu Street and Susam Street, which

follows it, was called Djihangir Djaddesi (Cihangir Street. Also the plan for Péra-

Sıra-Selvi, the section number of which is 35, provides the landscape of the street in

1927 with the apartment buildings and other constructions such as hospitals standing

on it.87

All the apartment buildings in Cihangir, many of the names of which have

been provided in previous pages of this study as they have been identified through an

examination of the Annuaire Orientals and the Istanbul telephone directories, are

shown on these three Pervititch plans. Together with the enlargement of the

residential area, Cihangir Mahalle and Pürtelaş Hasan Efendi Mahalle, two separate

regions constituting Cihangir as a semt, unified gradually in the early twentieth

century. According to the municipal city guide dated 1934, Cihangir Mahalle,

officially within the borders of Taksim district and the Pürtelaş Hasan Efendi

Mahalle of the Galata district as well as some streets of Firuzağa Mahalle of Beyoğlu

district and of Kılıç Ali Paşa Mahalle of Galata district made up Cihangir as a semt.88

As a result of the examination of Pervititch maps and the official Istanbul

telephone directories of 1929 and 1933, and even 1942, it is possible to say that

many streets like Yeni Yuva, Oba, Akarsu, Kumrulu, Emanetçi, Havyar, Susam, and

Cihangir, were shown in these maps as either not shaped yet or under construction,

thus, relatively empty when compared with streets like Soğancı or Somuncu or the

Sıraselviler and Firuzağa. Thus, it can be argued that the urban fabric of these inner

86 Ibid., p. 107. 87

Ibid., p. 109. 88

İstanbul Şehri Rehberi (Istanbul: Istanbul Belediyesi, 1934).

54

streets with stone apartment buildings we see in Cihangir today were created in the

1920s and the 1930s, the early Republican years in Turkey.

The stone apartment buildings built between 1925 and 1935 were constructed

mostly by Rum architects.89

Osman Cemal Kaygılı, a writer and lover of Istanbul,

described the change in Cihangir in terms of its building stock and landscape in a

collection of his writings on Istanbul in 1931. According to Kaygılı, the newly built

stone houses and apartment buildings that were replacing Cihangir’s wooden houses

changed the neighborhood’s look and social status when compared to the other

upper-class neighborhoods of Istanbul.

A spick and span (brand new) Cihangir in the form of stone buildings and

almost all in the shape of apartment buildings have been and is being

established from end to end in the place of old wooden Cihangir. How much

do these huge and perfect buildings that have been constructed and are being

constructed befit this high airy quarter, which looks on the one side to the

Marmara (Sea) ...and on the other side to the Bosphorus...? This new look of

the old wooden Cihangir possibly seems to freeze Şişli and Nişantaşı out

more than it will appear as the most glorious part of Beyoğlu in the near

future.90

One may find in Kaygılı’s description of Cihangir in the early twentieth

century the vestiges of the old green areas of the neighborhood as well. He mentions

four public gardens established side by side in Cihangir. In these gardens, movies

were shown at nights, as well as plays, kantos (light art music songs in the nineteenth

century, early twentieth century), varieties, and traditional puppet shows were

performed. Kaygılı also describes the daily social atmosphere in these gardens.

Portraying the characters, the frequenters of these beautiful places, Kaygılı also

89

Information obtained from the Cihangir Beautification Foundation. 90 Osman Cemal Kaygılı, “Yeniden Kurulan Bir Semt: Cihangir” (A Newly Constructed

Neighborhood: Cihangir), Köşe Bucak İstanbul (Istanbul: Selis Kitapları, 2004), p.253. Şişli and

Nişantaşı are two elite neighborhoods of Istanbul. Translation belongs to me.

55

draws a picture of Cihangir’s old inhabitants: Greek madames, mademoiselles, other

non-Muslim ladies and gentlemen as well as Muslim beys (gentlemen).91

During my research conducted for this thesis on Cihangir, the official

telephone directories for Istanbul for the years 1929, 1933, 1942, 1950, and 1966

were scanned to reach former inhabitants of Cihangir street by street, address by

address, and even name by name. As a result of my meticulous examination of the

directories, which took many days of work at the Ottoman Bank Archives and

Research Center, I have created lists of Cihangir’s former inhabitants, who lived in

the neighborhood in the years stated above. The common characteristic of these five

lists was that they reflected the cosmopolitan flavor of Cihangir. The majority of its

inhabitants, as the telephone directories showed, were non-Muslims until the 1970s.

The lists in the appendices of this thesis are created by me to show that Cihangir was

a truly cosmopolitan neighborhood, especially the Rums constituted a large part of

the population of the neighborhood. I also believe that the lists of names and

addresses recorded in Cihangir in these telephone directories for the years selected

provide the opportunity to make a comparison between Cihangir’s past and present

in terms of the ethnic composition of the neighborhood as well as demographic shifts

it has witnessed throughout the republican history.

In the first official telephone directory for Istanbul published in 1929, the

names of citizens or institutions settled in or around Cihangir shows that Sıraselvi

Street (currently known as Sıraselviler), a major artery uniting Cihangir to

Taksim/Beyoğlu, was a dense and cosmopolitan street with many apartments and

91

Ibid., pp.250-253. These characters are an old non-Muslim madame, mademoiselles with Japanese

umbrellas, a Karamanlis Greek madame, a French teacher, an operator doctor, a commodity exchange

inspector, an harbor dues clerk, and other residents of Cihangir. These characters reflect general

picture of Cihangir’s inhabitants, their social statuses as well as ethnic backgrounds. As it is

understood, Cihangir was an upper middle class neighborhood in Istanbul in the early twentieth

century.

56

official buildings such as embassies and consulates.92

The Belgian Embassy, for

example, still stands on the same street today. As a result, I identified 115 addresses

on Sıraselvi Street, Firuzağa, and other parts of Cihangir.93

However, most of the

addresses were on Sıraselvi Street. The reason for this might be the fact that the inner

streets of Cihangir were mostly a residential area composed of modest households

and telephone usage was presumably at lower levels in 1929. The addresses recorded

in Cihangir in this telephone directory also provide the names of apartments in the

neighborhood.

On the other hand, an important dimension of my research is that out of 115

addresses, only 22 belonged to Muslim and Turkish names. The remaining addresses

belong to non-Muslim inhabitants, foreign consulate buildings, attachés or for

example, institutions like the Italian Hospital on the Defterdar Yokuşu. This picture

is both an indicator of the multi-ethnic composition of the population in Cihangir and

the position of Sıraselviler Street as a dense place as part of cosmopolitan Pera with

many foreign offices and consulates in the late 1920s. The records in the directory

have provided not only the names of the significant apartments on Sıraselvi and

Firuzağa Streets and on other streets of Cihangir but also the names of their residents

in 1929. In addition to the apartment buildings we have identified after a study of the

Annuaire Orientals and the Pervititich Maps, the records in the 1929 telephone

directory also inform us about some other stone apartment buildings in the

neighborhood. These include apartment buildings named Callivopoulos

(Kallivopulos) and Calyonopoulos (Kalyonopulo) on Terlikçi Street (present day

92

İstanbul Telefon Türk Anonim Şirketi 16ıncı Tab’ı Telefon Rehberi-Guide Téléphonique (Istanbul

Telephone Directory), September 1929. 93

See Appendix B for a list of names and addresses identified by the author in Cihangir in the official

telephone directory for Istanbul for the year 1929. Added to Rum, Armenian, Levantine, Jewish, and

Turkish residents, cosmopolitan Cihangir was also home to foreign officials or correspondents like the

American P.A. correspondent, who lived in Tevfik Bey apartment building in firuzağa in 1929.

57

Havyar Street of Cihangir), Ahmet Cevdet Bey, Köseoğlu, Galitzi on Sıraselvi Street,

the Saadet Apartment in Sakabaşı, Kasapian and Cihangir Palas on Soğancı Street,

and the apartment buildings named Huriye Hanım, Tevfik Bey, Haydar Bey, and

Housep in Firuzağa.94

The Mehmet Ali Paşa Konağı on Tulumba Aralık Yokuşu,

which was shown on the Pervititch maps and recorded in the 1929 telephone

directory, is also an example of mansion houses in Cihangir.

As Kaygılı’s impressions on Cihangir indicate, the 1930s were the decade,

when the neighborhood’s landscape underwent changes thanks to construction of

new stone apartment buildings. This is also apparent if the 1933 Istanbul telephone

directory is scanned to have the addresses recorded in Cihangir. I have identified a

total of 116 addresses recorded in Cihangir in the 1933 telephone directory.95

These

addresses included names of many new apartment buildings on inner streets of

Cihangir as well. The Melek Apartment on Susam Street, the Mesadet Apartment in

Sakabaşı, apartment buildings named Aslan, Hilmi Bey, Hulusi Bey, Yeni Hayat,

and Çokşükür on Sıraselvi Street were some of them.96

A difference between the

addresses in Cihangir in the 1929 telephone directory and the ones in the 1933

directory was that the latter included addresses recorded in other streets of Cihangir

like Susam, Havyar, Akarsu, Güneşli, Lenger, and Bakraç. The Terlikçi Street, which

we encountered on the Pervititch maps and the 1929 telephone directory, was

recorded as Havyar Street in 1933. The 1933 Istanbul telephone directory also

included apartment buildings named Mühürdaroğlu on Güneşli Street, Şenyurt on

Havyar Street, Morfiades on Akarsu Street, and Kurtelli on Bakraç Street as well as

an apartment building called Ciyano, all in Cihangir, reflecting the developments in

94

See Appendix B. 95 İstanbul Telefon Türk Anonim ŞirketiTelefon Rehberi, 20inci Tab’ı, Teşrinevvel 1933 (Istanbul:

İstanbul Matbaacılık ve Neşriyat T. A. Ş.) 96

See Appendix C.

58

physical and demographic fabric in the neighborhood. Another detail is that

Cihangir’s famous Ege Bahçesi (Garden) was also recorded as belonging to

Alexandros Agaroglu and Anastas Theodoridis on Susam Street in the 1933

telephone directory.97

Both the 1929 and 1933 Istanbul telephone directories portray

Cihangir of the period with its cosmopolitan character as well as changing

architectural layout.98

Cihangir was a neighborhood where those, who worked in the entertainment

places in Beyoğlu lived, and brothels existed not far from the homes of a wealthy

segment of society in their luxury apartment buildings, side by side with a large

number of the city’s well-known doctor’s and dentist’s offices, special dispensaries,

and polyclinics during the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s.99

During the 1930s and the 1940s, in the high Republican period, Cihangir

reflected the general social, economic and cultural ethos as well as the demographic

structure in Istanbul. After the establishment of the Republic, the foundation of

Turkey as a nation-state, and Ankara’s rise as the new capital of the Republic,

Istanbul lost its earlier powerful status. As Keyder indicates, Ankara’s elite started to

impose on Istanbul a nationalist project and the most significant dimension of this

project was an inclination to homogenize the citizens of the new Turkish nation-state

in order to construct a new citizenship based on Turkishness. Thus, the composition

of Istanbul’s population underwent a dramatic change. Its cosmopolitanism started to

disappear. What occurred in Istanbul in general certainly was seen in Cihangir, too.

97

See Appendix C. 98

Some of the names and addresses were attached with occupations thus enabled us to have an idea on

economic and cultural level of the inhabitants. Grocery stores were integral elements of the localized

life in many mahalles or semts of Istanbul. Grocery stores owned by the Rums were also a part of

Cihangir’s cosmopolitan mahalle life. I have identified three of them in the 1933 Istanbul telephone

directory. On the other hand, guilds and small traders with their shops, other significant elements of

the local mahalle life in Cihangir, were mostly the Rums and Armenians in the neighborhood, as can

be seen in Appendix C. 99

Üsdiken, p.430.

59

Also the increasing political and economic pressures that accelerated due to the

effects of World War II in the 1940s played a significant role in Istanbul and in

Cihangir as well.

As said above, the 1942 official Istanbul telephone directory also was

scanned for this thesis to reach the demographic and physical structure of Cihangir in

that period. A total of 186 addresses recorded in Cihangir were identified in the

directory of 1942.100

Again, this telephone directory shows that new apartment

buildings were being built and therefore more streets of Cihangir were becoming

denser. It also reflected the cosmopolitan character of the neighborhood as with the

former ones. Cihangir has always been a semt, where expatriates preferred to live. It

has always been home to European researchers or travelers, who visited Istanbul and

decided to settle there. It was not a surprise for me to encounter the name of Ernest

Mamboury, famous Swiss researcher, who left his country where he used to teach art

in Lausanne and came to Istanbul in 1909, recorded as a resident of Cihan Palas

Apartment on Susam Street in Cihangir in the 1942 official telephone directory of

Istanbul.101

As an artist and topographer, Mamboury contributed the works of

archeologists in Turkey, drew some plans and building surveys for them before he

became famous as writer of city guides for Istanbul and Ankara, and taught at Lycée

de Galatasaray, the renowned French high school in Pera.102

100 T. C. Münakalat Vekaleti P. T. T. U. M. İstanbul Telefon Müdürlüğü İstanbul Telefon Rehberi,

25inci Baskı, (Istanbul: Osmanbey Matbaası, 1942). 101

See Appendix D. 102

Osmanlı Bankası Arşiv ve Araştırma Merkezi. Dönemin Topoğraf ve Haritacılarına Dair.

Available [online]: http://www.obarsiv.com/dokumantasyon/planlar/topograf_haritacilar.html [6 June

2006].

60

Turkification Process

When the new Turkish Republic was founded as a nation-state in 1923, it was

inherited an ethnically and religiously mixed population after the decline of the

Ottoman Empire. The new Republic sought to be a culturally, ethnically, religiously,

and linguistically unified body within its new boundaries, thus, employed a series of

Turkification policies, which included not only the homogenization of population

and language but also of political, cultural, and economic spheres. Thus, the new

Republic wanted to define itself as ethnically Turk and religiously Muslim.

The Turkification policies implemented by the new Turkish nation-state

during the early Republican years turned into discriminatory attitudes towards the

non-Muslims of the country. However, Istanbul was highly affected by Turkification

process because it was the centuries-old cosmopolitan capital of the multi-ethnic and

multi-religious Ottoman Empire with its Muslim and non-Muslim or Greek,

Armenian, Jew, Levantine, and other constituencies. Its deep-rooted cosmopolitan

status was accompanied with its holding of the economic power of the Empire.

As Keyder wrote, one out of every five people living in the current

boundaries of Turkey before the World War I was non-Muslim; however, this

proportion dramatically decreased and one out of every four people was non-Muslim

after the war.103

During negotiations in Lausanne, Turkey and Greece agreed on a

compulsory exchange of populations in 1922, which caused relocation of 1,200,000

Greeks from Anatolia to Greece and 450,000 Muslims from Greece to Turkey.104

Again as Keyder wrote, while the Christian population was about 450,000 in 1914 in

103

Çağlar Keyder, Türkiye’de Devlet ve Sınıflar (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2001), p. 112. 104

Ibid. p.99

61

Istanbul, it decreased to 240,000 in 1927 as the total population also declined from

one million to 700,000.105

The authorities of the new nation-state also aimed to Turkify the economy.

Trade and economic activities were mostly carried out by the non-Muslims of the

Ottoman Empire. They were the bourgeoisie of the Empire. During the early

Republican years, Ankara’s elites also attempted to increase the Muslim and Turkish

participation in economy. On the other hand, as Rifat Bali Turkification continued in

language as well. A campaign called Vatandaş Türkçe Konuş! (Citizen Speak

Turkish!) was initiated in 1928, which forced non-Muslims to speak Turkish.106

Thus, as Aktar wrote, Turkification policies of the early Republican years

were at the same time a series of anti-minority and discriminative policies.107

He

continues that Wealth Tax of the 1942 was an important “breaking point” in

Turkification process.108

It caused many non-Muslims to leave the country. About

30,000 Jews left for Israel after the discriminative property tax.109

He continues that

it was not only Jews, who left the country as a result of Turkification policies, a

comparative analysis of population census figures in terms of non-Muslims showed

that a serious erosion occurred in the overall non-Muslim population between 1927

and 1955.110

Bali also wrote by quoting from Bozkurt Güvenç that in 1945, native

language of 88 percent of the population in Turkey was Turkish, 98 percent were

Muslim, and 75 percent lived in rural areas while 25 percent lived in urban areas.111

Following the notorious Wealth Tax, the Events of 6-7 September against the

Greeks of Istanbul, which was orchestrated by the government and the legislation of

105

Keyder, “The Setting,” p. 10. 106 Rifat Bali, Bir Türkleştirme Serüveni 1923-1945 (Istanbul: İletişim Yanınları, 2000), p.135. 107

Ayhan Aktar, Varlık Vergisi ve Türkleştirme Politikaları (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2000), p.

102. 108

Ayhan Aktar, “Varlık Vergisi ve İstanbul”, Toplum ve Bilim 71, (Winter 1996), p.143. 109 Ibid. 110

Ibid. 111

Bali, Bir Türkleştirme Serüveni, p.555.

62

a decree in 1964 forcing Greek citizens to leave Istanbul were other steps within the

framework of Turkification process. Hence, as Keyder explained, when reached to

the 1980s, the number of Greeks was less than two thousand, Armenians were fifty

thousand, and Jews were twenty-five thousand.112

The Wealth Tax

The Wealth Tax (Varlık Vergisi) of 1942 reflects the character of relations

between Turkish nation-state and its non-Muslim population during the severe World

War II years. The nationalist Republican state was ideologically formed around the

conceptualization of “I” and “other” based on ethnic definitions. Accordingly, “I”

was defined as those who had ethnic identities as Turks and “other” represented

those who were not ethnic Turks, namely, the non-Muslim minorities. As Keyder

notes, in the case of Istanbul, where the bourgeoisie of the country was concentrated,

and the composition of the population underwent a considerable loss and change

during the high Republican period of 1923-1950 and significant changes began to

occur towards the end of World War II.113

The Varlık Vergisi was, without a doubt, a

turning point that paved the way for these major changes.

Turkey had remained neutral in World War II, but it took severe wartime

measures that later caused many of the non-Muslims of Istanbul to leave the city. For

Keyder, Istanbul was deprived of a large number of its businessmen, merchants,

artisans, and shopkeepers as a result of the changing composition of Istanbul’s

population, specifically during the first two decades of the Republican period.114

The

112 Keyder, “The Setting,” p.11. 113

Ibid. 114

Ibid.

63

Varlık Vergisi of 1942 was a wartime measure taken by the Turkish government.

World War II had severe effects on the standard of living in Turkey. The war years

meant shortages for many citizens. However, some groups exploited the wartime

conditions and benefited from the black market and these shortages. Thus, the

Turkish government introduced Law No. 4304 on capital property, namely the Varlık

Vergisi on November 11, 1942, as a reaction against the wartime profiteers.115

Called

“war-rich” (harp zenginleri), some agents, wholesalers and retailers as well as those

dealing with imports and exports benefited from the black market and accumulated

considerable amounts of wealth in a very short time in the big cities. Although in

official declarations the aim of the Varlık Vergisi was stated as to tax the speculative

profits during the extraordinary conditions of the war II, Ayhan Aktar argues that the

wartime tax was an important implementation because it had not only economic but

also political and cultural dimensions.116

Described by Keyder as a “xenophobic

move”, the imposition of the Varlık Vergisi by Turkish government heavily on non-

Muslims caused a large number of Jews and Greek businessmen to leave the

country.117

As part of the general economic, political and cultural Turkification

process in Turkey and specifically in Istanbul, the Varlık Vergisi was an example of

nationalist policies against non-Muslims in the Single Party Era (1923-1950) in

Turkey.118

Aktar also stresses that the Varlık Vergisi showed the severest impacts in

Istanbul. Seventy percent of the whole Varlık Vergisi was paid by Istanbul.119

In 1942, three committees were formed in Istanbul to determine amounts of

tax. The committees subjectively determined non-Muslim groups according to their

115

Erik J. Zürcher, Turkey: A Modern History (London, new York: I.B. Tauris&Co Ltd Publishers,

1998), p.208. 116

Aktar, Varlık Vergisi ve Türkleştirme Politikaları, p.135. 117 Keyder, “The Setting,” pp.11-12. 118

Aktar, “Varlık Vergisi ve İstanbul,” pp. 97-147. 119

Ibid., p.100.

64

surnames and the payments had to be completed within 15 days.120

Those, who were

unable to pay the tax, were subjected to confiscation of their properties and some of

them were sentenced to forced labor and sent to work camps.121

Thirty-two non-

Muslim businessmen, who had a tax debt of 50,000, were accused of not-supporting

their country in its hard times and arrested on January 27, 1943.122

They were sent to

a labor camp in Aşkale, Erzurum, in Eastern Anatolia. Following this first group of

thirty-two, eleven other groups were also sent to Aşkale, which is a very cold area,

during February, March, April, June, and July of 1943.123

According to Faik Ökte,

the Istanbul Chamberlain, who managed the implementation of the Varlık Vergisi in

Istanbul, non-Muslims were taxed disproportionately compared with the amount of

their actual property.124

According to Aktar, Muslims paid only the 13 percent of the entire Varlık

Vergisi and non-Muslims constituted the 87 percent of total taxpayers.125

Thus, there

was discrimination between Turks and non-Muslims in collection of the Varlık

Vergisi. Many non-Muslims could not pay their taxes and they had to sell their

possessions at lower prices than their actual value. Again, properties of some, those

who could not pay the tax, were confiscated by the government.126

Also, the press of

the time had a discourse against the Jews, Armenians, and Greeks of Istanbul, which

Aktar mentions as propaganda of the Varlık Vergisi.

As a result of the notorious wealth levy, a large number of Jews, Armenians,

and Greeks left Istanbul because the tax was implemented on a discriminative basis

120

Ibid., p.106 121

Ibid. 122

Alexandris, p.222. 123 Aktar, Varlık Vergisi ve Türkleştirme Politikaları, p.216. 124

Faik Ökte, Varlık Vergisi Faciası (Istanbul: Nebioğlu Yayınevi, 1951). 125

Aktar, Varlık Vergisi ve Türkleştirme Politikaları, p.154. 126

Ibid. Aktar conducted an archival research on property sales to pay the Varlık Vergisi. His research

was based on the records in Tapu Sicil Müdürlükleri (Offices of the Register of Title Deeds) in

Beyoğlu-Şişli, Eminönü, Kadıköy, Fatih, Adalar districts of Istanbul. Today, it is not possible to reach

these records again.

65

among Turks and the non-Muslims.127

Rich Turks were taxed at lower levels than

Jews, Armenians and Greeks. Compared with Armenians and Greeks, Jews were the

ones who were most heavily affected by the tax. Thus, about 30,000 Jews left for

Israel during 1948 and 1949 as a result of the discriminative Varlık Vergisi.128

The

Varlik Vergisi also had severe effects on the Greeks in Istanbul. Both the Greek

Orthodox Turkish Nationals and the Hellene Greeks, who had important roles in

commercial and cultural life in Istanbul, were heavily taxed. As a result of the Varlık

Vergisi, Greeks’ confidence in Turkish state was shaken. Although the Varlık

Vergisi was abolished later on March 15, 1944, a total amount of 315,000,000 TL

had been collected, 280, 000, 00 TL of which had been paid by non-

Muslims.129

Aktar argues that the Varlık Vergisi was a breaking point within the

Turkification process that began in the early years of the Republic.

During my ethnographic study, I tried to search for effects of the Varlık

Vergisi in Cihangir. Although it was shown by Aktar that many non-Muslim

businessmen in Beyoğlu were taxed heavily, I have not encountered any information

specifically on Cihangir. However, since Cihangir was part of Beyoğlu, and some of

the non-Muslims, who had businesses in Beyoğlu were residing in Cihangir, it might

be said that some wealthier non-Muslims living in Cihangir might have been affected

by the tax. During the interviews with my informants, who are aged more than 70, I

specifically asked about the Varlık Vergisi but only some of them, those who could

remember it, told a few sentences. For example, Mr. Giovanni Scognamillo, a real

Istanbullian, a Levantine, who was born in Pera and spent his entire life there, except

for the last nine years in Cihangir, told me his father was also taxed for 250 TL,

127

Salkım Hanım’ın Taneleri (Mrs. Salkım’s Necklace), a novel by Yılmaz Karakoyunlu, is about the

episode of Varlık Vergisi in Turkey between the years 1942 and 1944. 128

Aktar, “Varlık Vergisi ve İstanbul,” p.143. 129

Alexandris, p.233.

66

which was a considerable amount of money at that time, and one of his relatives had

to sell his two-floor villa in order to pay for the tax. “Of course, we experienced the

Varlık Vergisi. Some Jewish families, whom we had friendly relationships, were also

substantially affected,” Mr. Scognamillo said.130

During my interview with Mr.

Yannis Y., who is 75, I also asked whether his family was affected by the Varlık

Vergisi or he knew of any acquaintances, whom were affected by it. Mr. Y., who is a

member of Turkey’s remaining Rum community and a real Cihangirli gentleman,

told me in a very kind tone that they were not very rich at that time so the tax did not

affected them much but almost all properties were taken from the hands of the non-

Muslim businessmen. He continued that he had some acquaintances, who were

affected by the tax and added those, who could not pay the tax were sent to camps in

Aşkale. Also Mr. Feridun D., who is 72 and has spent his entire life in Cihangir,

recalls the period, when the Wealth Tax was implemented as a war time measure and

said,

Those who could not pay the Wealth Tax were exiled to Aşkale. There were

people, who went there from Cihangir as well but I cannot say ‘that many

people went from this or that street’. I heard that people went there from

Beyoğlu. Meanwhile, there were those, who could save themselves by selling

their buildings for not to go to Aşkale but those, who could not pay broke

stones in working camps etc.131

The 6-7 September Riots and Cihangir: Narratives of Testimony

As Dilek Güven argues the Events of September 6-7 in Turkey should be

analyzed as part of Turkish nation-state’s nationalization process of the economic life

130

Giovanni Scognamillo, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. Tabii

Varlık Vergisini biz yaşadık. Bizim tanıdık dost Musevi aileleri de vardı. Onlar da etkilendiler

oldukça. 131

Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

67

and policy of ethnic homogenization within the general framework of a shift from

multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire to Turkish nation-state.132

The second half of the 1950s in Turkey was a period that saw the end of the

multiethnic coexistence in Istanbul because the 6-7 September riots were a

watershed. During the 1950s and the 1960s, the Cyprus question was a prominent

problem for Turkey. It had serious impacts on non-Muslims living in Turkey. At the

night of September 6, Turkish mobs destroyed and looted both movable and

immovable properties of Rums in Istanbul, Izmir and partly in Ankara. As Toprak

indicates, the incidents that started as riots against Greece regarding the Cyprus

dispute had turned into a merciless antagonism against property and wealth by

overweening crowds.133

The rule of Democratic Party (DP) in Turkey towards the middle of the 1950s

was faced with economic problems. Both within the DP and in Turkish society,

opposition to the government was increasing. The government tried to attract the

public opinion’s attention to foreign affairs.134

Thus, the Cyprus conflict turned into a

national clause in Turkey. The island of Cyprus was leased by the Ottoman Empire

to Britain in 1878 in accordance with the Treaty of Berlin. In 1914, Cyprus had

become a British colony. However; in 1954, Greek government had claimed the

island of Cyprus as part of Greece.135

Turkey also was claiming the sovereignty of

the island back. On the other side, incidents of terror in Cyprus had increased and

more Cypriot Turks were being victimized day by day.136

As a result, negotiations

for the future of Cyprus began in London on 27 August 1955. As negotiations

132 Dilek Güven, Cumhuriyet Dönemi Azınlık Politikaları Bağlamında 6-7 Eylül Olayları, trans. Bahar

Şahin (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 2005), p.3. 133

Zafer Toprak, “Altı-Yedi Eylül Olayları”, Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, 1 (1993), p.213. 134

Ibid. 135 Enosis, the Greek word for union, described the Greek government’s claim of a union, in which

Cyprus was part of Greece. 136

Toprak, “Altı-Yedi Eylül Olayları,” p.213.

68

between the Great Britain, Greece and Turkey continued, the 6-7 September riots

erupted in Istanbul. Instigated by the reports that a bomb had been exploded near the

house of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Turkey, in Salonica,

Turkish mobs attacked non-Muslim properties in Istanbul. Manipulated by the

government, the riots first began as student demonstrations expressing nationalistic

feelings regarding the Cyprus issue but they suddenly turned into a pogrom against

the Rum properties, businesses, and institutions with vandalistic drives by Turkish

mobs.

Indeed, before the Events of 6-7 September in 1955, the political and social

atmosphere was manipulated by the Turkish press. Although the Rums of Turkey,

who were also Turkish citizens, had no connection with what was happening in

Cyprus, the press of the time openly provoked Turks against the Rum citizens of

Turkey. Incidents began on 6 September after the second edition of İstanbul Ekspres,

which was widely known to be the press organ of Menderes government, and

Hürriyet daily wrote in big fonts in their headlines that Atatürk’s house in Salonica

was attacked with a bomb. Demonstrations by students were followed by gatherings

of several mobs specifically in Taksim towards the evening. Within a few hours, the

mobs with staves and stones attacked the shops that belonged to the Rum citizens in

Beyoğlu and Karaköy. In addition to plundering and house burning, rapes and attacks

against churches and cemeteries also took place. Not only the Rum properties but

also all shops belonging to non-Muslims were ruined. All the property inside the

shops was looted. Istiklal Street (Grande Rue de Pera), the main shopping street of

Istanbul, was pillaged in one night. The next morning, Istiklal Street was covered

with pieces of glass, clothes, smashed white goods, rolled down and burned

automobiles, and other goods, all were belonging to the wrecked shops on Pera. As

69

Toprak writes, “Beyoğlu was as if a pillaged enemy mahalle that night.”137

Two of

each three shops on İstiklal Street were completely ruined.138

The Turkish army took the control of the incidents only after the midnight.

Martial Law was declared in Istanbul on the night of September 6. As a result, a total

of 5,538 shops and houses were attacked, looted, burned and destroyed; two

monasteries and 71 churches were devastated; some graves in non-Muslim

cemeteries were destroyed; spiritual leaders were threatened, attacked, and one of

them was killed.139

As Alexandris indicates, some human causalities and rapes

occurred in the suburbs along the Bosphorus and other remote parts of Istanbul.140

The Democratic Party government, which instigated the Events of 6-7

September but refused any involvement, later accused the communists of plotting the

whole incident. However, the DP leaders were later found guilty of inciting the

Turkish population against the Rums and the other non-Muslims in Turkey during

the Cyprus dispute. On the other side, the press of the time had openly provoked the

riots.

As Alexandris, who was also born in Cihangir, states, the riots of 6-7

September 1955 and continuation of an anti-Greek campaign signified the beginning

of the end of the historic Greek speaking Orthodox community in Turkey. The result

was a considerable exodus of Istanbullian Greeks. Many Greeks with Turkish

nationality sold their property and left the country.141

It was a considerable exodus.

The number of Rums dramatically declined after the Events of 6-7 September 1955.

137

Ibid., p.214. O gece Beyoğlu sanki talan edilmiş bir düşman mahallesiydi. 138

Ibid. 139 Ibid. 140

Alexandris, p.257-258. 141

Ibid., p.270.

70

While there were 80,000 Greek-speaking people in Turkey in 1955, the number fell

to 65,000 in 1960 and to 48,096 in 1965.142

Keyder also wrote that the number of Greeks declined from 5.2 percent to 2.0

percent of Istanbul’s population in the second half of the 1950s.143

Many Greeks

living in Beyoğlu district and around left Turkey after the severe Events of 6-7

September against the non-Muslims of Turkey. It is obvious that Cihangir, which is a

neighborhood within the borders of Beyoğlu and was mostly populated by Rums at

that time, was also affected by these events that targeted, indeed, non-Muslims of

Istanbul as a whole.

The Events of 6-7 September that had first started on İstiklal Caddesi and

other streets of Beyoğlu had spread almost all neighborhoods of Istanbul, specifically

to all mahalles, where Rums used to reside. All of a sudden, the mobs, which passed

through the streets of Cihangir, Firuağa, Tarlabaşı, Talimhane, and Karaköy,

destroyed the Rum houses and shops there. During my research, I tried to find any

written sources and photographs regarding the Events of 6-7 September specifically

and directly in Cihangir; however, I failed. I later encountered Orhan Koloğlu’s

column in Milliyet daily newspaper on 3 September 2000 while I was searching

about the issue on the Internet. Koloğlu’s column was about his eye-witness account

of the incidents in Beyoğlu:

When the security forces took control of the situation before dawn, we

returned our home by walking on a way, which was covered with

clothes/fabrics in bunches, underclothes, furs, and rugs. They were torn down

and had got muddy. We were exhausted... When I entered to my flat in

Cihangir, I saw that our Rum neighbors had taken refugee with us.

Astonishingly, there was a multiplication sign made with soot on their door,

which was next to us, but not on ours.144

142

Ibid., p.291. 143 Keyder, “A Tale of Two Neighborhoods” p. 175. 144

Orhan Koloğlu. 9 March 2000. 6/7 Eylül Gecesi Beyoğlu’nda. Available [Online]:

http://www.milliyet.com.tr/2000/09/03/yasam/zkologlu.html [20 December 2006].

71

Even the above quotation from Koloğlu’s column can tell us about the

situation and the psychology of the Rum inhabitants in Cihangir as with the other

Rum neighborhoods of Istanbul. Other than Koloğlu’s experience, I could find some

information about what had happened in Cihangir at 6 September 1955 night in

Selim İleri’s books. İleri, who is a writer and a significant figure in modern Turkish

literature, had lived in Cihangir between 1954 and 1964. He recalls the Events of 6-7

September and the resulting damage in Cihangir as well. In some of his books, he

narrates what he remembers regarding those terrible days.145

The following quotation

from one of his books also describes the situation in Cihangir after the riots:

...Just then the mob reached our street. They were breaking the windows of

the houses, harassing the minority citizens, and even harassing some of the

Turks when they attempted to protest. A big panic. My father had attempted

to interfere. My mother’s cries...we were waiting together with trembles.

Finally, the mob left the street. It is a big scandal of the Bayar-Menderes

period. When we went out to the street the next day, we saw our butcher

Todori was crying in front of a demolished shop...146

Other then these written experiences, it was difficult for me to reach more

written sources on whether or not the houses and the shops of non-Muslims,

specifically the Rums, living in Cihangir was damaged during the pogrom on 6-7

September. As for photographs, perhaps, there might have been some photographs of

Cihangir taken after the incidents in some family albums but it was people’s privacy

and the issue was so sensitive. Thus, I applied to secondary sources, which are oral

histories. Through in depth-interviews with old Cihangirlis, I was able to collect

some stories of eye-witnessing of the events in Cihangir. However, as I said, the

issue was a sensitive one and people were sometimes refraining from giving much

detail. Still, I believe, the stories my informants told me constitute considerable

information and sheds light on what happened in Cihangir on 6-7 September 1955.

145

See, for example, Selim İleri, Gramafon Hala Çalıyor (Istanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 1995). 146

Selim İleri, Anılar:Issız ve Yağmurlu, (Istanbul:Doğan Kitap, 2002), p.22.

72

For example, Melahat Ü., one of my old Cihangirli informants, told me that

during the Events of 6-7 September, some Turks protected their Rum neighbors from

the attacks by hiding them in their houses. She said she had helped one of her Rum

neighbors in Cihangir during 6 September night: “Madam Sophia was so scared. Her

husband was a Turk. Sophia Teyze was old. I told her ‘Sophia Teyze, don’t worry,

come and stay with us.’ She had stayed at us that day.” 147

Mihael Vassiliadis, executive editor in chief of Istanbul’s eighty-one year-old

Greek newspaper Apoyevmatini, also described how Cihangir was damaged during

the Events of 6-7 September. Although Mr. Vassiliadis and his family were living in

Tarlabaşı during the incidents, he knows what happened in Cihangir.

Cihangir was highly damaged on 6 September. Of course...If had not the

houses were entered and destroyed, their windows and so on were broken

from the outside considerably. Of course the mobs that reached there

(Cihangir) were not Istanbullians. Our Turkish friends there (Cihangir) helped

us. Our neighbors, who were settled in Cihangir, helped us and tried to

protect us. But, unfortunately, I do not believe that it was so successful.148

During my interview with Mr. Vassiliadis, who witnessed and experienced

the Events of 6-7 September, he told how their house had been protected by a Turk

and how the same person later had been involved in the attacks against the other

Rum houses and shops around:

I was living in Tarlabaşı during the period of 6-7 September. The doorkeeper

of our house was so interesting. Mehmet Efendi...We went inside the home

and shut the door. He said Mihael, now run and go inside the house etc. I was

fifteen or so at that time. He shut the door. He waited in front of the door with

a Turkish flag in his hand. He said to those, who came to attack our house,

“There are no gavurs here, all people here are Muslims,” et cetera. And after

all that crowd passed by and our house was rescued, he opened the door, put

the flag inside, shut the door and began to crush and smash the Rums houses

and shops ahead. Mehmet Efendi, who rescued us...Very strange, isn’t it? In

147

Melahat Ü., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Madam Sophia çok korkmuştu. Kocası Türk idi. Yaşlıydı Sofia Teyze. “Sofia Teyze, korkma gel

bize,” demiştim. Bizde kalmıştı o gün. 148

Mihalis Vassiliadis, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, 30 March 2006.

Apoyevmatini Newspaper, Istanbul, Turkey.

73

fact, it is no strange. Because for Mehmet Efendi, we were people, who he

knew; were Mihael and Madam Katina for him. We used to have

shopping...he used to make our shopping, take his tip and so forth. He used to

know that we were good people so he protected us. But he did not know those

living ahead. Those living ahead were only Rums for him. And what Rum

meant inside his memory was an enemy that was imposed in his memory. So

he faced the enemy. That entire crowd was either people, who were

brainwashed, or looters.149

As is seen in the case of the doorkeeper of the apartment building, where Mr.

Vassiliadis used to reside, during the attacks, some Turks helped some Rums, whom

they used to know and have neighborly relations with; however, the same Turks

might also attack non-Muslims, whom they did not know. However, there were also

some neighbors that denounced their non-Muslim neighbors and in this way led the

attackers easily find the apartments, where non-Muslims resided.150

My informant Ms. Aysel Y., who is a Cihangirli for fifty years, had also lived

the Events of 6-7 September; however, not in Cihangir but in Tarabya (Therapia).

Ms. Y is a Cretan-origin lady and her mother was an Armenian, who was living in

Çorbacı Street in Tarlabaşı. As Ms. Y. told me:

I personally lived through the 6-7 September. I used to reside in Çorbacı

Street in Tarlabaşı at that time; however, on the night that incidents took

place we were in a summer house in Tarabya (Therapia). The İstiklal Street

was covered with clothes from end to end. These are not kind of things that

are explainable. The Tarabya Hotel was wooden. They burned it. There was a

church near it. The flames rising from the church were forming

phosphorescence in the sea...That night was very bad. We used to have a

summer house, a wooden house in Tarabya. They came with sticks with fire

on top of them. Then we understood that the house we were staying was a

priest’s house so they came to burn it. My grandfather went out to door and

shouted at that crowd. He had already hung a Turkish flag. The owners of the

house Madam Olga and her husband were then gratefully prayed for my

grandfather.151

149

Mihael Vassiliadis, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, 30 March 2006.

Apoyevmatini Newspaper, Istanbul, Turkey. 150

Güven, p.24. 151

Aysel Y., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March 2006.

74

Also during my interview with İleri at Hürriyet Newspaper, he also told me

his experience of the incidents in Cihangir:

We used to live in an apartment building called Ümit-Nüvit in Kumrulu

Yokuşu in Cihangir between 1954 and 1964... I remember very clearly. On 6

September night, indeed in the eventide, some incidents erupted inside the

city. In fact, there was a tension that had started a few days ago. Reports came

that the house that Atatürk was born in Salonica was bombed and this echoed

in the press. An indignation occurred. A reaction occurred but although it was

a reaction at the political and diplomatic level at the beginning, it suddenly

turned out to be highly serious street riots in all around Istanbul in 6

September eventide. And these movements had occurred in Sirkeci when we

heard about them; however, we heard that they had soon started to take place

in Beyoğlu as well. But they had not spread to Cihangir yet at that moment.

Later, it appeared that masses in the form of mobs, vagabond mobs, had

marched and disarrayed Beyoğlu. Telephone did not exist at homes in those

years. It was not a widespread communication medium as it is today. But we

had telephone and our grandmother called us from Kadıköy. Everyone (he

refers to his neighbors in Cihangir) came to our house and phoned each other

and informed each other etc.152

He continued:

I can tell you an anecdote regarding our mahalle, our street. At that time,

there used to be an association called as, I am not so sure, Kıbrıs Türk

Cemiyeti or something like that...That association was issuing a periodical.

We had many of that periodical at home. On the cover of the periodical, there

was a green island on a red background and a Turkish flag in the middle of

the island. Just such an illustration and there was the name of the periodical

written on it. My father cut all the covers of these periodicals at home and

pasted them on all houses in our street. Especially on the houses of our Rum

friends, that’s to say to each apartment, next to us, opposite to us... A very old

lady used to reside in our opposite apartment building. She was Turkish and

Muslim. Only her apartment was not hung a cover page of the periodical. Not

on purpose but just she was already a Muslim and a Turk. At a late hour in

the evening, after the dinner, like 08:30-09:00, one of those rowdy and

unrestrained crowds passed through the entire Cihangir and burned and

destroyed every corner of Cihangir. I mean, it is an incredible ravage issue.

But our street was extricated. Probably they thought the entire street of us

were Turk. However, only the windows of that old lady, the house of that old

lady was destroyed, despite the cries of that poor woman and in front of the

eyes of the entire mahalle...She was Turk, an old woman, but (the crowd) was

so off the rails, it could neither understand the Turk, nor the Rum, the

Christian...A mob... That is to say, it was an event reflecting the crooked

nature of the human being, the dark side of the human soul.153

152

Selim İleri, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, 4 April 2006. 153

Ibid.

75

As İleri told me, the Savoy patisserie, a renowned Rum patisserie in Cihangir,

was also damaged by the mobs. İleri’s observations and impressions of the looted

Savoy patisserie and some streets of Cihangir on 7 September afternoon are as

follows:

My personal eye-witnessing occurred when I was taken outside in the

afternoon on the next day. It was a patisserie that I favored very much, the

Savoy Patisserie...The entire vitrine of it, everything was destroyed. And

cream-cakes, creams, ice-creams, they were all thrown on the ground; they

had been melted and thawed...It was a terrible picture. I was seeing ice-cream

with cherry, which is a very beautiful thing, was bleeding, as if it really was

blood. Of course it was not blood but when it is thought together with the

incidents, it was something that caused a sense of blood in me. We walked up

to Beyoğlu after passing in front of Savoy. Streets in Cihangir were full of

bricks, pieces of glass and window frames. Even, some streets were in a state

that one could not pass. Not a street anymore but a place of uproar...Think of

a photograph of a city that saw bombardment in the World War II, streets of

the some part of Cihangir was in such a condition. Except our street...And the

main reason that our street was not attacked was those journal covers.

Otherwise, our street would also be ruined. And indeed, a house was attacked.

However, other houses were destroyed very badly, I mean, it was a dreadful

event.154

Regarding the damage of the Rum properties in Cihangir, many of my

informants said the same thing that the mobs passed through the streets of the

neighborhood, damaged some shops but they did not attacked the houses. Another

interviewee of mine is Mr. Erol İ., who is an old coiffeur in Cihangir. Mr. İ was born

in Çukurcuma, a historic quarter adjacent to Cihangir, and spent his entire life in the

neighborhood until he moved to Kurtuluş (Tatavla) recently. He has been a well-

known coiffeur in Cihangir since the early 1960s and most of his customers were

Rum madames, mademoiselles as well as other non-Muslim ladies of the

neighborhood in those years. Upon my question whether he remembers what

happened in Cihangir during 6 September evening and night, he replied:

They plundered the shops in Beyoğlu. Clothes etc. were all on the ground. It

was something directed to non-Muslim tradesmen. My mother had told our

154

Ibid.

76

neighbor that ‘don’t worry; you can come to us’. That is to say, they were our

neighbors. There were those, who came in front of the mahalle but they

failed, they could not do much things. I mean they destroyed Beyoğlu. I do

not understand, what was the guilt of the Rums here? The majority was Rum

here. There were Rums before the time of Mehmet II. Many left after the 6-7

September.155

Mr. Scognamillo, a Levantine, who was born to an Italian family in Pera in

1929, and has been living in Cihangir for nine years, also said Cihangir was not

damaged much during the incidents:

6-7 September did not affect Cihangir much. It affected Beyoğlu and

Tarlabaşı. It affected Rum churches in Beyoğlu. Beyoğlu was an area that

was in the hands of foreigners and minorities since its genesis. Let’s say it

was a free zone. After the Events of 6-7 September and later the deportation

of Rums in 1964, the identity of Beyoğlu and some certain neighborhoods

including Cihangir and Tarlabaşı changed suddenly. We might even date it

back to the internal migration. Internal migrations changed the identity not

only of Beyoğlu but of the entire Istanbul. When the Events of 6-7 September

erupted, I was in the Kallavi (Glavany) Street in Beyoğlu. Even, I walked

about the İstiklal Street with my father for a while.156

Although some of my informants indicated that the attacks against the Rum

inhabitants and their property occurred in Cihangir as well, although not as severe as

those happened in Pera, some other people, whom I interviewed with were unable to

give any information about what had happened in Cihangir at 6 September night

because they said they were not there at that time.

Feridun D., who is a Cihangirli for 72 years and the owner of the historic Üç

Yıldız candy shop, which is open in the historic Balık Pazarı, the fish market in

Pera/Beyoğlu since 1926, is also one my informants about Cihangir. Mr. Feridun D.,

who lives in Havyar Street in Cihangir, said Cihangir’s demographic structure was

highly affected by the Events of 6-7 September and especially the 1964 decree for

155

Erol İ., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 156

Giovanni Scognamillo, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. The

Kallavi Street, where Mr. Scognamillo had lived for some years was actually called the Glavany

Street. The replacement of Glavany with Kallavi is also an indicator of Turkfication of street and

apartment names in Istanbul.

77

the deportation of the Greeks in Istanbul. He continued that many of their neighbors

gradually left the neighborhood after these events. As for the 6 September 1955, he

said:

I directly experienced the 6-7 September here (fish market, Beyoğlu). I

cannot know what happened in Cihangir on 6 September because I was in my

work place. I had to protect my work place although I am a Turk because

news came that even we had to close our shop. Of course, we did not close

the shop, we waited here, in front of the shop to prevent the looters.157

Upon my question whether he saw the situation of the streets of Cihangir, Mr.

D. continued:

It is not possible to abstract Cihangir from Beyoğlu. Perhaps, it would be

more accurate if we say what was done in Beyoğlu was also done in Cihangir

and specifically in whatever neighborhoods, where the Rum citizens lived.

They were also attacked in the same way as Beyoğlu was. I closed the shop at

around 00:00-01:00 a.m. and went to Cihangir. Of course, I was not much

aware of what happened (in Cihangir) in that darkness of the night.158

However, he continued to describe what he witnessed during the 6 September

night in the historic fish market:

There was a sidewalk of about 10 centimeters reaching to the point, where

that leakage is seen now (he points to a leakage on the street) in our Balık

Pazarı. The center of the way (street) had risen by about half a meter from the

sidewalk that day, at 6 September night, towards the midnight. In it (the

mess), there were whatever comes to your mind...Olive smell, olive oil smell,

cheeses that had turned into a mess...Pickles and so on...Beyoğlu’s Balık

Pazar is a prominent market therefore the vibrancy here is more different. I

mean, the locals of here are people, who love to eat and drink. Armenians,

Jews, Rums or Turks. Generally, select people used to come here for

shopping. The shops were also full. Naturally, the shops that were mostly

damaged were those owned by non-Muslims here.159

Some also said that Cihangir was not affected much by the attacks because

Cihangir was a residential area and there were not many commercial places or shops

in the neighborhood. For example, Şakir P., who has been a Cihangirli for 55 years,

157 Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 158

Ibid. 159

Ibid.

78

said the Events of 6-7 September did not occur in Cihangir because the looters did

not come to Cihangir: “What will happen if they had come here, there were no shops

hereabouts. Their aim was to take the commodities in the shop windows. That is to

say, they looted. ”160

On a rainy February afternoon in 2006, I made a visit to Savoy Patisserie.

There, I had the chance to meet with six Istanbullian Rums, three of whom were old

Cihangirlis. I learned that those old friends used to come together at Savoy on some

days of the week, mostly in the afternoons, and enjoy time together. There, we talked

about Cihangir, the Events of 6-7 September, and some other issues as well. I asked

Mr. Yannis Y., who is 75 years-old and has been living in Cihangir for about 65

years, whether Cihangir was damaged during the incidents. As he replied: “They did

not enter the houses but the shops were looted. However, even rapes occurred in

some other places, you know. No such event happened in Cihangir. Only the shops

were attacked and messed up, windows were broken, and properties were seized and

so on.”161

He continued:

There were, of course, shops in Cihangir. Because trade was mostly carried

out by non-Muslims, their shops were looted at that night. Of course, in

Cihangir, too. Streets...I cannot say they were like those of Beyoğlu but

refrigerators, you know, things inside were outside. There was the Cyprus

clause at that time. 6-7 September riots had impact on the departures, of

course, but that did not happened all at once. Decreased (number of the Rums

in Cihangir and in Istanbul) for years... and we have reached to present day.162

Two Rum ladies who also lived through the incidents were sting with us.

They were Cihangirlis but they had witnessed the incidents in different places. Ms.

160 Şakir P., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, June 2006. Buraya gelseler ne

olacak ki, buralarda dükkan yok. Onların amaçları vitrinlerdeki malları götürmekti. Yani yağma

yaptılar. 161

Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. Evlere girmediler

ama dükkanlar yağmalandı. Ama başka yerlerde tecavüzler de oldu biliyorsun. Cihangirde böyle bir

olay olmadı. Yalnız dükkanlara girildi, talan oldu, camlar kırıldı, mallar gasp edildi veasire. 162

Ibid.

79

Yoanna Z., who had moved to Cihangir after the Events of 6-7 September, was a

teacher at the Rum Zapyon secondary school before. In fact, she was from

Arnavutköy, a neighborhood on the Bosphorus where the Greeks of Istanbul also

used to reside. Ms. Z. said she had personally lived through the incidents. She had

seen how all the windows of famous Odeon store in Beyoğlu were broken. She

continues:

We were living in Arnavutköy at that time. That night, my elder brother did

not return home. He was in Beşiktaş that day. He had joined that crowd so

that no one would understand...In that way, he had protected himself....That

night was the worst night in our lives. They attacked our house in

Arnavutköy, with sticks in their hands. We had German neighbors. They

protected us...I got married in 1956 and moved to Cihangir. My brother left

Turkey with his family. But I have stayed.163

Another Rum lady at our table was Ms. Yoanna B., who told me that she had

been grown up in Cihangir. She said her elder brother was affected by the incidents.

As she told me, he son lives in Bulgaria and her daughter lives in Greece today. She

had witnessed the incidents in Büyükada, one of the Princess Islands on the Marmara

Sea. She said that she had seen the crowds that appeared on the wharf that night.164

As understood from the testimonies of my informants, Cihangir was not

affected by the Events of 6-7 September in the same way as Beyoğlu and Tarlabaşı.

However, although the houses were not attacked in the neighborhood, shops that

belonged to Rums and other non-Muslim inhabitants were plundered. Thus, as with

the other non-Muslim mahalles of Istanbul, Cihangir was also subjected to attacks.

Following this regrettable event in modern Turkey’s history, many non-Muslims left

Turkey. In the case of Cihangir, many Rum families sold their houses at below

market prices and left Turkey, if not immediately after the incidents, within the

following years. During my interviews, many of my informants referred the Events

163

Yoanna Z., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 164

Yoanna B., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

80

of 6-7 September as the starting point of Rum families’ departure from Cihangir.

“People sold their houses at the given price and escaped,” said an old Cihangirli.165

Again Mr. Y, one of the remaining Rums in the neighborhood, said: “Fifty or sixty

years ago, non-Muslims constitute the eighty percent in Cihangir. After those

incidents, you know, after the Events of 6-7 September, ekalliyet (minorities)

left...Ninety-nine percent of them left.”166

As Selim İleri expresses, Cihangir’s fabric began to change with the departure

of its non-Muslim inhabitants, specifically the Rums, after the regrettable Events of

6-7 September:

Of course, a change, a transformation began in the fabric of Cihangir after

this event. It did not begin immediately but within a few years three-fourths

of our Rum citizens had to leave the country in tears. Not all of them

immediately after the incidents but within a few years, gradually, a very small

number of Rums remained in Cihangir...My friend Yannis...They were our

next-door neighbors. A genuinely sad departure happened. I mean, it has kept

its effect on me for years. Today, I still remember that event with the same

feeling of sadness. Many people left. Those, who has not left were generally

those, who reached an old age and mostly the widowed madams. They had no

place to go. Starting a new life...She would go to Athens...However, she was

a true born Istanbullian...167

Today, there are still some abandoned houses in Cihangir. These houses once

belonged to the members of Rum community in the neighborhood before they left it.

The date 6-7 September 1955 was a watershed that caused many Rums to leave

Istanbul gradually in the following years. As Vincent Boland from the Financial

Times wrote in report:

Walking the pleasant district of Cihangir in central Istanbul now, where much

of the community lived, one sees houses on every other street standing empty

even as the neighborhood undergoes rapid gentrification. These are the homes

165

Aysel Y., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March 2006.

İnsanlar evlerini yok pahasına satıp kaçtılar. 166

Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Şimdi bundan 50 sene yahut 60 sene evvel Cihangirde yüzde 80 gayrimüslimdi. İşte, o olaylardan

sonra, biliyorsun, 6-7 Eylülden sonra ekalliyet gitti. 167

Selim İleri, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, 4 April 2006.

81

of Greek families who fled after 1955, and that now exist in a kind of legal

limbo awaiting some resolution which is not forthcoming.168

During my research about the effects of 6-7 September riots in Cihangir, I

also scanned Fahri Çoker’s private photograph archive, which was published as a

book.169

Çoker’s archive is composed of photographs taken during and after the

incidents and some official documents. I looked for any photographs of Cihangir

taken at that time; however, I could not see any. However, I noticed that the name of

the neighborhood was noted under two photographs, which show the attackers. The

following note was written under one of these two photographs: “X Son of driver

Aziz in Cihangir.”170

The word Cihangir also appeared under the other photograph.

This time the note was saying: “X Driver Çetin is in the coffehouse-45- on the corner

of the way that goes up to Cihangir.”171

Thus, based on the narratives of my old Cihangirli informants and the little

written information I have found elsewhere, I argue that Cihangir’s cosmopolitan

history and the demographic shifts it has experienced starting from the second half of

the 1950s cannot be understood without referring to the Events of 6-7 September

1955. The 6-7 September riots already constituted a watershed in Republican history

and entire Turkey. First of all, they caused non-Muslims of Turkey to feel

disappointed about the Republic of Turkey. They lost their trust in the state and felt

themselves as if they were not recognized as citizens of Turkey. Second, the mass

migration of Orthodox-Greeks, Armenians and Jews from Turkey caused multiethnic

and multi-religious fabric to disappear specifically in Istanbul. Still, in the case of

168

Vincent Boland. 6 September 2005. Turkey Under Pressure to Reopen Patriarchal Seminary.

Available [online]: http://www.orthodoxnews.netfirms.com/188/Reopen.htm [11 October 2006]. 169

6-7 Eylül Olayları, Fotoğraflar Belgeler, Fahri Çoker Arşivi (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları,

2005). 170

Ibid., p. 75. X Cihangir’de şoför Aziz’in oğlu. 171

Ibid., p. 174. X Şoför Çetin Cihangir’e çıkan yolun penceresindeki kahvede-45-

82

Cihangir, the effect of the heinous Events of 6-7 September did not cause a dramatic

demographic shift when compared to the 1964 decree for the deportation of

inhabitants, who had Greek passports. According to the stories I collected from my

informants, it is possible to say that some departures occurred in the few years

following the events but not all at once. My point regarding Cihangir is that, even

though the Events of 6-7 September did not cause a mass immigration of the Rums

only from Cihangir as a neighborhood immediately after they erupted, they caused

frustration among the non-Muslim residents and triggered the further gradual

departures that occurred throughout the following 25 years. As Mr. Y. said, “6-7

September happened. It was a movement against the non-Muslims. After that, the

number of non-Muslims decreased but it did not happen all at once...Certainly it

cannot happen all at once.”172

Cihangir Depopulated: The 1964 Expulsion of the Greeks of Istanbul and Its Effects

in Cihangir

The Greeks were one of the major ethnic groups in Istanbul for centuries.

Under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, various ethnic groups and religions lived side

by side for centuries. This multi-ethnic and multi-religious co-existence was based

on an administrative system adopted by the Empire. Thanks to what was called the

millet system, harmony and co-existence lasted for centuries on Ottoman territory.

According to official estimates shown in the work of Alexandris, in 1924, Istanbul’s

population was 1,065,866, of whom 656, 281 were Muslims, 279,788 Greeks, 73,

172 Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 6-7 Eylül oldu.

Gayrimüslimlere karşı bir hareketti. Ondan sonra gayrimüslimlerin sayısı azaldı ama birdenbire

olmadı tabii…Birdenbire olmaz tabii.

83

407 Armenians, and 56, 390 Jews.173

In Republican Turkey, the Rum minorities were

given the status of citizens by the Treaty of Lausanne. Articles 37 to 45 of the Treaty

of Lausanne, which was signed with the Allies on 24 July 1924, were related to the

minorities of the Republic of Turkey. They guarantee all the legal rights of minorities

living in Turkey.

However, Ankara, the capital of Turkey, did not refrain to use the Greek

minority against Greece whenever the relations between the two countries became

problematic throughout the Republican history. Alexandris wrote that while the

Greeks in Turkey lived in peace and security during some intervals such as 1930-

1940, 1947-1954, 1959-1964, and 1968-1971, they faced hostilities and aggression

during periods when Greek-Turkish relations were tense. Thus, whenever the

bilateral relations began to deteriorate, they became the victims of such political

events. He demonstrates that such periods of “strained Greek-Turkish relations,”

however, caused a total of four significant waves of Greek exodus from Istanbul, the

first one between 1922 and 1929, the second one between 1955 and 1959, the third

one between 1964 and 1967, and the fourth one between 1972 and 1975.174

The two first breaking points that caused many Greeks to leave Turkey were

the exchange of population of the 1923 and the Events of 6-7 September 1955, which

explained in the previous section. In 1923, Turkey and Greece exchanged their

Muslim and Orthodox populations. 450, 000 Muslims were sent from Greece to

Turkey while 150,000 Orthodox Christians were sent from Turkey to Greece as a

result of this forced exchange of populations.175

When the exchange of populations

between Greece and Turkey was completed in 1924, a total of 1.2 million Greeks had

173 Alexandris, p. 142. 174

Ibid., p. 316. 175

Keyder, Türkiye’de Devlet ve Sınıflar, p. 99.

84

either escaped to Greece or been sent through the exchange of populations to that

country.176

Following the Events of 6-7 September in 1955, which caused many Greeks

to leave Turkey, the event that started the third wave of Greek exodus from Istanbul

was Turkish government’s decision to deport the Greek nationals in Turkey as a

result of the tense relations between Greece and Turkey due to the Cyprus issue in

1964.

In 1964, the biggest crisis for Turkey was the Cyprus issue. Following the

“Bloody Christmas” massacres of ethnic Turkish Cypriots in December 1963,

Turkey’s Prime Minister unilaterally abrogated the 1930 friendship agreement

between Greece and Turkey and between 30,000 and 40,000 Greeks were expelled

from Turkey in 1964.177

Given this conjuncture, Turkey again used the Istanbul

Greek factor against Greece. Upon the reports of Greek Cypriot attacks against

Turkish Cypriots, the press in Turkey also prepared the stage for anti-Greek

sentiments and measures in the country. Turkey, holding responsible Archbishop

Makarios for violating the constitution of 1960 in Cyprus, unilaterally announced the

termination of the 1930 Greek-Turkish Convention of Establishment, Commerce and

Navigation with a governmental decree on 16 March 1964. The decree annulling the

1930 Turkish-Greek agreement, which was signed between Greek and Turkish

leaders, was published in the official gazette in its 17 March 1964 edition.178

Friendly

relations were established between Turkey and Greece thanks to the peaceful

attitudes of Greek leader Eleftherios Venizelos and Turkish leader Mustafa Kemal

Atatürk. According to the first article of the Treaty of Ankara of 30 October 1930,

the citizens of both countries would be able to freely visit each other’s country, travel

176 Ibid. 177

H. Demir and R. Akar, İstanbul’un Son Sürgünleri (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1994), p.12. 178

T.C. Resmi Gazete (official gazette), 17 March 1964.

85

and settle in each other’s country and leave that country whenever they want.179

The

treaty also granted both Greek and Turkish citizens the right to acquire any kind of

movable and immovable properties including buying real estates and to conduct

businesses and launch commercial activities in each other’s country with the third

and the fourth articles.180

The Turkish government’s decree for deportation was for those who were

Greek nationals or Hellenes but many of them were married to Rums, who were

Turkish citizens. So, in addition to Rums with Greek nationality, many with Turkish

citizenship also left the country because most of them had marriage ties with each

other. As Alexandris states, according to the official estimates, there were 26.431

Hellenes in Istanbul in 1927.181

Also according to the official population census of

1927, there were 25, 795 males and 34, 463 females whose language was Greek only

in Beyoğlu district of Istanbul.182

In 1935, a total of 125,046 établis Greek Orthodox,

17,642 of whom were Hellenic nationals, lived in Istanbul.183

The number of

Hellenes in Istanbul decreased during the following decades. Alexandris wrote that

the number of Hellenes decreased to 13, 598 in 1945, 11, 879 in 1955, and 10, 488 in

1960.184

He expresses that Turkey’s unilateral denouncement of the 1930 convention

affected more than 10,000 Constantinopolitan Hellenes, who were the établis in the

city, whose rights were guaranteed by the Lausanne Treaty and the 1930 convention.

If we quote from Alexandris,

Unlike the majority of the Greeks in Turkey, who held Turkish passports, less

than a third of the Constantinopolitan Greek établis held Greek nationality.

Like all the Greek établis, they were established in Istanbul prior to October

179 Demir and Akar, p. 43. 180

Ibid., pp.43-44. 181

Alexandris, p. 281. 182

İstanbul Şehri İstatistik Yıllığı (Statistical Yearbook for İstanbul) , Cilt 2, (Istanbul: İstanbul

Belediyesi, 1931-1932), p. 235. 183

Ibid., p. 178. 184

Ibid. p.281

86

1918, and thus they were allowed to remain in Turkey by virtue of the

Lausanne exchange of populations convention of 30 January 1923...Further,

in October 1930, the right of the Hellenes to remain in their native city was

extended with the signing of a new agreement.185

He continues,

Together with the Greeks of Turkish nationality, the Constantinopolitan

Hellenes compromised a single ethnic group in Turkey. Nor were they any

less indigenous than those with Turkish nationality. Many had never even

been to Greece. They held the Hellenic nationality because their ancestors

had come from the provinces of the Ottoman Empire that were incorporated

in the Greek kingdom in 1830.186

The Rums of Istanbul, either with Turkish or Greek citizenships, were the

établis in the city. They had been born in Istanbul and many of them had even never

been to Greece. But in 1964, due to the Turkish government’s unilateral annulment

of the 1930 convention, they were faced with exile. They were allowed to take with

them only 20 kg of their personal belongings and cash of 22 dollars.187

An important

dimension of Greek’s deportation was about what happened to the property they had

left behind in Turkey in 1964. Demir and Akar argue that Greek property that had

been left empty for ten years was confiscated by Turkish state Treasury (the

Hazine).188

As Alexandris writes, they were faced with Article 35 of the Title Deed

(Tapu) Law, which restricted foreigners’ ownership over immovable property.189

Alexandris also writes that while at first the value of the wealth gone with the

Hellenes of Istanbul amounted $ 5,000,000,000, Turkey later claimed that the total

amount of these properties was $200,000,000. In addition to the confiscation of the

properties of those, who were expelled, the Ministry of Finance sent a circular to all

the banks in Turkey asking for reporting of the situation of the accounts of all Rums

185

Ibid. 186

Ibid. 187 Demir and Akar, p.14. 188

Ibid. 189

Alexandris, p. 281.

87

with Greek citizenship.190

On the other hand, in 1988, Turgut Özal, the prime

minister of Turkey, cancelled the 1964 decree meaning return of the Rum properties

to their owners; however, it was too late because many of them had died and the

legal process to take the properties back was problematic for the Rums.191

The mass exodus of 30,000-40,000 Greeks after the 1964 decree left an

Istanbul with less heterogeneity or multi-ethnicity. Again if we quote from

Alexandris,

Although they held different passports, the family links which bound them

were so close that in practice the expulsion of the Constantinopolitan

Hellenes led to the elimination of almost as many members of the Greek

minority with Turkish nationality. Sensing their precarious future, the latter

too began to leave Istanbul in great numbers.192

The number of students in Rum schools as well as the number of those

schools in Istanbul also reflected the tremendous decline in the Rum population of

Istanbul. While the number of students in Rums schools in 1923 was 15,000, it

decreased to 5,000 in 1964, to 3930 in 1970, 1147 in 1978, and 816 in 1980.193

The deportation of the Greek nationals constituted a breaking point and many

Rums also left the city in the following years and decades.194

Beyoğlu, as a district

having a dense Rum population, also was affected dramatically by the deportation of

the Hellenes of Istanbul as well as by the following departures of the Rums. It faced

a demographic shift and its multicultural character changed. Although many non-

Muslim inhabitants of Cihangir left the neighborhood in the earlier decades, a

190

Demir and Akar, p. 88. Demir and Akar wrote that this meant blocked accounts for all the Greek

nationals in Turkey. As they explain, the money in these accounts was gathered in a fund created at

the Central Bank of Turkey and had no fixed terms of interest. The same procedure was implemented

on the immovable properties of the Greeks, who were expelled. 191

Demir and Akar, pp.164-168. 192 Alexandris, p. 286. 193

Ibid., p. 287. 194

The deportation of the Greeks of Istanbul was reflected in a Greek-Turkish co-product film called

A Touch of Spice, which was directed by Tassos Boulmetis. The film tells the story of a Greek boy,

who had to leave Istanbul with his family but, left his grandfather behind. After 35 years, he returned

to Istanbul to see his grandfather again. A detail in the film was that some relatives of the boy were

living in Cihangir.

88

genuine depopulation and loss of cosmopolitanism in Cihangir occurred in the 1964

due to deportation of the Greeks. For Cihangir, being Beyoglu’s backyard, the

departures of the Rums in great numbers both immediately after the 1964 decree and

gradually in the following years and decades meant the death of the original spirit of

the neighborhood.195

Just as the year 1964, the year 1974 also had a specific place in

Cihangir’s history. On the other hand, Orhan Türker wrote that some Rum families

who remained in Turkey despite mass exodus to Greece in the mid 1960s moved to

neighborhoods like Cihangir and Kurtuluş, which were closer to the city center.196

Among the very small number of Rums who remained in the neighborhood after the

deportation in the 1964 and the gradual departure of the Rums in the following years,

some left Turkey after its military intervention in northern Cyprus in 1974.

The stories I have heard from my informants about the 1964 deportation in

Cihangir also reflect the perspective that 1964 was a turning point in the

neighborhood’s history. The decline of Cihangir within the general framework of the

decline of Istanbul in terms of its cosmopolitanism may well be dated back to 1964.

Since that date, Cihangir’s fabric, which had also dramatically changed after the 6-7

September riots, shifted again. After the exodus, many remaining Greeks also left the

neighborhood gradually during the second half of the 1960s and in the early 1970s,

and in the following years.

Thus, two turning points, the Events of 6-7 September1955 and the

deportation of the Greeks and the Rums in 1964, had significantly shaped the destiny

of Cihangir. In addition to serious depopulation in the neighborhood immediately

195 Demir and Akar published in their book an interview with Ms. Haroula B., a Greek who was

deported from Turkey. In her interview, Ms. Haroula B. told Demir and Akar about her family’s

experience of the deportation. She says they were living in a large house on Siraselviler Street that

was in Cihangir before they were forced into exile. No doubt, stories similar to that of Ms. Haroula

B.’s are many. 196

Orhan Türker, Therapia’dan Tarabya’ya: Boğaz’ın Diplomatlar Köyünün Hikayesi (Istanbul, Sel

Yayıncılık, 2006), p. 20.

89

after these events, many remaining Rums and the Greeks with Greek citizenship,

who were living in Cihangir, also left the neighborhood gradually. Their departure

continued in the 1970s.

During my fieldwork in Cihangir, I tried to collect stories about the exodus of

the Rums from the neighborhood. My Turkish interviewees recalled the event as a

regrettable one and a turning point in Cihangir’s destiny. A seventy-year old Turkish

Muslim lady, Melahat Ü., who has been living in Cihangir since she was sixteen and

witnessed the departure of the Rums in the neighborhood after 1964, told about those

days as follows:

I am against the deportation of the Rums. Why were they deported? There

was a Rum family, an acquaintance of ours. They were very rich. They used

to reside in a duplex house next to the Ege Bahçesi (Garden). Very rich Rums

were living in Cihangir at that time. State deported them and they left. My

mother used to work at their house once upon a time. A spouse...They had a

son and a daughter. They had a house in Büyükada. Even my mother used to

take me to Büyükada. A lot of Rums left Cihangir. Many of the owners of the

apartment buildings left. As I heard, the state took the rents of them. Later, as

I observed, those houses were restored. There used to live mostly the Rums in

Cihangir. French inhabitants were also many.197

She continues that she bought some furniture from one of the Rum families,

who left Cihangir after the 1964:

State deported the Rum tebaalıs (citizens). To Greece...However, for

example, if husband of a Rum woman was Turkish citizen, she could stay

here if she wished so…While leaving, they were selling their properties. I

also bought a bedroom suit from a family that was leaving. I bought it

regretfully. I had thought they would sell in any case. But I really bought it

regretfully...They sold their property at a few hands, if they could while they

were leaving in 1964. Or they gave them to the junk dealer. There were some

rumors that they had taken some of their silver or crystal belongings with

them. Of course they would take them, they were their own property.198

Avni T., a Turkish inhabitant, who has been living in Cihangir since 1963,

also refers to the deportation of the Rums as a turning point in the neighborhood’s

197

Melahat Ü., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 198

Ibid.

90

history. Mr. T. had a flower shop for 31 years in Cihangir but he changed his shop

into a boutique three years ago. During our interview with him, I realized that the

way he re-considered his own past and that of the neighborhood’s was overlapping.

We came here from Samsun in 1963. I have been here since 1963. I went to

school in Beyoğlu as well. This shop was opened in 1969. With the departure

of the Rums, Cihangir has completely lost its original character as Cihangir...I

am still against the departure of the Rums. It is not only related with the

Rums, the same thing happened to the Jews as well. I was also sorry for the

departure of the Jews...People, who came from Anatolia, of course we have

all come from Anatolia, replaced those, who left. And they were less educated

and less cultured...There was a gap between old Istanbullians living here

(Cihangir)-they were the Rums, Armenians, Jews, even Italians and Russians,

and them. There was a twenty-thirty-year gap between them and the Turks.

They were more advanced.199

Regarding the situation of the properties of the Rums after they left, Mr. T.

tells about what he witnessed:

The departure of the Rums after 1964 occurred gradually...More truly; it

occurred by “fleeing”...They secretly sold their properties. They even sold

them at the half price. They sold them to people they had not ever known so

that it would not be understood that they would flee. Just in the meantime,

some people gained unearned income...Generally, immigrants from the

Eastern Anatolia bought many of them. There were usually doorkeepers

etceteras. Their relatives etceteras began to buy them. Of course because they

were cheap. Those houses were undersold because they (the Rums) fled,

could not sell them to their acquaintances and had to sell them to the

others.200

Another Cihangirli, Feridun D. told about the departures of the Rums from

Cihangir, his observations about what happened to the houses that were evacuated

and who came and settled in these places after the departures as follows:

The evacuated places (houses) were filled immediately…It is only possible

by examining the muhtar records to follow that process. However, all that

what happened meant to us was the fading away of people with whom we

used to be acquaintances…Of course, it was not possible for me to follow

exactly who left and who came instead, or from which flats of which

apartment buildings cargos were loaded in truck, however, when we looked

and saw that some other, stranger people, with whom we never used to be

199

Avni T., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 200

Ibid.

91

familiar, had come to their places, then, we realized that they (the Rums) had

left.201

What Mr. D. pointed out was that they were mostly not aware of when

exactly their Rum neighbors left but later understood that they had gone when they

saw some other residents had come and settled in their houses. For those “others,”

the newcomers in Cihangir, Mr. D. was uttering the words “people with whom we

never used to be familiar” to express they had replaced their Rum neighbors as he

defined them as people whom we had known and been acquainted with.

When I asked if there were any occupation of the evacuated houses of the

Rums after their departure in Cihangir, Mr. D. replies,

We heard such stories from our customers from here (he means Beyoğlu

because he is the owner of a historic candy shop there in the Fish Market) not

from Cihangir. For example, a Rum family used to live in a small house in

Tarlabaşı (a lower class Beyoğlu neighborhood, which was a well-known

traditional Rum neighborhood once upon a time). We realized in time that

they had disappeared. Those, who came into their places, had broken the door

of the house and occupied it…Those people, would never suit Tarlabaşı because we know the periods when Rums lived in Tarlabaşı. Kalyoncukulluk

and Tarlabaşı were beautiful places. So were Cihangir. However, no such

things happened in Cihangir because they could never dare to enter Cihangir

in that way. As I said, we know an incident of entering a house by breaking

its door in Tarlabaşı.202

As expressed by some of my informants, the houses of Cihangirli Rums with

Greek citizenship were transferred to the state when they were expelled. However,

many Rums with Turkish citizenship, who also left Istanbul gradually throughout

decades following the year 1964, sold their houses mostly to Turk and Muslim

inhabitants of the neighborhood at lower prices while they were leaving the country.

As Mr. Yannis Y. told me,

The immovable properties of the Greek nationals were confiscated by the

state. No selling occurred. When Özal came to power, some of those came

and took back their property thanks to a decree issued. Many of them had

201

Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 202

Ibid.

92

died, of course. The buildings of those, who did not come back, have been

transferred to the Milli Emlak…Of course, there are buildings like that in

Cihangir…They have mostly been transferred to Milli Emlak and later it has

put them on sale. This is the story.203

When I listened to Mr. Y. telling about some abandoned houses that had

remained to Milli Emlak, the national real estate institute owned by the state, and that

it had later put some of them up for sale or rented them, I recalled a visit of mine to

such a building. During one of my visits to Cihangir this winter, I had spent some

time in a café which was newly opened as I had heard at that time. The café was an

old two-storey Rum house, which was rented from Milli Emlak. I was told in the café

that the house had been abandoned and therefore decaying when they had signed the

leaser, so they had renovated and upgraded the building and turned it into a café.

Later on, when I made an interview with the owner of a coffeehouse next to that

café, he, who was also a Cihangirli and had lived for years in the same apartment

building, of which the ground floor was his coffeehouse, had told me:

Our next door neighbor was a Rum. When he died, his house was transferred

to the state. It was in a very ruined condition. Later, a theater actor rented it

from the Milli Emlak. In fact, a fashion designer wanted to rent it but it did

not happen. Actually, we wanted to buy it but we could not.204

I also talked to Mr. Şakir P., who introduces himself as a Cihangirli for 55

years and as a real estate agent, about Cihangir’s past. He had been a coiffeur in

Cihangir and after spending many years as a coiffeur, he had decided to open a real

estate agency. He narrates the process of 1964 deportation and tells about the

deteriorating situation of the houses of the Rums after they left as follows:

In Cihangir, there were many Rums. I am telling of the period after 1965...We

lived in such a period...There are only few remained today. They (Rums)

were the locals of this place, the locals...İsmet İnönü sent the Greek nationals

away...Many houses were rented at very cheap prices to anyone without

203

Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 204

Adil D., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

93

asking who they were...There was a house belonging to a highly respected

person on Akarsu Street, it later became a brothel.205

The story told by Süheyla P., spouse of Şakir P., also reflects the Cihangir of

the 1960 and the 1970s.

I settled in Cihangir in 1966. That period was so beautiful. Cihangir was so

beautiful. Beacuse Şakir Bey was coiffeur, almost all of our customers were

Rum...However, after the Cyprus conflict, they all gradually left. We

witnessed that at least two families were disappearing. They were selling their

properties and departing...But we hear that no one is happy there. I mean they

still miss Cihangir...They sold their properties and went. They sold them to

Turks but privately. That is to say, they hided that they would go. Some

settled in Australia and some in Germany but the majority went to

Greece...Also, many Rums left after 1974. Because we were coiffeur, their

departure was not told us. For example, I lived in Havyar Street. My

neighbor, who was our customer...One morning, I saw a furniture mover and I

told to myself that cargo would be carried to somewhere very far. She visited

us on Friday and we wept together. We were very sad. They were very nice

people. Latest news was that they had died in Greece. They were already

three old people...Also, for example, there were many Rums from Imbros

living in Cihangir. They all left. I was in Imbros last year and came across

with a few of our old customers. They had their houses restored there and

visit there once a year but as far as I know no one is happy outside. They miss

Istanbul very much. Rums from Cihangir had settled in somewhere called

Phalero in Greece.206

The Rums and the Turks, and, of course, other non-Muslim inhabitants of

Cihangir used to live in harmony before the Events of 6-7 September in Istanbul, and

in Cihangir as well. However, as with the decline of the cosmopolitan Istanbul,

Cihangir also witnessed a considerable depopulation due to departure of its non-

Muslim inhabitants, especially the Rums after two regrettable events against the non-

Muslims of Istanbul: the Events of 6-7 September and the 1964 decree for the

deportation of the Rums, with Greek citizenship, who were établis in the city.

Mihael Vassiliadis, however, said that he supposed but was not so sure that

the decrease in the Rum population after the 6-7 September 1955 might not be felt so

deeply in Cihangir in the late 1950s and in the early 1960s because the Rums, who

205

Şakir P., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, June 2006. 206

Süheyla P., interview by auhor, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, June 2006.

94

lived in many other parts of Istanbul, feared to live in the peripheral neighborhoods

anymore and a flow towards Beyoğlu began. He continued that some of these people

had settled in some cheaper parts of Beyoğlu while many of those, who had already

been living in Beyoğlu, had flocked to Cihangir because their social and economic

levels were higher. Thus, he expressed, especially the areas which had a view of the

sea in Cihangir, had become the settlement areas of the economically well-of

Rums.207

Although the history of Cihangir from a perspective which focuses on its

cosmopolitan but mostly Rum character and reconstructs its past by referring to the

gradual departure of its non-Muslim but mostly Rum inhabitants due to effects of a

series events against the non-Muslims of Istanbul, which marked the Republican

history of Turkey, has not been written so far, the stories, which were the testimonies

of my informants and constituted oral histories, helped me to shape this thesis. The

way many of my informants reconsidered their neighborhood’s past was through

referring to its cosmopolitan past with the dominance of the Rums and through

narrating how that cosmopolitan fabric has faded away. Here is such a narration of

the neighborhood’s past by Feridun D.,

There were mostly the Rums in Cihangir. There were also Jews and

Armenians among our friends in Cihangir but they were less in number. We

had mostly Rum and Turk friends. But later, you know, the 6-7 September,

more truly, I think first the Wealth Tax that was levied in 1943-44 and than

the events on 6-7 September 1955 and in 1964 caused a change (in Cihangir)

due to the gradual departure of specifically the Rum citizens, rather than Jews

and Armenians, from Turkey by following their coreligionists, although they

held Turkish citizenship…Specifically after 1964, in fact gradually after

1955, but after 1964, they left in rapid succession. I am saying it again;

Cihangir has undergone a change specifically with the departure of the Rum

citizens.208

207 Mihael Vasiliadis, interview by auhor, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Apoyevmatini newspaper, Istanbul, Turkey. 208

Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

95

As one of the remaining few Rums in Cihangir, Mr. Yannis Y. also

expressed, Cihangir was almost a Rum neighborhood in the past. Of course, there

were Turks, Jews and Armenians as well but mainly the Rums. “But later as time has

passed, after the 6-7 September and as a result of 1964…we have reached to the

present day. This, of course, has not occurred all at once,” he said.209

During the research conducted for this study on Cihangir, I met Dr. Yorgi

Petridis, a leading figure in the Beyoğlu Rum community and the president of the

Beyoğlu Rum Ortodoks Cemaati Kilise ve Mektepleri Vakfı, thanks to Mr. Mihael

Vasiliadis, who helped me to meet him. Thanks to Mr. Petridis, I had the chance to

reach what are called the kalamazoos, the church records for the Greek speaking

Orthodox community in Istanbul for the year 1968. A meticulous scanning of seven

huge kalamazoos together with Mr. Petridis has provided us the number of Greek

speaking Orthodox inhabitants, who lived in Cihangir in 1968. For the aim of

identifying specifically the number of Rum inhabitants, I selected certain streets that

constitute exactly the neighborhood of Cihangir. Only Meşelik Street can be

considered as a street very close to Cihangir but the others are exactly those forming

the neighborhood. Thus, we identified a total of 1,840 Rum inhabitants living in

Cihangir in 1968.210

Accordingly, the distribution of the 1,840 Rums in streets of Cihangir was as

follows: 112 Rum inhabitants in Akarsu Street, six Rum inhabitants in Altın Bilezik

Street, two in Anahtar Street, 70 in Aslanyatağı Street, 65 in Bakraç Street, 273 in

Cihangir Street, seven on Defterdar Yokuşu, 14 in Emanetçi Street, 127 in Güneşli

Street, 108 in Havyar Street, six on Kazancı Yokuşu, 67 in Kumrulu Street, five in

Kumrulu Yokuşu, 53 in Lenger Street, 20 in Liva Street, 53 in Matara Street, 37 in

209 Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 210

1968 Greek Orthodox Church records, the kalamazoos, at the Beyoğlu Rum Ortodoks Cemaati

Kilise ve Mektepleri Vakfı.

96

Meşelik Street, 111 in Oba Street, 332 in Sıraselviler Street, three in Soğancı Street,

four in Somuncu Street, 79 in Sormagir Street, 78 in Susam Street, 91 in Şimşirci

Street, one in Tavukuçmaz Street, two in Türkgücü Street, and 114 in Yeni Yuva

Street.

Today the number of Christians in Cihangir Mahalle is only 342 and there are

also only nine Jew inhabitants while the number of Muslims is 4,207.211

Although

the muhtar of Cihangir Mahalle does not have any statistics about the ethnic division

of Cihangir’s non-Muslim inhabitants for any historical periods of the neighborhood

and for today, the number 342 and the number nine, when compared to the number

1,840 in 1968, illustrates the radical decline in the number of Rum and other non-

Muslim inhabitants of Cihangir. Also, as Mr. Petridis told me, the population of the

Beyoğlu Rum Orthodox community was about 10,000 in the same period. Thus,

Cihangir, with approximately 2,000 Rum Orthodox inhabitants alone had a

significant place among all Rum neighborhoods of Beyoğlu in the given year.

Another way to compare cosmopolitan Cihangir of the 1950s and the 1960s

with present day Cihangir, where only a small number of Rum ladies and gentlemen,

who are over at least fifty, have remained is to look at the official telephone

directories for Istanbul published in the years 1950 and 1966. As I have explained in

the previous pages of this chapter, I selected five official telephone directories of

Istanbul for different decades. The first one belonged to 1929 because it was the first

official Istanbul telephone directory published. I later selected the other directories

each for the following decades. I have already provided the outcomes of my analysis

of the first three directories above and they pictured the multi-ethnic and multi-

religious character of Cihangir. Finally, the two directories of the years 1950 and the

211

Nüfus İstatistiği (Population Statistics) for 1999-2006 obtained from Sündüs Ulaman, the local

head of the Cihangir Mahalle.

97

1966 also helped me to display the cosmopolitan fabric in the neighborhood with its

mostly Rum, and than Armenian, Jewish, Levantine, German, French, Turk, and

other inhabitants just before the Events of 6-7 September 1955 and after the

deportation in 1964.

The 1950 official Istanbul telephone directory includes a total of 451

addresses recorded in Cihangir.212

When they are examined, it is possible to see

where, specifically on which streets and in which apartment buildings many Rum or

other non-Muslim inhabitants, who have possibly left the country later, had lived.213

How many of them are alive today? How many of them have remained in the

neighborhood or how many of them have left Istanbul? Where do those alive, if any,

live currently? We do not know. Is it possible to follow the vestiges of a genuinely

local fabric of any place, any neighborhood after half a century? What I have tried to

do was something on this path. I have tried to follow the traces of such a lost fabric

and reach people, more truly the names, just the names, who were once the

inhabitants of a unique neighborhood. People, whose centuries-old existence not only

in any such neighborhoods but in entire Istanbul, have not been forming Istanbul’s

cosmopolitan atmosphere anymore. Not only Cihangir but many other

neighborhoods have lost hundreds of thousands of their real old inhabitants.

The 1966 official telephone directory was also scanned by me to make a list

of those, who lived in Cihangir in that year. I have identified a total of 653 names

and addresses, all of them, as far as I have identified, are non-Turkish.214

Even that

number is almost twice the total number of Christians living in the neighborhood

today. However, it should not be forgotten that telephone usage was at very low

levels in Turkey before the 1980s. Thus, the inhabitants recorded in all five telephone

212 İstanbul Telefon Rehberi, 28inci Bası (Istanbul, T.C. P.T.T.İ.G.M, 1950). 213

See Appendix E. 214

İstanbul Telefon Rehberi, 1966.

98

directories selected for this thesis certainly do not represent the entire population in

Cihangir but perhaps only a small part. No doubt, many other inhabitants of the

neighborhood were not recorded in these telephone directories in the given years

simply because they did not have telephones in their homes. The names and

addresses recorded in Cihangir in 1966 telephone directory also show that the Rums

were more in number in the neighborhood.215

Again, many of the names in this

directory, not only the Rums but also the others, might have left the country in the

following years.216

When I was examinining the names in all these directories, I wanted to know

the stories of each of them. Then, I tried to relate what I encountered in all these

primary sources with other primary sources, the narratives, the stories I have been

told by my informants in the neighborhood during my long visits to Cihangir. Hence,

this study has emerged both as a collection of stories told by locals of a

neighborhood today and as a map aiming to help to follow the vestiges of a lost time,

spirit, and fabric on a multi-layered topography in a world city, Istanbul.

Déclassement in Cihangir: 1970s-1990s

In the 1950s, Turkey experienced a process of mass urbanization due to influx

of rural populations to the cities. Cihangir also saw the impacts of this mass mobility.

Turkish immigrants from Anatolia came and settled in Cihangir. Towards the end of

the 1950s, Cihangir started to house low income groups, who worked in the

215 See Appendix F. 216

However, it is surprising and nice to see, while on a visit, some addresses, which one had already

and only seen on a telephone direcory page, still standing in Cihangir even after forty years. Among

the names and addresses recorded in Cihangir in the 1966 Istanbul telephone directory, Alfred Paluka

and Şerikleri Kol. Ş., a private company owned by Paluka, a German origin businessman, and his

partners, still stands on Havyar Street in Cihangir today. I even wished to have an interview with its

owners but unfortunately they were ‘abroad’.

99

entertainment sector in Beyoğlu. The 1950s was a decade, during which masses

emigrated from Anatolia into Istanbul, shaping the social, economic, cultural

atmosphere as well as the physical structure of the city. Menderes, a populist

politician, prime minister of Turkey between 1950 and 1960 was adored by these

immigrants in Istanbul. Although not directly affected by Menderes’s reconstruction

of Istanbul and the project of creating a millionaire in each quarter, Cihangir also

underwent some changes both demographically and physically. Apartment buildings

specifically in the south of Cihangir were rebuilt by contractors from the Black Sea

region of Anatolia. Almost all the buildings in the northern part of the neighborhood,

however, were rebuilt.

Thus, the most dramatic changes in Cihangir in the 1950s were decrease in

the number of its Rum inhabitants, the appearance of Turkish immigrants from

Anatolia, changes in the physical structure together with the rise of prestigious

apartment buildings, and rebuilding of already existing apartment buildings by

Anatolian immigrants. As for the changes in Cihangir Giovanni Scognamillo says

that, “after the Rums’ forced departure in 1964 following the Events of 6-7

September, the characters of Beyoğlu and some certain semts including Cihangir and

Tarlabaşı changed suddenly. We can even date it back to internal migration. Internal

migrations have changed the identity of not only Beyoğlu but entire Istanbul.”217

“CIHANGIR- One of the distinguished quarters of the big city (Istanbul)...In

our time, a considerable part of it has been filled by genuinely beautiful and

big apartment buildings and it has evolved as a neighborhood, which the

majority of its inhabitants are composed of well-off and even rich

families.”218

217

Giovanni Scognamillo, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 218 Hikmet Şinasi Önol, “Cihangir,” İstanbul Ansiklopedisi,vol. 7 (Istanbul: Istanbul Ansiklopedisi ve

Neşriyat Kolektif Şirketi, 1965), p.3564. (Quotation translated by Binnaz Tuğba Sasanlar).

100

The above description of Cihangir of the 1960s is quoted from the unfinished

İstanbul Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul Encyclopedia) prepared by historian novelist Reşat

Ekrem Koçu. Although this excerpt describes a Cihangir, which is different from its

status in the earlier decades both in terms of demography and physical structure, the

encyclopedia, an important source on social life in Istanbul, continues to describe

Cihangir by praising its unique location on the slope of a hill with a panoramic view

of the mouth of the Bosphorus and Üsküdar, the neighborhood situated on the Asian

shore of Istanbul. On the other side, it is noted in the encyclopedia that the

population of Cihangir Mahalle, the main area that constitutes Cihangir

neighborhood, was 12,000 in 1963.219

There were 632 houses and apartment flats, 71

shops, a masjid (small mosque), a bank office, a bakery, a hotel, two inns, a

drugstore, and a garage.220

Indeed, Koçu’s encyclopedia and Dünden Bugüne

İstanbul Ansiklopedisi prepared by The History Foundation of Turkey are two crucial

sources, from which one can obtain limited but significant information about the

history of Cihangir.221

219

Hakkı Göktürk, “Cihangir Mahallesi,” in İstanbul Ansiklopedisi vol. 7 (Istanbul: Istanbul

Ansiklopedisi Neşriyat ve Kolektif Şirketi, 1965), p.3568. 220

Ibid. 221 The İstanbul Ansiklopedisi by Reşad Ekrem Koçu includes some articles about Cihangir and

interesting information regarding daily life in the neighborhood in the 1960s. For example a tiny

article, which was written in 1963 and describes Cihangir Caddesi (Street), which is the central street

of Cihangir Mahallesi, informs that there were mostly four-to-six-storey apartment buildings on the

street. The article continues that there were a kolaci (an old type of Istanbul shop, in which clothes are

starched and ironed), a cloth cleaning shop, a bakkal (grocery store)-there existed many grocery stores

in old Cihangir like in many traditional neighborhoods of old Istanbul-a greengrocer, a shop selling

beverages and tobacco, a car repair shop, and a children’s playground. Koçu’s encyclopedia also

includes an article about a murder that happened in Cihangir in 1962 and that the press of the time

shared a great deal. Although the article is simply about a murder in an apartment building, it is worth

noticing it because of the clues it gives us about multi-ethnic character of Cihangir as well as its

building stock. First of all, the incident occurred in an apartment building, which reflects the general

resident type in Cihangir. More importantly, the people involved in the event were an Armenian

young man and a French ambassador’s daughter, who was also married to a non-Muslim

businessman. The Armenian man and the elite non-Muslim couple were living in the same apartment

building. Even this tiny example shows that Cihangir’s inhabitants in the earlier decades (before the

1970s) were mostly the non-Muslims residing in apartment flats, which were characteristic residential

units for upper-middle classes in Istanbul during the 1960s. Koçu also wrote about a quarrel of a

married couple in Cihangir in the period of Atatürk. His encyclopedia informs us about the famous

101

Beginning from the second half of the 1960s, specifically after the Rums left,

Cihangir’s character changed. The 1970s were gloomy years for the neighborhood as

they were of Istanbul and Turkey. The central business district shifted to Beşiktas in

Istanbul, causing Beyoğlu and its surrounding area lose its importance in the 1970s.

The 1970s also saw the concentration of some sub-cultures in Cihangir. Groups of

transvestites and transsexuals started to concentrate in Beyoğlu and especially in

Cihangir. Streets like Ülker, Pürtelaş and Sormagir, were the sites of this

concentration. Prostitution continued in brothels in some streets of the neighborhood.

However, these marginal groups were subjected to social exclusion by other

inhabitants of the neighborhood in daily life. Such groups were living in Cihangir

until the second part of the 1990s. In one of his essays on flag and nationalism,

Orhan Pamuk also gives an example of how nationalism was intertwined with a sort

of social exclusion that marginal groups of Cihangir faced:

Until recently, there used to live transvestites in poor and bad apartments of a

devious street in Cihangir, Istanbul. This year, the inhabitants of the mahalle

started a fight against those transvestites, most of whom were earning their

bread by prostitution, because of the crimes, violence and disquiet they

brought to the street. Aiming to drive the transvestites out of the street with

the support of traditional morals, the press, the public opinion, and the police,

the inhabitants of the mahalle also used the Turkish flag as part of their fight;

but, in a strange way. First, they took a decision among themselves that

“those, who were against the transvestites, would hang Turkish flag to their

windows.” Thus, the street was decked with Turkish flags from end to end.

For the inhabitants of the mahalle, these flags meant that “I don’t want the

transvestites.” However, after the midnight, the flags were actually beginning

to signify quite different meanings rather than those I used to know in my

childhood. Mostly drunk men, who used to come to the mahalle in the late

night hours, were trying to understand in which house there were prostitutes

or not by looking at those flags.222

Despite many of my informants’ stories narrating Cihangir’s past as the good

old days especially in the 1950s and in the 1960s by referring the neighborhood’s

Cihangir dispensary, the Cihangir Primary School, the Cihangir Clinic, the Cihangir Mahalle, and the

Cihangir Yokuşu (hill) in 1963. 222

Orhan Pamuk, Öteki Renkler (The Other Colors) (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1999), p.267.

102

select cosmopolitan character, the period beginning from the 1970s and reaching

until the second half of the 1990s, when it faced a déclassement with the departure of

its non-Muslims as well as due to the influx of lower income groups, many of whom

were immigrants from Anatolia, and due to overall corruption in Beyoğlu, was

referred as one blackening the neighborhood’s reputation. As part of neglected

Beyoğlu, Cihangir was also home to lower income groups, who had to earn their

lives as sex workers. As Scognamillo describes the 1970s in Cihangir,

A part of Cihangir, primarily the Kazancı Yokuşu, was not very elite in the

1970s. Strictly speaking, women were sold in taxies at the entry and exit of

Cihangir Yokuşu. There were a couple of famous brothels in Cihangir…after

İstiklal Street and Beyoğlu were subjected to a good cleaning; Cihangir was

also cleaned as a result of this.223

During this period, well-known families moved to more upper-class districts

of Istanbul like Ataköy or Levent. On the other side, phenomenon of immigration

from rural areas to urban areas that started in the 1950s and gained momentum with

the impact of populist policies continued in Cihangir in the 1970s, too. The situation

of Cihangir during the 1970s and the 1980s was reflected in my other informants’

narratives as well. As Mr. Vassiliadis said,

Cihangir gradually lost its former characteristics during the years, when

decline in the neighborhood and departures continued rapidly following the

events after the 1964 deportation. As far as I know, it became an area where,

people who lived as a ghetto and whose sexual preferences were

different...But these people were also expelled from there and later Cihangir

reached its current situation. But even today, Cihangir is a semt, where the

Rum community, that is to say those who have remained, like and prefer to

settle. That’s why the Rums, who have disappeared in some other places, can

be seen in Cihangir, although they are very few.224

According to another narration of the déclassement in Cihangir by Feridun

D.,

Cihangir was cosmopolitan. This is incontrovertible. The Rums, Armenians,

Jews, and of course the Levantines. French and Germans, who were the

223 Giovanni Scognamillo, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 224

Mihael Vasiliadis, interview by author, tape recording, İstanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Apoyevmatini newspaper, Istanbul, Turkey.

103

officials at consulates and teachers in schools around...Levantines were

Italian families, who were settled there...I envisage the period between those

days of Cihangir and the 1990s as a period of breathing. What a select

community it was in the 1950s with all its inhabitants...Then erosion

occurred...After the 1970s...As for the reason of this erosion...All kinds of

corruption reached to Cihangir. Those decent places suddenly turned into a

mess...Because of some greedy real estate owners, quality level really

decreased. The 1970s and the 1980s were such a period of nonsense.225

Also Yervant M., a Cihangirli for 46 years, described the period as follows,

When the German Hospital was transferred, the Germans left here as well.

This is also significant. Not only the Rums or Armenians left. Majority of the

Germans also left. After all, Cihangir became corrupt in the 1970s…Some

families, thus, fled to Şişli, Topağacı, Levent, Ulus and Etiler because of the

corruption here…Cihangir faced an erosion between the 1970 and

1980…Transfer of the German Hospital was also effective in this. The

doctors and nurses there, they all left. I mean, let’s say they were 100 people,

that means 100 households…Similarly, the Italian Hospital…Again, Rums

and Armenians left between the 1970 and 1980.226

During the 1980s, Cihangir continued to be a neighborhood of transvestites,

transsexuals and lower income groups as well as Anatolian immigrants, specifically

from Sivas and Kastamonu, who were ghettoized in the neighborhood. Briefly,

Cihangir turned into a lower-class neighborhood, where marginal groups lived in the

1980s.

The only green site of the neighborhood, Cihangir Park was destroyed and a

parking lot was built in its place in the 1980s.227

In addition to this, the Ege Aile

Bahçesi, a public place which the students and the residents of the neighborhood

used to go was turned into an open night club.228

These two developments were also

the indicators of the corrosion of Cihangir by some groups, who sought profits from

that green area, in the 1980s.

225

Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 226

Yervant M., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 227 Üstdiken, p.430. 26

Ibid.

104

However, an important dimension was that marginal groups in Cihangir were

subjected to social exclusion by other inhabitants of Cihangir. In 1996, for example,

the police organized round ups to many houses in Ülker Street, where transvestites

and transsexuals concentrated. The social exclusion continued in the name of

“cleaning the neighborhood” and most of the transvestites, transsexuals, and other

sex workers, who lived mainly in Pürtelaş and Başkurt streets, have been forced to

leave the neighborhood towards the end of the 1990s.

The Lost Mahalle Spirit in Cihangir: A Mirror on the Minutiae of Everyday Life

In order to grasp the nature of a place, everyday life lived on that place is a

perfect source. Regarding my research on Cihangir’s past, the stories I have listened

from my informants prompted me to incorporate the details of past everyday life in

Cihangir into this chapter. Cihangir’s past has always been reconsidered and

reconstructed through references to everyday mahalle life in the narratives of my

informants, who mostly idealized the 1950s and the 1960s of Cihangir as the good

old days both because most of the time these decades naturally formed the earliest

times that could be bets recalled for them. An important aspect of almost all the

narratives about the good old days in Cihangir was that they were recalled with

nostalgia for a lost local daily life with intimate social relationships based on mutual

respect and reciprocal activities. So, how was daily mahalle life in Cihangir in the

past? How were the neighborly relations? Did street vendors of my childhood were

more in number and a part of everyday life in Cihangir in the 1950s and the 1960s?

Who were they? What about the other local artisans and shop owners? And how was

105

the quality of life in a past, when Istanbul, thus its neighborhoods, was still mixed

ethnically and religiously?

“Neighborly relations were close but not overly intimate there was always a

social distance kept in these relationships.”229

Thus spoke a middle-aged lady, who

has been a Cihangirli almost for half a century.

On a gloomy March Saturday, I was rushing to Café Susam, which is a newly

opened café placed at the intersection of Cihangir’s famous streets Susam, Yeni

Yuva and Kumrulu. I would meet with a lady, who is a real Cihangirli, thanks to her

daughter Sinem, who kindly accepted my request to have a talk on Cihangir with her

and her mother. In Café Susam’s nostalgic atmosphere, Ms. Aysel Y., her daughter

Sinem and I found ourselves sipping our Turkish coffees and got lost in minutiae of

everyday life in Cihangir of the 1960s. Before starting, I had imagined that we would

have a rather systematic interview shaped by my questions about some certain events

like the Events of 6-7 September or deportation of Greeks from Istanbul and its

effects in Cihangir but Ms. Y. was so much full of memories with hundreds of details

about almost every aspect of daily life in Cihangir and began to tell all about them so

beautifully that I was lost in stories she was telling, listening her with great

appreciation, specifically about the daily mahalle life in Cihangir. All of a sudden, I

found myself imagining the daily mahalle life in Cihangir as a set of ceremonial

activities, that were sincere but equally in a respectful manner, making a social

relationship chic.

Ms. Y. has been residing in the same apartment in Cihangir since she was

nine. She is a descendent of a Cretan-origin family. She started telling about

Cihangir’s status as a unique neighborhood in Istanbul. “Cihangir of our time was

229

Aysel Y., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March 2006.

Komşuluk ilişkileri yakındı ama çok içli dışlı değildi; her zaman bir mesafe vardı.

106

composed of münevver (enlightened) families. There were mostly Rums but also

Armenians as well as long-established Turkish families.”230

Her portrayal of

Cihangir of the 1960s was so vivid. Her Cihangir was a neighborhood of Albanian

greengrocers, Rum grocers, Bulgarian milkmen, butchers, bakers, mostly non-

Muslim tradesmen, tailors, florists, and other artisans, which were all the components

of a local life. During my research, I scanned the official telephone directory of

Istanbul for the years 1960-61 at the Ottoman Bank Archives and Research Center.

Accordingly, I identified four Rum and one Armenian groceries registered in the

directory at addresses in Cihangir.231

I also identified two laundries, which belonged

to non-Muslim names in Cihangir in 1960-61.232

Neighborly relations were always in a respectful manner; visits were made

after asking permission, and guests were welcomed in a ceremonial manner. “But

daily conversations among women from window to window were also frequent. For

example, neighbors used to start talk to each other if they were shopping from

itinerary vegetable vendors called zerzevatçı by hanging down a basket from the

window of an apartment,” Ms. Y. adds, pointing out an informal aspect of daily

relations among neighbors. Being an everyday minutiae of the daily mahalle life,

hanging down a basket from an apartment window to buy goods from either a street

vendor or the local grocer, who was often a Rum, was a characteristic of past mahalle

230

Aysel Y., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March 2006.

Bizim zamanımızda Cihangir’de münevver aileler otururdu. En çok Rumlar vardı. Ermeniler ve köklü

Türk aileleri vardı. 231 İstanbul Telefon Rehberi (Istanbul Telephone Directory), 1960-61. The names of these groceries

and the streets, where their shops were located in Cihangir, were Spiro Ciğersizoğlu-Sormagir Street,

Eprem Hındamyan-Sıraselviler Street, Dimitris Markis-Lenger Street, Eleni Mazaraki-Sıraselviler

Street, and Amelia Todorovich-Karadut Street. 232 These two laundries were registered in the Istanbul Telephone Directory 1960-61 next to the

following names: Ekspres Viran Andoniadis ve Ort.-Oba Street, Cihangir and Siderakis Bird Kol. Ş.,

Akarsu Street, Cihangir.

107

life in Cihangir.233

As Orhan Pamuk also tells in his book of a collection of essays

entitled Öteki Renkler (The Other Colors):

Cihangir was densely a Rum mahalle during the years that we used to live

there, the name of our grocer was Ligor. Everyone used to call him as Ligor

and hang down a basket tied to the end of a rope. And you used to utter

loudly: “Half a kilo of white cheese, six eggs, and a loaf of bread.” He would

weigh them all, put them in your basket; you would pull your basket up, and

write them in your notebook234

As part of everyday life in Cihangir, where Muslims and non-Muslims used

to live in harmony throughout the 1950s and the 1960s, the way neighborly relations

took place on religious festivals were also symbols of this coexistence. “We used to

visit our neighbors in the apartment building on special occasions like Easter and

Muslim religious bayrams (holidays),” said Ms. Y., referring the quality of

neighborly relations in Cihangir. İleri also describes daily life in Cihangir during his

childhood with reference to neighborly relations on religious festivals. He portrays

Cihangir of his childhood as a neighborhood, the fabric of which was spoilt much

after the Events of 6-7 September:

Of course, it was a very different Cihangir than today’s Cihangir. When we

look at Cihangir now, today’s Cihangir is a place, where mostly artists,

writers and caricaturists, or those, who are interested in art, live; and is a little

bit bohemian one. It was not like that in those years. Cihangir was a typical

line of a middle-class world throughout those years. It was a quite mixed

society because there were Rums, Armenians, White Russians, Jews, and

Turks...Except the September 6-7 incidents, this coexistence had never been

buffeted, at least in terms of mahalle customs and morals. That is to say,

within that mahalle ethics, nobody had behaved offensively against each

other’s religion or national characteristics. Only those Events of 6-7

September was a very aggressive and ugly event... For example, let’s say,

when the Ramadan festival occurred in March or April... I remember a period

when it occurred in March. The Easter came immediately after it and a little

later the Passover of Jews came...When you look within the scale of my

childhood, a bayram (religious feast) was ending and another one was

beginning...The Rum madam living in the apartment across the street was a

233

Aysel Y., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March 2006.

Ama karşılıklı pencere muhabbetleri de çoktu. Mesela sepetini sarkıtıp zerzevatçıdan alışveriş yaparken, karşı komşu da aynı şeyi yaptığı için, konuşulurdu karşılıklı. 234

Orhan Pamuk, Öteki Renkler (The Other Colors) (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 1999), p.293.

(Translation of the quote belongs to Binnaz Tuğba Sasanlar)

108

tailor. She would always visit us for greetings/congratulations on Ramadan

and Sacrifice feasts. There was such a mutual respect, understanding and

delicacy...235

He continues that religious feasts in Cihangir were also colorful days for

children:

Istanbul had not lose its cosmopolitan (in its positive meaning) characteristics

that much yet. For example, the Easter really...In all patisseries in Cihangir;

no matter whether the owners of some these patisseries were Rums or Turks.

For example, there was the Melek Patisserie on Sıraselviler. Owners of it

were Turk but when the Easter came, very colorful eggs, rabbits,

chocolates...Both Turkish and Rum children used to have a chance to follow

some of the delicacies of the two religions.236

Christmas celebrations, Easters, Passover of the Jews, Ramadan of

Muslims...All these holidays were special occasions for neighbors in Cihangir. Every

Easter, the Rums used to gather in the street, celebrate each other and together walk

up to the church in Beyoğlu.

For Ms. Y., the minutiae of everyday life in Cihangir until the second half of

the 1960s reflected the spirit of real Cihangir. By uttering the word “real,” she was

referring a neighborhood, where non-Muslims and Muslims lived in harmony, social

relations were defined by mutual respect, and authentic local life at the mahalle level

was still preserved. Patterns of daily life, habits and tastes were different. As she told

me, when one of their neighbors visited them, they would first serve to the guest a

special kind of sweet called çevirme. Çevirme, either with vanilla or bergamot

aroma, was mostly bought from Mr. Feridun D., the owner of the Üç Yıldız (Three

Star), the eighty-year old candy shop in Pera. After the çevirme or lahok, which was

served in silver colored sleeves and meant “welcome and take a breath,” it was

Turkish coffee’s turn. The coffee was served on a silver tray, which a lacework is

placed on. During the following hours, home-made cherry or cornelian cherry

235

Selim İleri, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, 4 April 2006. 236

Ibid.

109

liqueurs were served with chocolate bought from İnci (Pearl), the historic patisserie,

still run by a non-Muslim Istanbullian in Pera.

For Ms. Y., all these details of local everyday life including these almost

ceremonial procedures of guest welcoming were part of a culture in the old days of

Cihangir.

As Selim İleri expresses, with the departure of non-Muslims of Istanbul, rich

food culture of the city has also been lost. There was an art of eating thanks to

diversity of cuisine, which was a very significant characteristic of cosmopolitan

Istanbul; however, following the departure of Rums and other non-Muslims, rich

food culture of Istanbul represented both at the mahalle level and in many restaurants

or patisseries run by Rums and other non-Muslims has faded away with the decline

of cosmopolitan Istanbul since the late 1950s and the1960s. For İleri, departure of

Rums from Cihangir was an important example of the loss in food culture of the city:

This fabric in Cihangir was really a different environment. Specifically with

the departure of the Rums, a very big characteristic of the city of Istanbul has

faded away. What was it? It was especially a very good art of cuisine or art of

eating. With their presence, it...That’s to say, the way they used to serve,

welcome the guest or the customer...All that included great manners. We

were treated as if we were “lords”. That atmosphere disappeared all of a

sudden. Of course, reflections of it came until today since the 1950s. I have

never thought this was something good for culture of Istanbul, that’s to say

the culture of the country since Istanbul is a big city, which in a way

represents the whole country.237

As for the mahalle life and neighborly relations in Cihangir, İleri describes

the second half of the 1950s and the first half of the 1960s as the following:

Neighborly relations in Cihangir were profoundly intensive. We used to have

close relations that had almost turned into kinship with both the next-door

neighbors and those, who lived in the opposite doors. Other than that,

something that does not exist today was women’s kabul (reception) days or

guest days. Each lady used to have a certain day of the month....Women used

to come together and they used to bring their kids as well, of course if they

237

Ibid.

110

were small enough....On the reception day of a woman, various food and

drinks used to be served. Biscuits and special foods that were made at

home...There were very chic patisseries like Savoy or Melek in the

neighborhood but no matter how rich you were, you should not buy food

from the patisserie on such occasions. They had to be prepared absolutely at

home; this was a sign of delicacy, politeness. On the other side, there were

evening visits. A part of them were after-dinner visits, especially on Friday or

Saturday nights....Sometimes there were evening meetings with dinner.

Neighbors, who were closer to each other, used to visit each other at their

homes and eat dinner together. A dinner table used to be set, drinks, and the

radio...Those years were the ones, when the radio was crucial. Some

entertainment programs on the Istanbul radio used to be listened together....It

was a plain life. That’s is to say, there was a very different life style than

today’s wastage society- I should say not consumption but wastage- in either

Cihangir or in another neighborhood of Istanbul at that time.238

Another symbol of the “good old days” in Cihangir was the Ege Bahçesi

(garden), which was closed during the 1980s. Ms. Y. mentions how much she misses

the days that going to Ege Bahçesi was a daily pattern in Cihangir, especially in the

afternoons. Ege Bahçesi was an important symbol for my old Cihangirli informants

in picturing Cihangir’s past but only with its situation in the 1950s and even before

because it began to lose its original character later, especially in the 1970s and the

1980s. Similarly, the Cihan Park, the present day Cihangir Park as a green area was a

place, where children used to play games, a public space for the inhabitants of

mahalle. As Feridun D. describes them,

I take for the Ege Bahçesi as belonging to the period before 1955. It was like

the lung of Cihangir in those days, albeit Cihangir itself has always

functioned as lung (He means the fresh air in the neighborhood). There were

many vacant lots in Cihangir in our childhood. There were nettles near Cihan

Park...The Cihan Park, where we used to play football until 1950, is now the

Cihangir Park.239

Erol İ.’s memories of childhood in Cihangir also sounded like the lyrics of the

same nostalgic melody:

Friendships of the Rum and Turk children were very good. There was Aleko,

for example, son of the wine seller. They used to have a wine shop. They

were very good friends. There were so many Rums. My present customers are

238

Ibid. 239

Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

111

also old Rum madams...We used to have a park in Cihangir. We used to play

football when we were children. It has become the Cihangir Park now.240

The historic Roma Bahçesi, which people used to call the “fire place” once

upon a time, also set the stage for daily local entertainment activities of the past. Just

like Erol Bey pictured:

We used to call the place above the Tophane Museum as fire place; I mean

the place of the Roma Bahçesi. Cambazhane, tightropes used to be set up

there. Peg leg would come. Something like a circus would be set up. There

were tightrope acrobats, variety shows...I do remember them from my

childhood.241

“Cihangir experienced the worst period throughout its history between 1965

and 1975,” she continued. 242

“Rums went and those from Rize, Erzincan and Sivas

(Anatolian cities) parceled Cihangir.”243

The story of how old Cihangir was replaced

by another one was again being told. Ms. Y. began talking how the Events of 6-7

September and the 1964 decree for deportation of Greeks affected Cihangir.

People sold their houses at giveaway prices and left. Besides, when İsmet

İnönü expelled the Greeks, that time Cihangir was plundered. When the

Rums left after 1964, many houses were blocked...people, who had come to

Cihangir from Anatolia and been working as doorkeepers, saved their money

and bought houses in Cihangir. Today, many real estate owners in Cihangir

are those, who were doorkeepers in Cihangir once upon a time.244

In Café Susam, we did not understand how time had passed so quickly. While

narrating the past local life in Cihangir, my informant was often referring to the

quality of relations among the inhabitants of the neighborhood: “...at those times,

there were good manners, decency and civility, they disappeared now...”245

For her,

after 1965, with the departure of Cihangir’s non-Muslim inhabitants, aesthetic look

240

Erol İ., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 241 Ibid. 242

Aysel Y., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March 2006.

1965-1975 arası Cihangir en kötü dönemini yaşadı. 243

Aysel Y., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March 2006. Rumlar gitti, Rizeliler,

Erzincanlılar, Sivaslılar parselledi Cihangiri. 244

Ibid. 245

Ibid....görgü vardı, terbiye vardı...şimdi yok oldu...

112

of the neighborhood had also changed because the way its people dressed had

changed: “After 1965, those wearing slippers invaded Cihangir.”246

“Clothing

revolution in Cihangir!” ironically added Sinem, her daughter.247

During my ethnographic work, Ms. Melahat Ü., another informant of mine, a

70 year-old Cihangirli lady also misses the days during the 1950s and the 1960s in

Cihangir. In line with what Ms. Y. pointed out, Ms. Ü. said real Cihangirlis were

understood from their outward appearances, how they were dressed:

There were both old non-Muslim and Muslim Turkish hanımefendis (ladies)

in Cihangir. That is to say old Istanbullian hanımefendis...when they went out

and walked on the streets, the shoes of their spouses, the beyefendis

(gentlemen) were very clean. We ladies were also wearing high-heeled shoes.

The way people walked on the street showed they were real beyefendis and

hanımefendis.248

Street vendors were a significant part of the daily life in Istanbul before the

1970s. They were even existent during the 1970s and the 1980s, but they were less in

number and different from those of the 1950s and the 1960s. They used to appear on

the streets of the mahalle everyday almost at the same hours and cry their own name

such as “Zerzevatçııı!” or “Kalaycııı! (Tinner)”or the name of what they were selling.

Inhabitants of the mahalle used to know, which street vendor, either for example a

vegetable vendor (zerzevatçı), a yoghurt seller (yoğurtçu) or a tinner (kalaycı) would

pass through the street at what hour of the day, so they even used to guess the time

thanks their regular passage at the same times everyday. Pamuk, who portraits the

street vendors of Istanbul in his book Öteki Renkler (The Other Colors), also tells

about a memory of his childhood in Cihangir in 1962:

246 Ibid. 65’ten sonra çarıklılar bastı Cihangiri. 247

Cihangir’de kıyafet devrimi! 248

Melahat Ü., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Cihangir’de hem gayrimüslim hem de Türk hanımefendiler vardı. Eski İstanbul hanımefendileri

yani...dışarı sokağa çıktıklarında eşlerinin, yani beyefendilerin ayakkabıları gıcır gıcır olurdu. Biz

kadınlar da 16 pont yüksek topuklu ayakkabı giyinirdik. İnsanların yürüyüşünden hanımefendi,

beyefendi oldukları belli olurdu.

113

...We used to live in Cihangir, a semt, which was close to the center of

Istanbul but away from the traffic noise, and it was the year 1962, when the

city hubble bubble had not become so heavy. But...even a minute of ours was

passing without being interrupted by the shout of a street vendor.249

In those decades, like also in the 1970s and partly in the 1980s, bulk buying

were not existent, thus, inhabitants of a mahalle used to buy their foods daily either

from local grocery stores (bakkals), the bakeries, the butchers, or the street vendors

would bring what they needed to their door everyday.

In Cihangir today, almost all old Cihangirlis, whom I interviewed with, recall

the street vendors of old Cihangir with nostalgia because these people were also a

part of the fabric and the daily life in Cihangir.

Rum, Turk and Armenian children playing on the streets of Cihangir were

also a part of daily mahalle life in the neighborhood in the 1950s and the 1960s. The

neighborhood space was a common playground for them and their friendship was

purged of any kind of animosities based on ethnic divergence. As for friendships

among Rum and Turkish children, İleri tells a memory of him:

The friendship patterns among Turkish and Rum children before or after the

September 6-7 were so much interesting. Yannis and his family were living in

our next apartment building. Yannis’s age was equal to mine. On the third

floor of their apartment building-by the way, a White Russian lady was

residing on the second floor-an old Rum madam was living...250

He continues that his friends and he, both Turkish and Rum children, used to

go to the backyard of the apartment building, where that old Rum lady was residing,

and start to make fun of her by saying inappropriate words loudly and annoying her

in a childish way.

249

Pamuk, Öteki Renkler, p.301. 250

Selim İleri, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, 4 April 2006.

114

Days of childhood in Cihangir made up some of my informants’ best

memories regarding Cihangir. Mr. D., who was born in Cihangir 72 years ago and

has spent his entire life there, was saying:

As part of my childhood years, I recall Cihangir almost since the 1940 or

1942. Of course, in those days, neither traffic was as heavy as it is now nor

people were as bad as they are now. We used to play on the street beginning

from early ages, even while attending the first year of the primary school.

Whenever we come home from the school, we used to throw our bags into the

house at the door and go and play...together with all the children of the

mahalle.251

A New Type of Cosmopolitanism in Present Day Cihangir

One evening, at the sixty year old Savoy Pastane (Patisserie) in Cihangir, I

was interviewing Şafak, 35, who is the son of the current owner (a Muslim Turk) of

the patisserie and also a Cihangirli himself. Şafak’s father has been the owner of

Savoy for thirty years. The main points of our conversation were Cihangir both

during Şafak’s childhood and today and the story of Savoy, its place in Cihangir as

an old patisserie, where once most of its customers were Greeks of Cihangir as well

as other real old Cihangirlis and relations between the owner of the patisserie and his

customers were beyond a simple customer-shop owner relation but more neighborly,

even like kindred because neighborly ties were alive at those times. The first owner

of the Savoy was a Greek and Savoy was his daughter’s name. The second owner of

it was a Jew. Şafak told me that his father is the third owner of the patisserie.

Although Şafak is a young Cihangirli and all he could remember is Cihangir

of the 1980s, the stories he told me about both Cihangir and Savoy of his childhood

reflected a kind of nostalgia. He said he was happy with the new Cihangir but still

251

Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

115

missing the old Cihangir: “When I go back to my childhood, I could remember the

1980s. What I recall very clearly and miss so much is that we used to play football

with the friends on this street (Sıraselviler Street, the busiest one in Cihangir) on

Sundays.”252

“Today Cihangir has become cosmopolitan,” said my informant Mr.Yannis

Y., an old Cihangirli, of course an old Istanbullian Greek or Rum as he called

himself so.253

What Mr. Y. told me was the other side of the story. What he pointed

out was an indicator of the fact that there existed no single or unilateral history but

histories of everyone, every group, every self. Thus, what prompted me to write

about or to problematize Cihangir’s cosmopolitanism was first of all what I had

listened from Mr. Y. and his friends, other real old Rum Cihangirlis. For them,

today’s Cihangir was cosmopolitan, and of course today’s Istanbul as well. This was

what confirmed my ideas about cosmopolitanism and the so-called cosmopolitan

Cihangir of the past.

Cihangir today is a Muslim and Turkish neighborhood. Its already lost

cosmopolitanism is now something tried to be revived but the result is a pseudo

cosmopolitanism or an imagined one. However, there is a new type of

cosmopolitanism in Cihangir today. As part of an Istanbul, which is between the

global and the local, contemporary Cihangir is a place, where various groups of

different origins, backgrounds, and cultures ghettoized. According to official

population statistics, the population of Cihangir Mahalle is 4,557 today.254

However,

252 Şafak T., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Çocukluğuma dödüğümde, 1980’leri hatırlayabiliyorum. Çok net hatırladığım ve çok özlediğim bir

şey, biz arkadaşlarla bu caddenin üstünde futbol oynardık Pazar günleri. 253

Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Bugün Cihangir kozmopolit oldu. 254

Data taken from Sündüs Ulaman, current muhtar (the elected neighborhood administrator) of

Cihangir

116

it was 5,509 in 1990 and 4,399 in 1997.255

Today, only 342 of the inhabitants of

Cihangir Mahalle are Christians, only nine are Jewish, and 4,207 are Muslims. That

is to say, only 7.50 percent of it is Christian while Jews constitute only 0.20 percent.

On the other hand, Muslims constitute 92.30 percent.256

Women constitute the 50.12

percent of the neighborhood’s population while men constitute the 49.88 percent. An

important aspect of demographic statistics for present day Cihangir is that single

people constitute 54 percent of the population. Although Cihangir used to be a

neighborhood, where families in households were the basic units in the 1960s, 1970s,

and even in the 1980s. Today’s Cihangir in globalizing Istanbul; however, has turned

into a place, where the family has disappeared and singles pursue different life styles.

On the other side, only 37 percent of the inhabitants are university graduates. On the

other hand, the population of Pürtelaş Mahalle, which is also a part of Cihangir as a

semt, is 1800.257

However, again the majority of the inhabitants of this mahalle are

Muslim and Turk. The same situation is valid for the Kılıç Ali Paşa Mahalle, whose

population is around 8,000 and Firuzağa Mahalle, whose population was around

6,500.258

When I talked to the muhtar of Firuzağa Mahalle, he told me there were

only few Rum, Armenian and Italian families left. He also said people from Eastern

and Southeastern parts of Anatolia, especially from cities such as Siirt, Bitlis and

Erzincan, constitute a great part of the population in the mahalle.

Hence, Cihangir’s ethnic composition has witnessed significant shifts

throughout its history. Due to departure of its non-Muslim inhabitants, specifically

the Rums, and influx of new inhabitants from Anatolian cities, the neighborhood

attained mostly a Muslim character. Due to departure of the Rums, Armenians, Jews,

255

Data taken from the director of Beyoğlu Nüfus Müdürlüğü (Beyoglu Civil Registry Office). 256 Percentages are also given by the muhtar of Cihangir Mahalle. 257

Information by muhtar of the Cihangir Mahalle. 258

Information by muhtars of the Kılıç Ali Paşa and Firuzağa mahalles.

117

Levantines, and Germans, it became less ethnically heterogeneous, although a new

type of cosmopolitanism replaced the former one with Turks, Kurds and other ethnic

groups in the neighborhood. As it is understood from the words of Mr. Y., who said

Cihangir has become cosmopolitan today, a new type of heterogeneity dominated on

the neighborhood’s space. Thus, what he referred to was the new economic, cultural,

social, and ethnic heterogeneity, although not religious, in Cihangir. However, this

heterogeneous fabric lacks many of its ethnic elements in Cihangir today. As old

Cihangirli Mr. D. expressed,

There is a cosmopolitanism the percentage of which lacks in today’s

Cihangir. That is to say Turks are the majority. Still, there are officials

working in consulates and foreign teachers. Again, people, who came to

Turkey or to Istanbul from abroad to carry out commercial activities, fill the

stage as people of Cihangir. If only it (Cihangir) were cosmopolitan. It might

be said that Cihangir became cosmopolitan in terms of people, who flow there

thanks to opening of modern businesses such as bars and cafés. But they are

never the genuine locals of there…What we understand from the concept of

cosmopolitan is discussable. I mean the context of life in those days, when

people breathed the same atmosphere together, in a mixed way. Today, it has

faded away. For example, in our Havyar Street, there are either three or five

families, who have been living there for a long time and have survived until

today like us.259

According to Scognamillo, who was born to an Italian-origin Levantine

family in Pera, who has spent his entire life in Beyoğlu, and has been living in

Cihangir only for nine years, Cihangir’s cosmopolitanism today is a little bit

questionable. Although he says that he did not have much relation with Cihangir in

the past, he commented that as part of cosmopolitan Pera, Cihangir was also a

cosmopolitan neighborhood but this cosmopolitanism has changed in time. For

present day cosmopolitanism in Cihangir, he emphasized that if there is a

cosmopolitan flavor in Cihangir today, it should be proved by statistical figures.

“Cihangir Beautification Foundation should conduct a research on this issue. If such

259

Feridun D., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

118

figures do not exist, uttering cosmopolitanism (to the neighborhood) remains in the

air. The local head can know these (figures),” he continued.260

A comparison between Cihangir’s cosmopolitanism in the past and in present

was also made during our talk with writer Selim İleri on the neighborhood.

According to İleri, the point is what we understood from the word cosmopolitan

because it is an obscure word in our language. “A cosmopolitan environment is one,

where various cultures co-exist and various mosaics emerge as well as one, which

approaches to universal humanity. If we consider in this sense, old Cihangir was

more cosmopolitan and meaningful place in positive sense,” he commented.261

While by calling present day Cihangir as a cosmopolitan neighborhood, my

Rum informant referred to its highly heterogeneous character and meant that the

neighborhood has been inhabited by people who emigrated from Anatolia intensively

since the 1970s, thus, lost its Rum character while also many of its Rum inhabitants

migrated in great numbers abroad. While he finds current day Cihangir

cosmopolitan, in fact, he referred another type of cosmopolitanism in the

neighborhood today because as I stated elsewhere in this thesis Rums nearly

constituted the majority of the population in Cihangir before the second half of the

1960s but later immigrants from various regions of Anatolia, such as from the Black

Sea Region as well as the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia, came and settled in the

neighborhood changing its ethnic and religious composition. Mr. Y. has already

described Cihangir of the past as a cosmopolitan neighborhood, where there were

Rums, Armenians, Jews, Levantines, and Turks but to express it again, what he

260

Giovanni Scognamillo, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Cihangir Güzelleştirme Derneği bunun araştırmasını yapmalı. Bu doneler yoksa kozmopolit demek

havada kalır. Muhtar bilebilir bunları. 261

Selim İleri, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, 4 April 2006.

Kozmopolit kelimesinden ne anladığımıza bağlı. Kozmopolit bizde muğlak bir kelime. Kozmopolit

değişik kültürlerin yan yana olduğu, değişik mozaiklerin ortaya çıktığı evrensel insanlığa yaklaşmakta

olan bir ortam. Bu anlamda baktığınız vakit, eski Cihangir olumlu anlamda çok daha kozmopolit, çok

daha anlamlı bir yerdi.

119

referred by saying Cihangir has become cosmopolitan today was in another sense.

“In my opinion, if the current cosmopolitanism is civilization, I think it is not. I am

76 and I miss the fifty years ago. Write this like that. I miss that Istanbul, but today’s

Istanbul has no relation to that Istanbul,” he stressed, thus, attaching a negative

meaning to the so-called new type of cosmopolitanism in Cihangir today.262

Finally, as it is explored throughout this thesis, Cihangir was a cosmopolitan

neighborhood as part of cosmopolitan Istanbul thanks to a co-existence of Muslim

and non-Muslim inhabitants for centuries, however, it has lost many of its ethnic

elements due to a series of events against its non-Muslims that should be considered

within the framework of Turkification process in Republican Turkey. In this sense,

Cihangir also lost many of its Rum inhabitants as well as other ethnic groups in the

1940s, the 1950s, and especially the 1960s and after. However, this process also

continued spontaneously with another one. In line with mass urbanization in Turkey

that began in the 1950s, Istanbul was also saw flock of immigrants from different

parts of Anatolia. As part of city’s heart Beyoğlu, Cihangir was also affected by this

movement. Throughout the following decades, while on the one hand the Rums were

disappearing in great numbers on the neighborhood space, many immigrants from

other parts of Turkey were appearing as newcomers, especially in the 1970s and the

1980s. During my childhood in Cihangir, in the 1980s, I remember so many Turk,

Arab, and Kurd families, who newly moved to the neighborhood. Thus, Cihangir

entered to the 1990s with a new heterogeneous population but with its former

original elements, mostly the Rums and other non-Muslims lacking. If we look at

Cihangir today, it is possible to see a great cultural diversity. Although more than 90

percent of population is Muslim, there are various ethnic groups like Turks, Kurds,

262 Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Bana göre bugün kozmopolit medeniyetse değil. Valla ben 76 yaşındayım. 50 sene öncesini

özlüyorum. Öyle yazarsın. O İstanbul’u özlüyorum. Ama bugün o İstanbul’la alakası yok.

120

Arabs, as well as the remaining few Rums, Armenians, Jews, Levantines, and other

non-Muslims. Also, Cihangir is still a neighborhood, where expatriates mostly prefer

to live in. Even due to the effects of economic globalization in Istanbul, I have been

seeing people from countries like China, Taiwan or Thailand selling cheap

manufactures on the streets of neighborhood. Another impression of mine is that the

increasing number of Japanese expatriates in Cihangir. Thus, today’s Cihangir is a

highly heterogeneous place, if not religiously or ethnically, but culturally. Lastly, I

would like to quote from a friend of mine, who is an Australian expatriate living in

the neighborhood for six years: “I like how Cihangir is a little more cosmopolitan

than many areas of Turkey; it has the old and new, and the best and the worst of

Turkey.”263

263

Deanne D., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

121

CHAPTER III

REDISCOVERING, REDEFINING AND REMAPPING CIHANGIR

AS A MAHALLE IN THE GLOBAL ERA

But whose city? I ask. And whose culture?

Sharon Zukin, 1995:47

Istanbul Globalizing?

At some level, however, the city remains “soft” and malleable,

accommodating all the materially, culturally, and politically differentiated

constituencies; tensions dissipate and interaction occurs. There is polarization

of space but also co-habitation of heterogeneous populations. There is

negotiation over cultural heritage, not outright war. Battles are waged, but

compromises are also reached.264

Myriad brilliant examinations and elucidation have been proliferating on the

subject of the city regarding the transformations it has gone through in the economic,

social, political and cultural realms in the epoch we have entered, contemporary

globalization. A part of the huge corpus of sociological literature and urban studies

focuses on the material aspects of globalization, providing elaboration on and

theorization of the formation of global cities within the current phase of global

capitalism. Another part of the studies include accounts of global/ local encounters,

cosmopolitanism, cultural fragmentation, identity politics, space, power, and

consumption patterns.265

264 Keyder, “The Setting” in Istanbul: Between the Global and the Local, p. 26.

265 Since Friedman’s “world city hypothesis” (1986), global city analyses have gathered momentum.

Castells (1996) and Sassen (1991, 1994, 1998) together with Abu-Lughod (1999) are some of the

122

My aim, however, in this chapter is not to introduce the above studies.

Instead, I would like to present, discuss, and evaluate some of the theoretical

analyses on Istanbul, a transforming city which was described as a Third World

metropolis until the 1980s and has been the object of cliché definitions based on its

position as a “bridge” uniting East/ West, Islam/Secularism and modern/traditional

binaries. This section seeks to portray the vivid, humdrum experience of the city of

Istanbul from the perspectives of the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres

under the impact of globalization after the 1980s. As Keyder has indicated, unlike

other global cities, Istanbul has always been a “world city.”266

From 330 AD, the

year Constantine founded the Eastern Roman Empire, to 1924, when Ankara became

the capital of the new Turkish Republic, Istanbul maintained its status as the imperial

capital of two great empires: the Byzantine and the Ottoman. Thus, as a multi-ethnic

and multi-religious capital, Istanbul has always been a cosmopolitan city.

During the nineteenth century, its cosmopolitanism was enhanced by its new

role as a commercial center and a nodal point on the interception of trade networks.

A historical and sociological analysis of nineteenth century globalization and the

incorporation of the Ottoman Empire into this process reveal that in the second half

of the nineteenth century Istanbul became a metropolis and a port city, functioning in

a global role within the world system due mostly to its location at the intersection of

two civilizations.267

The vibrant economic life found its reflections in the social and

cultural life of the historical moment as well. Moreover, the architectural layout of

the city around specific districts, such as Pera and Galata, symbolized the bourgeois

most influential scholars describing the characteristics of the networks of cities and their hierarchical

connectedness on the global scale. On the other hand, Zukin (1996) and Öncü and Weyland (1997) are

just some of the social scientists working in the cultural field among the scholarship on

global/globalizing cities. 266 Keyder, “The Setting,” p. 3. 267

Ç. Keyder, E. Özveren and D. Quataert, Doğu Akdeniz’de Liman Kentleri 1800-1914 (Istanbul:

Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1994).

123

accumulation and the plurality of styles as resonating with the historical context. The

cosmopolitanism of the era, with reference to the pittoresque daily life experienced

in the public space, specifically the cosmopolitan crowds in the market place (çarşı),

were also narrated in accounts of Istanbul.268

This global role of Istanbul, however, was challenged with the formation of

the nation-state, and the move of the capital of the new nation-state to Ankara in

Central Anatolia. The marginalization of Istanbul by the Republican elite was due

mostly to the perception of the process of Westernization/Modernization in Istanbul

as experienced by the non-Muslim population of the Empire, not the local

constituencies of the newly appearing nation.269

Thus, until the 1970s, when

Istanbul’s economic role was recognized again, the national developmentalist

decades passed with an inward-looking, caustic mood, which neglected Istanbul.

Istanbul since the 1980s: The Impact of Economic Globalization

As stated above, although the notions of “global city” or “world city” have

been discussed in the literature since the 1980s, Istanbul has always been a world

city. However, the importance of the 1980s derives from the marking of the end of an

era. On the global scale, the domination of nation-states over their own economies

and populations has been dissolving since the 1980s, parallel to the rise of global

cities in an era where these cities sustain the national economies rather than vice-

versa. The terrain of the nation-state, of course, has not disappeared, but we have

entered the epoch of globalization, accelerated by the internationalization of capital.

268

For example, Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, a crucial figure in Turkish literature, and a lover of Istanbul,

describes the city in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in his book Beş Şehir (Five

Cities). 269

Keyder, “The Setting,” p. 10.

124

The so-called post-industrial, post-Fordist, post-modern era yielded the global logic

of capitalism. This economic globalization has necessitated the inclusion of cities in

the analysis of the current capitalist restructuring because cities have become the

places where the duality of national-global takes place, at times the latter gaining

power over the former. To use Sassen’s terms, the global economy paved the way for

“new geographies of centrality and marginality,” which are the major international

financial and business centers, such as New York, London, and Tokyo.270

When we shift the analytical axis to Istanbul, leaving the global panorama

behind, what we observe is a cloudy atmosphere, in which the city has undergone

great transformations through the impact of globalization. Related to Turkey’s

experiment of economic liberalization following the coup of 1980, specifically with

Özal’s export-oriented, outward-looking political economy, Istanbul once again

attained its functional role deriving mostly from its location. In order to achieve

structural adjustment, liberalization, and privatization, Turkey implemented policies

recommended by the International Monetary Fund. All these efforts aimed at

reducing the role of the state sector, and at placing the Turkish economy within

global capitalism. This, of course, necessitated positioning Istanbul as a global city,

which led to establishing regional projects in order to place Istanbul as a center in

terms of international flows. During this phase, Istanbul, for the first time in

Republican history, received a large amount of state funding.271

Due to transformations deriving from both the impact of economic

globalization and Turkey’s political attitude inside, Istanbul has regained its regional

role, which had been forgotten, as not only the key point for opening up the domestic

270

Saskia Sassen, “Whose City is it? Globalization and the Formation of New Claims” in

Globalization and Its Discontents, Saskia Sassen (New York: The New Press, 1998). 271

Ç. Keyder and A. Öncü, İstanbul and the Concept of World Cities (Istanbul: Friedrich Ebert

Foundation, 1993).

125

market in Turkey, but also to the large market that includes the Middle East, the

Black Sea Region, the Caucasians and the Balkans. Relations with the Arab world

developed in this period; hence, Istanbul became both a tourism and finance sector

for Middle Easterners.

The economic transformation of the time occurred mostly in terms of the

finance sector. As an outcome of the liberalization, numerous branch offices of

foreign banks, leasing and insurance companies were opened. The rising

headquarters of these new banks contributed to the emergence of Istanbul as an

international finance sector.272

In addition to these new international banks and

trading companies, numerous luxurious, five-star hotels were opened.273

Next to

office buildings and five-star hotels, there appeared shopping centers, restaurants and

malls, world standard boutiques, satisfying the luxury consumption drives of the

newly emerging global upper classes. In the case of exports, once again, Istanbul

performed the primary role among the other cities of Turkey. During the 1980s,

Istanbul’s share in the GNP of Turkey was 23.30%.274

One crucial aspect of Istanbul’s evolution is, as Keyder argues, that it cannot

be understood merely from the perspective of global-city, nor can the

transformations be grasped without reference to the global-city model.275

Although

Istanbul does not function totally as a global city, still it is quite vigorous in terms of

economic activities. In the economic sense, the answer lies in the intensification of

an alternative pattern of transnational material flows. It is informal globalization that

has taken place in the case of Istanbul, where illegal flows and illicit activities

272

Ibid. 273 Keyder and Öncü give a list of the international banks opened in Istanbul during the 1980s as well

as a list of luxurious and five-star hotels opened in the early 1990s. 274

Mustafa Sönmez, İstanbul’un İki Yüzü: 1980’den 2000’e Değişim (Ankara: Arkadaş Yayınları,

1996). See Sönmez for statistical data especially on economic and demographic changes between

1980 and 2000 in Istanbul. 275

Keyder, “Synopsis,” in Istanbul: Between the Global and the Local, Çağlar Keyder (ed), (Lanham,

Boulder, New York, Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 1999), pp.187-199.

126

constitute a major part in Turkey’s exports and Istanbul’s share in the national

income. Thus, Istanbul has appeared as a major center amidst the flows of activities

such as money laundering and the drug trade. On the other hand, the so-called

suitcase trade with Russia and Eastern Europe has constituted much of the informal

economic activity in Istanbul. In the case of a neighborhood, Laleli, for example, the

shifts in the economic life have paved the way for a reinvention of the neighborhood

as a regional market where this trade dominates as an informal economic activity.276

Istanbul’s new role in the world economy was then shaped by these modes of

international flows where the city reacted to them as an uncontrolled body growing

amorphously in all directions independent from the national authority.

The Political Ethos of a Globalizing City

Although Istanbul has been experiencing the impact of globalization in terms

of transnational flows of money, capital, people, ideas, signs and information, as

Keyder argues, it is not becoming a global city as depicted in the global-city

model.277

This is because of the political constraints jeopardizing the city’s potential

to function as a global city better integrated into the world system, hence, evenly

affected by the economic globalization. During the 1980s the politics at the local

level in Istanbul, with the municipality’s efforts to market Istanbul as a global city,

especially during the administration of Mayor Bedrettin Dalan, failed to reach this

goal. Dalan, a liberal mayor who insisted on a private-entrepreneur-based

reformation of Istanbul in order to properly market the city in the global arena,

neglected the majority, who were newly arrived in the city. Their political will,

276

Keyder, “A Tale of Two Neighborhoods,” pp.173-187. 277

Keyder, “Synopsis,” p. 188.

127

which was shaped by the populist claims of Nurettin Sözen, who was to be the new

mayor after Dalan, marked the new period after the municipal elections of 1989.

During Sözen’s tenure, populist policies constituted much of the local politics. The

spread of shantytowns in all directions in Istanbul took place during this period.

Istanbul remained passive in terms of the activities to market it as a global city.

With the 1994 elections, however, Tayyip Erdoğan from the Welfare Party

became the new mayor of Istanbul, marking the beginning of a new mentality

regarding the marketing of Istanbul as a global city. This new mentality sought to

praise globalization, but in a rather different way, paving the way for alternative

global city dreams of political Islam.278

This time, struggles emerged over which

Istanbul to globalize. The struggles usually revolved around identity politics. As

Bora indicates, whether the Istanbul of the Conqueror or else was to be

accommodated in the global-city project went parallel with the polarization of

cityscape, hence, brought to risks in terms of mass support. Therefore, as Keyder

argues, Istanbul is not becoming a global city as in the model theorized after the

1980s because of “the continuation of populist politics and the reluctance to institute

a liberal framework at the national level, and the lack of coherent and unifying

entrepreneurial vision at the local level which limit its chances.”279

278

Tanıl Bora, “Istanbul of the Conqueror: The ‘Alternative Global City’ Dreams of Political Islam”

in Çağlar Keyder (ed.) Istanbul: Between the Global and the Local, (Oxford: Rowman&Littlefield

Publishers, Inc., 1999), pp.47-58. 279

Keyder, “The Setting”, p. 23.

128

Changing Urban Form

Istanbul’s evolution both in terms of population and housing patterns

coincided with the beginning of the post-WWII era. Before that, or during the period

following the First World War to 1945, the urban population had been stable. In the

pre-war times, furthermore, Istanbul’s urban fabric always presented sparseness

when compared to the within-the-walls density of pre-modern European cities, and

this was noted by many travelers.280

Istanbul’s population growth dates back to the 1950s, when Turkey

experienced the largest rate of urbanization in Republican history. In 1950, the

population of Istanbul was over one million. It reached three million in 1970, four

million in 1975, six million in 1985, and nine million in 1995. Today it is over

twelve million. This explosion in population was due to mass immigration from the

countryside. Thus, illegal squatter housing (gecekondu) emerged as the outcome of

this new mass immigration. Uzun writes that “the first gecekondu settlements had

sprung up by the end of the 1940s in Istanbul, alongside apartment houses of four to

six stories, which were being built for the new rich- the city’s bourgeois and

technocrat class.”281

During the 1950s, 1960s, and the 1970s, gecekondu settlements

continued to spread around the city, transforming Istanbul into an amorphous body

writ large. In this early stage of Istanbul’s evolution after the Second World War, the

main pattern was the invasion of Istanbul by rural immigrants, increasing illegal

housing first in the old urban core of the city, and later on its periphery. Istanbul

gradually took on the appearance of a patch-work where in the wealthiest

neighborhoods of the city gecekondu settlements were interspersed among the villas

280 Keyder, “The Housing Market from Informal to Global” in Çağlar Keyder (ed) İstanbul: Between

the Global and the Local, (Oxford: Rowman&Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1999), pp.143-161. 281

Uzun, p.78.

129

and luxurious flats, therefore, paving way to the coexistence of legal and illegal

housing in Istanbul’s urban geography.

In the 1960s and the 1970s, during the national development period based on

import substitution, parallel with Istanbul’s improvement in terms of increases in

incomes, middle classes, due to the changes in the consumption patterns, began to

take up residence in the legal areas of the city. Therefore, contrary to the

heterogeneous fabric of the neighborhoods of the earlier stage where illegal and legal

housing coexisted, more homogeneous neighborhoods emerged responding to

middle-class demands. This newly emerged middle class habitation in itself

presenting residential differentiation in Istanbul’s urban ecology, however, was

characterized by buildings of poor quality both in terms of construction materials and

style.

After the 1980s, spatial organization and housing patterns in Istanbul were

shaped by the impacts of globalization. Space was created this time through capitalist

enterprise in housing according to the global logic of economic liberalism. Contrary

to the müteahhits (contractors) of the 1960s and the 1970s, large construction firms

performed as space creators. The most important development during the 1980s was

the proliferation of real estate as the highest profit sector in Istanbul. Parallel with the

internationalization of the economy in the era of global capitalism, Istanbul’s urban

geography began to be occupied by high office buildings, five-star hotels and

shopping malls.

Middle-class residential patterns also became differentiated in this era. Due to

the affects of globalization, the polarization of the middle-classes was an inescapable

reality. Newly emerged professionals and businessmen with their new lifestyles

affected by the global tendencies expressed new residential preferences. Thus, the

130

large construction companies responded to these newly emerged middle-class

demands, and became involved in residential creation processes for them.

In the elite’s case, also, the spatial distribution of the residences presented a

versatile trend. In the 1960s and the 1970s, the elite of Istanbul had begun to escape

from the complexities of the city center, moving to luxury apartments. From the mid-

1980s onwards, however, as a bourgeois residence, the “villa,” with large gardens

surrounded by walls became widespread on the hills overlooking the Bosphorus.282

An example of the occupation of the hills of the Bosphorous with such villas and

sites was Arnavutköy, a neighborhood “discovered” by the yuppified professionals,

bank vice- presidents or others of the upper class strata during the 1980s and the

1990s.283

On the other hand, the 1980s saw an increase in population density in the

shantytowns leading to “peripheral slummification.”284

Different from the

immigrants of the 1960s and the 1970s, the newcomers in the 1980s and the 1990s

from Anatolia were driven out of their own habitats by economic and political crises,

especially the war in eastern and southeastern Anatolia. For those immigrants, the

only possible alternative was to find a place to survive in the city in minimum

conditions, albeit, receiving physical assistance through any networks. The only

solution for them was to settle in the poorest shantytowns, which gradually led to

increases in the density of these areas. The excessive growth of Istanbul as Turkey’s

most important metropolitan center from the 1980s to the present, therefore,

coincided with the emerging process of globalization. The changes in the economic

realm have been reflected in the use of space. There have been struggles over the

space both in the center and the peripheral areas. Suburbanization has taken place in

282 See Keyder and Öncü, Istanbul and the Concept of World Cities. 283

Keyder, “A Tale of Two Neighborhoods,” p.182. 284

Keyder, “The Housing Market from Informal to Global,” pp.143-159.

131

diverse forms. The upper income groups have preferred to escape from the

complexities of the city and moved to spatially separated, luxurious locations in the

periphery or constructed “ghettos” themselves on the hills of the Bosphorus, while

the middle classes also have chosen to live in the periphery, although their residential

patterns have remained limited to cooperatives or mass housing. On the other hand,

the gecekondu neighborhoods in the periphery have increased in density, while the

old gecekondu neighborhoods in the inner city have been transformed into lower-

middle class or middle class residential areas.285

An important aspect of the

developments in the urban form and spatial organization in Istanbul after the 1980s

has been the process called gentrification.286

In Istanbul, it usually has taken the form

of the conquest of some lower class neighborhoods by the middle or upper classes.

As Uzun’s research results indicate, gentrification in Istanbul has focused on

inner-city neighborhoods close to the city center. The gentrifies are usually middle-

aged, well-educated, nuclear families in professional, managerial, bureaucratic, or

artistic occupations. In two case studies on Cihangir and Kuzguncuk, two old

neighborhoods in Istanbul, Uzun emphasizes the emergence of a new life style and

changes in the dwelling stock of the neighborhoods to some extent.

Aksoy and Robins, on the other hand, state that during the 1980s and the

1990s, the impact of globalization and the capitalistic development were reflected in

the division of Istanbul’s urban geography in terms of functions.287

Thus, zoned areas

for different functions began to characterize a divided city. Some areas became

separated for working, some for shopping, yet others for living and entertainment.

Aksoy and Robins add that the zoning of functions and activities was not only

285

Uzun, p.84. 286 Uzun writes that the term gentrification was originally used by Glass in 1964. 287

Ahu Aksoy and Kevin Robins, “Istanbul Between the Civilization and Discontent”, New

Perspectives on Turkey, 10 (1994), pp.57-74.

132

economic in its nature, but had cultural implications as well. As the culture and

identity of Istanbul were also transformed, a divided city was born.

We have entered into an epoch where various theories have been formulated

on states carrying the prefix “post” (post-modernism, post-industrialism, and post-

Fordism). However, keeping in mind Turkey has not participated in any of these

processes in an equal way like some other parts of the world clarifies the uniqueness

of the Turkish context. Thus, in Turkish social scientific analyses, there have

emerged some critiques of modernity in Turkey. The eclectic patterns of the Turkish

experience since the 1920s now can be observed in myriad forms of hybridities,

social and cultural fragmentation and differentiation, especially in the era called

globalization. Istanbul’s current picture is emblematic of this fragmentation and

differentiation. After the 1980s, Istanbul left behind its status as that of a Third

World metropolis, yet, at the same time, it was not fully a global city, and hence, it

shifted between the global and the local. In the social and cultural realm, its

cosmology has been shaped by dividedness on a multi-cultural, multi-layered urban

fabric.

The unevenness of development appears to be reflected in cultural conflicts,

but still there is coexistence among the constituencies, forming a pastiche. The

disparities in income, lifestyles, tastes, and consumption patterns are both apparent,

and separated, but at the same time intertwined like intercepting or nested circles. As

Keyder depicts the quotidian in Istanbul:

In some neighborhoods residents wait in line to buy bread that is a few

pennies cheaper; in others all the glitzy displays of wealth can be found.

Luxury sedans proliferate while homeless children become more visible on

the streets. There are sections of the city where a photographer could frame a

crowd scene and pretend it to be from Kabul; others could stand in for any

modern neighborhood from a European city.288

288

Keyder, “Synopsis,“ p. 195.

133

The above picture is the outcome of inclusion into and exclusion from the

flows of a global economic order. While a certain segment of the population has been

incorporated into the dynamics of world economic order, others have been excluded

with no benefit from the same dynamics. Hence, while on the one hand bankers,

professionals, knowledge-workers and such have been defining and redefining new

lifestyles for themselves with diverse consumption patterns and distinct tastes, the

middle and lower segments of the urban mosaic have been left behind on their own

capacity to move. However, each segment of the population has experienced

mutations. The power of the global cycles is so big that even the middle classes have

developed changing consumption patterns in their own way. Given the impacts of

globalization, then, each segment of the population in Istanbul has experienced

transformations in all dimensions. The social differentiation based on class behaviors

has been shaping the consumption patterns as reflected in the daily habits of all the

strata. At the cultural level, class cultures have been redefined through the medium of

consumption patterns. Residential space also reflects the nature of social

differentiation and cultural fragmentation. Given this panorama, Istanbul could be

thought of not as a “dual city” but as a “divided city”.289

However, alongside the economic polarization and social and cultural

differentiation and fragmentation, despite the conflicts deriving from encounters, still

there is a coexistence and cohabitation of the heterogeneous parts, which is the most

definitive characteristic of the quotidian in Istanbul. This aspect of the city, perhaps,

is the one, which makes it unique.

289

Keyder, “The Setting,” p.25.

134

On the other hand, the definition of a genuine Istanbullian has also become

complex in the global era. Öncü asks a striking question: Who is an Istanbulite? She,

then, answers it: The true Istanbulite is a “myth.”290

In her definition of a myth she

follows Barthes. Thus, her Istanbulite is a myth in the Barthian sense. It is impossible

not to agree with this diagnosis. In fact, on the shifting grounds of belonging, being

an Istanbulite in Istanbul has lost its connections with time and space. What we

observe in Istanbul, the city of immigrants, is a cohabitation of heterogeneous

populations. This heterogeneity brings with it the intermingling of diverse cultures.

In a city of immigrants, a metropolis of fluctuating cultural boundaries, there seems

to appear contrasts rather than uniformity. Yet Öncü’s interest in the phenomenon of

an Istanbulite derives from the dynamics of the present. In other words, she focuses

on the everyday existence shaped by various cultural flows from different parts of the

world. Here, she touches upon the existence of glocalized icons, images, sounds and

such intertwined in Istanbul.

Then, it becomes clear in the unique landscape of Istanbul after the 1980s that

shifting patterns of cultural hierarchies alongside the signs and images each defining

an identity are emblematic of the glocalization Robertson defines above. Amidst the

fluctuating pluralities and shifting identities, the discursive construct of an

Istanbulite, on the other hand, becomes something, acquiring meaning and content

when travels across the boundaries of diverse habituses. Öncü grounds her

discussion on an analysis of the processes of “othering” “that are hidden in the trivia

of everyday life” and tries to reach “an exploration of how multiple and changing

typifications of ‘others’ operate in different textual contexts.”291

Through an analysis

290

Ayşe Öncü, “Istanbulites and Others: The Cultural Cosmology of Being Middle Class in the Era of

Globalism”, in Çağlar Keyder (ed) Istanbul: Between the Global and the Local (Oxford:

Rowman&Littlefield Publishers Inc., 1999), p. 95. 291

Öncü, p.96.

135

of the cartoons of the moment depicting the parodies of refinement and distinction,

and belonging and authenticity, she tries to show how the mythology of an

Istanbulite is a discursive construct of something only “negates” and “excludes” in

her terms, how it operates through the everyday practice of “othering” at the solid

line drawn between being an Istanbulite and an immigrant. A crucial aspect of this

process of “othering” is explored by Öncü as follows:

But a ‘middle-class way of life’ is not something solid and immutable; it is

based on an elaborated system of distinctions and differences that have

become increasingly subject to erosion in the era of globalizm. Hence, the

construction of the immigrant as the absolute other in the neo-liberal ethos of

Istanbul is part of an ongoing struggle to redefine the boundaries of middle

sectors or classes.292

As understood from Öncü’s work, Istanbul’s current social-cultural map can

only be interpreted with the awareness that its landscape is the arena on which

cultural hierarchies fluctuate, the shifting boundaries between the middle-classes and

the others or Istanbulites and the immigrants are drawn and redrawn with reference

to typifications of the “other” in the everyday minutiae.

The Redefinition of the Local

Globalization has changed the political and cultural ethos in Istanbul since the

1980s. The local, or the real authentic, thus, has been redefined according to the

global positioning of the city. In the light of this statement emerges the ongoing

conflict over the ownership of the real authentic. In the case of Istanbul, this

particularly has taken the form of conflict over the old quarters of the city. On this

issue, Bartu asks who owns the old quarters. Her study describes the struggles over

292

Ibid., p.98.

136

the unique historical district of Istanbul, Pera, and through her analysis, she clarifies

how cultural heritage and preservation of it have become “contested domains through

which the past, present, and future are (re) worked and (re) formulated.”293

For each

group in their political thoughts shaped by their perception of the past, Beyoğlu/Pera

has different connotations. Bartu continues that in the Islamist imagination, however,

Pera, as the symbol of Westernizing lifestyles at the urban level is “the place where

the old harmony was first corrupted.”294

After the elections of 1994, the proposal of

mayor Erdoğan to build a mosque in Taksim Square located in Pera again reflected

the disparities in the imagining of the city by different political groups. Thus, as

Bartu states, “the struggle over Beyoğlu brings up the issues of ‘who we are/who we

were’. What it means to be Turkish, European, ‘modern’; what becomes ‘local’ and

‘global’ are negotiated and contested around this built environment.”295

On the neighborhoods level, another crucial development in globalizing

Istanbul is that some neighborhoods have been discovered and reinvented through

the impact of globalization. Keyder’s analysis of the transformation of two

neighborhoods of Istanbul reveals this fact. In the cases of Laleli and Arnavutköy,

two old neighborhoods, each has been redefined and reshaped according to their

characteristics and historical evolution. Whereas Laleli has become an informal

market area, Arnavutköy has remained a residential area, but its so-called

“discovery” as a real old Istanbul neighborhood itself is a phenomenon which can be

understood with reference to the impacts of globalization on Istanbul, its urban

ecology and urban fabric.

293

Ayfer Bartu, “Who Owns the Old Quarters? Rewriting Histories in a Global Era”, in Çağlar

Keyder (ed) Istanbul: Between the Global and the Local (Oxford: Rowman&Littlefield Publishers

Inc., 1999), p.43. 294

Ibid., p.39. 295

Ibid., p.43.

137

In this chapter, given the ethos of Istanbul after the 1980s, when the

experiences of “contrasts” and “uniformity” on the edges of overlapping circles of

the existence of diverse social groups have changed or given way to fluctuations of

both “conflict” and “coexistence,” and genres of refinement, taste, and belonging

have been defined and redefined, my discussion will be grounded on a “reading” of

the traces of change in a neighborhood, Cihangir. Beginning with the 1950s,

Cihangir, like any other part of Istanbul, began to be heavily populated by

immigrants from Anatolia, but the turning point was 1980, when the impacts of

globalization caused various changes in the city as a whole. However, my purpose in

the case of Cihangir is to focus on the idea that a recent trend is appearing, which I

believe crucial to recognize, that especially the last few years seem to show the flow

of a culturally diverse strata to the neighborhood, one with more material and

symbolic capital than those who emigrated from Anatolia during the 1970s and the

1980s. Therefore, I would like to shed light, given the changes in the post-modern

era, on the newcomers’ lifestyle and how it affects the mahalle life in Cihangir.

Beyond questions such as “Who are these newcomers?” and “How are they

perceived by the old denizens?”, the multidimensional nature of the processes of

acquiring a belonging to a specific space, hence, the making of “self” and the “other”

on blurred grounds where the phenomenon of being a Cihangirli is shaped is what

should be observed in Cihangir. Through their pseudo-discovery of a “genuine,”

“old,” “Istanbul” neighborhood, Cihangir lies in front of the eyes of these newcomers

as a place to seed and grow their existence, to give it a form, to present it to the stage

on which the global transforms the local, giving birth to fragmentations of culture.

This neighborhood has become, then, the proper space for these new, more

“bohemian” gentrifier groups to acquire a sense of belonging, and hence to define

138

and redefine their existence. Also throughout the chapter, I shall try to follow the

vestiges of the local in Cihangir as a “newly discovered neighborhood.” I shall also

discuss the arguments of gentrification here and give a discussion of the patterns.

Another aspect of my discussion is I argue that the neighborhood Cihangir itself has

become a “commodity” in present-day Istanbul, the object of bizarre consumption

behavior together with rapacious marketing drives.

Reinventing Cihangir in the Global Era

This section argues that Cihangir has been transforming since the late 1990s.

Strictly speaking, the neighborhood has been rediscovered and undergoing a process

of revival especially from the second half of the 1990s to the present. As I expressed

in the previous chapter, two patterns shaped the destiny of Cihangir during the

decades preceding the 1990s. First, Cihangir gradually lost its cosmopolitan

spirit/atmosphere after departure of its non-Muslim inhabitants. Second, the

Anatolian immigrants flocking to Istanbul came and settled in the neighborhood

during the 1970s and the 1980s and déclassement occurred. On the other side,

subcultures like transsexuals and transvestites concentrated in the neighborhood

specifically during the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, a development that

caused Cihangir to acquire a marginal character.

So what change or changes have occurred in Cihangir since the 1990s? What

kind of a transformation has the neighborhood been undergoing during its revival

process?

First of all, Cihangir’s destiny was again closely dependent on that of

Beyoglu’s during the 1990s. Here, a brief discussion about the remaking of Beyoğlu

during the 1980s and the 1990s is necessary as two developments paved the way for

139

Cihangir’s revival during the 1990s. First, İstiklal Caddesi was turned into a

pedestrian artery in the early 1990s.296

Indeed, this was part of a larger project, which

aimed to revitalize Beyoğlu through neoliberal policies in order to transform Istanbul

into a metropolis and market it as a global city. The neoliberal revitalization projects

of the mayor Dalan in the 1980s included opening up a boulevard parallel to Istiklal

Caddesi. The attempt caused demolitions of blocks of historic buildings from the

nineteenth century that represented the cosmopolitan past of Pera.297

The project

aimed to revitalize Beyoğlu/Pera as a cultural and commercial center of Istanbul

during the 1980s and the early 1990s. This urban renewal project was based on

neoliberal drives to redefine the city as a metropolis and to market it to the world

audience in the global era. In line with the rehabilitation of Beyoğlu, Cihangir also

became an example of urban renewal. With the development of Beyoğlu as a central

business district, new cultural groups or classes also started to appear in Cihangir.

The second turning point was the municipal elections of March 1994. The

Islamist Refah (Welfare) Party won the election and struggles between the secularists

and the Islamists over Beyoğlu became more apparent.298

Since Cihangir is a part of

Beyoğlu, it was obviously affected by the struggles over the identity of the old

district. Thus, connoting different things for the Welfare Party, the rehabilitation of

Beyoğlu took a different turn. In the case of Cihangir, this resulted in the cleansing of

the neighborhood of its subculture groups, meaning male homosexuals, transsexuals,

transvestites and female sex workers. In addition to these marginal identities, drug

dealers were also removed from Cihangir. In 1996, the police organized round ups in

296

The cosmopolitan, French speaking Grande Rue de Pera of the nineteenth century Istanbul was

renamed as Istiklal (Independence) Avenue in 1927, which is an indicator of Turkification process of

the urban space in Istanbul. 297

For further information on remaking of Pera in the 1980s, see Ayfer Bartu, “Who Owns the Old

Quarters? Rewriting Histories in a Global Era,” in Caglar Keyder (ed), Istanbul: Between the Global

and the Local (Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers Inc., 1999), pp.31-45. 298

See Bartu for an analysis of struggles over the ownership of Beyoğlu as represented in the

discourses of both Islamists and secularists.

140

several houses in Ülker Street, where a considerable number of apartment houses

were residents of transvestites. These subculture groups, who were mostly

concentrated in Ülker, Pürtelaş and Sormagir Streets, left Cihangir also because of

social pressure by other inhabitants of the neighborhood. They were subjected to

degradation in everyday life as well. For instance, they faced restrictions and social

pressure when they wanted to shop for groceries in Cihangir. Hence, the marginal

identities of Cihangir disappeared during the 1990s and today only a small number of

them reside in the neighborhood.

Cihangir’s revival in the 1990s occurred in line with the above changes.

Under the ethos of Istanbul in the so-called global era, Cihangir was rediscovered by

some of the middle and upper middle classes. It has started to be praised for its local

character as a mahalle. A local Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) was

established and started to publish a local periodical. Transformation was also

reflected in the physical structure of the neighborhood. Finally, being the subject of

all these changes, Cihangir became a kind of fetish in the eyes of those who live

there or desire to do so. Below, I will examine these changes in Cihangir. Related

analyses on theoretical bases will appear in detail in the following chapters.

New Strata, New Lifestyles

Cihangir has been witnessing flow of new middle and upper middle classes

thanks to its revival and popularization since the 1990s.With the revival of Beyoğlu

as the central business district and the heart of culture and arts activities of Istanbul,

Cihangir became an attractive neighborhood calling back its old inhabitants.

Intellectuals and artists returning to Beyoğlu also have rediscovered Cihangir. Amid

141

the impacts of globalization in Istanbul at various levels, Cihangir has been

welcoming a flow of culturally diverse strata, which have more symbolic capital than

those who came from different parts of Anatolia and settled in the neighborhood

during the earlier decades.

White-collar professionals, artists, writers, academics, intellectuals and

pseudo-intellectuals, journalists, caricaturists, they all have been forming the new

demographic structure of Cihangir. They also have developed an interest in the

historic apartment houses of the neighborhood and started the renovation of these

buildings.

Another development has been the rediscovery of Cihangir by so-called

bourgeois bohemians, or “bobos”, if we borrow from David Brooks.299

As Brooks

wrote:

These are highly educated folk who have one foot in the bohemian world of

creativity and another foot in the bourgeois realm of ambition and worldly

success. The members of the new information elite are bourgeois bohemians.

Or, to take the first to letters of each word, they are Bobos. These Bobos

define our age. They are the new establishment. Their hybrid culture is the

atmosphere we all breathe.300

Glossy magazines about Istanbul life have also started to talk about the bobos

in Cihangir. One of these magazines, a weekly, for example, was describes the newly

appearing bobos in Cihangir as the following301

:

Bourgeois Bohemians, or “bobos” as these thirty- and forty-something

business-savvy and successful hipsters are affectionately known, are basically

our new cosmopolitan elite, and despite the oxymoronic label, they're

essentially bourgeois but ashamed of it. They still have high-powered, high-

paying jobs, but they're also in tune with the world, with nature, with poverty

and with different cultures. They have incorporated rebellious attitudes into

their smug and safe urban lives. They generally live in places like Cihangir,

sip on cafe lattes, go to concerts at Babylon, but only when they are not

299

David Brooks, Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There (New York:

Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2000). 300

Ibid., pp.10-11. 301

Attila Pelit, Zeynep Erkekli. “The Type Guide”, Time Out, 5 November 2001.

142

managing their advertising firm, their internet company, or making money off

the stock market with their inheritance.

Bobos, who are described as the prominent figures and actors of

gentrification in Cihangir, have developed an interest in the historic apartment

buildings in the neighborhood. They have bought flats in historic apartment buildings

and had them renovated.

Apart from bobos, some low income intellectuals and students, who also have

rediscovered Cihangir, have moved into the apartment buildings where transsexuals

and transvestites used to reside. Besides the above strata, one should also mention the

expatriates who prefer to live in Cihangir. As explained in the first section, Cihangir

has always been a neighborhood, where foreign nationals have lived. Both the

neighborhood’s location in the periphery of Beyoğlu and its cosmopolitan past

renders it attractive in the eyes of expatriates. On the other hand, the penetration of

foreign capital into Turkey as a result of the country’s experience of economic

liberalization since the 1980s led the officials of multinational corporations coming

Istanbul to prefer Cihangir as a neighborhood during its gentrification. Teachers

temporarily coming to work in foreign schools or officials working in embassies and

consulates in Beyoğlu have also been living in Cihangir. A friend of mine, who is an

expatriate and has lived in Cihangir for the last six years, told me why she has prefers

to live in Cihangir and how she moved there:

My husband and I moved to Cihangir from Maçka because it was central to

Taksim and we loved the area for the buildings, cafés and because of the

foreigners, perhaps more “modern” in terms of the people living there. I have

been living in Cihangir since 2000, but have recently moved to Beyoğlu, but

still spend much time in Cihangir and have many friends living there. We

have moved many times around Cihangir…in 6 years we lived in 6 houses.

We went preferred to live in the older style apartments, but they are often too

expensive and usually have many problems, which don’t appear until after

you have moved in. The main reason we moved so much was simply

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financial. As our circumstances changed, apartments became too

expensive.302

She also had considerable information about Cihangir’s Rum past. She told

me one of her interesting experiences in the neighborhood related to it.

We lived for a time in and renovated an old three storey Rum house, which

had been converted into a seven storey house. One day a man arrived outside

and started taking photographs. We asked him what he was doing and he said

that he was born in the house and later in the 1960s his family had been

forced to move back. His mother had taken him back and his father was

supposed to join them later, and he never did. It was a sad story. This man

finally found his father and met him just a couple of times in his life, he now

lives back in Greece, but has no contact with his ex-wife. He knocked on the

door of our neighbors, who also lives in one of the old two storey houses in

Firuzağa, but they weren’t the original owners, and unfortunately couldn’t

help him to find the people he remember to be living there before. This man

would have been in his late 50s early 60s and remembers living in the area

before being forced to migrate as a child.303

Thus, the new folk of today’s Cihangir were formed during the late 1990s and

the early 2000s and the neighborhood still continues to be shaped. However, this new

demography has brought new divisions on the neighborhood space. While bobos

including rich Europeans who are mostly French and British, and other upper classes

have concentrated in some certain streets of the neighborhood, for example, Cihangir

Street and Susam Street, some other streets like Pürtelaş and Başkurt in the north of

Cihangir remained relatively poor. Young people as well as the locals, who have not

moved to other places due to the impacts of gentrification, constitute the inhabitants

of these parts of the neighborhood.

With the flow of these new middling and upper strata in Cihangir, new

lifestyles also have started to appear in the neighborhood space. On the other hand,

there have always been relatively poor inhabitants of Cihangir. All these strata now

302

Deanne D., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 303

Ibid.

144

shape the cosmology of Cihangir. Disparities in income, lifestyles, tastes, and

consumption patterns are interrelated and separated like intercepting circles.

An aspect of the overall transformation of Cihangir is that new shops like

gourmet shops, pet shops, antique shops, boutiques, wine shops and shops selling

things like vegetarian food have emerged in the mahalle space of the neighborhood.

These shops, serving the new lifestyles introduced to the neighborhood by its

newcomers from the upper-middle strata, also reflect the changing tastes and patterns

of consumption on the neighborhood space. For example, with the flow of culturally

diverse strata with their pets to the neighborhood, some pet shops have also been

opened in the neighborhood. A pet shop owner with whom I talked is Ayşe. She has

been living in Cihangir for five years and she said she moved to the neighborhood

because it was a more liberal one when compared to the others. “Many people living

in Cihangir are single so the level of having pets is quite high, thus, the idea of

managing a pet shop here seemed to me a logical and fun one” she explained her

reason to open such a shop in the neighborhood.304

She added that the number of pet

shops she knows in Cihangir is two while the grocers also sell goods for pets and

there are four veterinarians in the neighborhood, all of which have been opened

recently.305

Hence, by the end of 1990s, Cihangir became popular as a bohemian

downtown neighborhood and entered the new millennium with its multi-cultural

cosmology. The bohemian and the bourgeois were all mixed up in the neighborhood

space, where hybrid social and cultural identities and lifestyles contributed to the

uniqueness of the neighborhood.

304

Ayşe M., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Cihangir de yasayan insanlar cogunlukla bekar kisiler olduklari icin evcil hayvan besleme orani cok

yuksek, burada pet shop isletmek fikri keyifli ve mantikli gorundu bana. 305

Ibid.

145

A Local Initiative: The Cihangir Beautification Foundation

The transformation of Cihangir is also being reflected in the social life in the

neighborhood. The rediscovery and revival of Cihangir as a genuine old Istanbul

neighborhood under the globalizing ethos of Istanbul during the 1990s also gave

birth to a local consciousness among some professionals living in the neighborhood.

In 1995, claiming the neighborhood they had been living in for years, they came

together and formed a local organization, called Cihangir Güzelleştirme Derneği

(Cihangir Beautification Foundation). Thus, Cihangir witnessed the formation of a

unique type of local initiative that had never been seen in Turkey until that time. The

aim of the foundation was beautifying, rehabilitating, reconstructing, and

regenerating Cihangir. Celebrating its tenth anniversary in 2005, the Cihangir

Beautification Foundation announced its goals as to cooperate with local

administrations, public authorities and other NGOs, to form a pressure group in order

to take part in the decision-making process for projects regarding Cihangir, to

contribute to the production of solutions for issues related to the evolution of the

neighborhood and affecting its fabric, environmental problems and the everyday

lives of its inhabitants, to preserve its historic and unique architectural riches

including Art Nouveau and Art Deco buildings, to protect and rehabilitate its already

existing green areas, and to contribute to the development of urban consciousness

and communication among its residents through organizing various social and

cultural events, festivals, etc. The majority of the members of the Cihangir

Beautification Foundation are architects and professionals.

The Cihangir Beautification Foundation is also in the list of NGOs that are

affiliated with the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-

146

HABITAT).306

It has implemented several projects in Cihangir based on volunteer

action since the date it was established. It has struggled against illegal construction

activities as well as the improvement of green areas in the neighborhood. One of

these projects was the revitalization of Cihangir Park, one of the limited green sites

in the neighborhood. Cihangir Park had been exploited by some groups and turned

into a parking lot by capitalistic drives in the 1980s. However, the Foundation took

action in cooperation with the Beyoğlu Municipality in 1995 and re-constructed

Cihangir Park as a green area. In 2005, the park was revised under the title of the

“Cihangir Park Revision Project” with the help of some local associations and

NGOs. The Foundation also prevented the illegal expansion of an old and

distinguished hospital in the neighborhood. It filed a lawsuit against the senior

officials of the hospital and created public reaction through the media. By these

actions, the Cihangir Beautification Foundation stopped further demolition and

illegal expansion of historical buildings on the hospital’s land.

Another achievement by the Foundation was to stop construction activity in

front of the historical Cihangir Mosque in order to preserve the unique silhouette of

Cihangir from the Marmara Sea and to prevent any damage to the foundation of the

mosque. It also applied to the official authorities and filed lawsuits against the

construction of base stations for cellular phones, which had negative effects on the

health of Cihangir’s inhabitants.

In addition to organizing meetings to inform residents of the neighborhood,

the Cihangir Beautification Foundation also has conducted studies in cooperation

with local administrations on security measures against earthquakes after the great

earthquake that hit the Marmara region in Turkey on 17 August 1999.

306

United Nations Human Settlements Program [online]:

http://hq.unhabitat.org/ngo/profiles_accredited.asp?q=3 [11 January 2006].

147

Recently, the Foundation has been holding meetings with the public

authorities to provide the rehabilitation of another green area within the borders of

Cihangir. Its aim is to revitalize the Roma Bahçesi (Garden), as an archeological park

that is open to public.

The above activities carried out by the Cihangir Beautification Foundation

have contributed to the revitalization of Cihangir to a great extent. After its

establishment, the renovation of historic buildings and rehabilitation of the

neighborhood space have started to be undertaken in an organized way by

professionals. As a local initiative, it has also played a considerable role in the

development of a sense of belonging to Cihangir and a neighborhood consciousness

among its residents. Briefly, the Cihangir Beautification Foundation had a significant

impact on the regeneration of the neighborhood space and renovation of its building

stock. It has also caused environmental concerns to increase among the inhabitants of

Cihangir. By organizing social and cultural events like concerts, exhibitions, and

festivals, it had worked to construct and reconstruct communication among residents

of Cihangir. Emphasizing the importance of volunteer action and claiming the

neighborhood, the Cihangir Beautification Foundation has come up with a discourse

expressed in the following motto: Big deeds with little contributions.

This study observes the setting up of the Cihangir Beautification Foundation

in Cihangir in the mid-1990s as an outcome of the rediscovery and redefinition of the

local while the global is transforming it in Istanbul in the 1990s and 2000s. The

Foundation was formed to “beautify” the neighborhood. Why did the neighborhood

needed to be beautified? Or why has such a need been realized in the global era but

not before? The point is that the neighborhood has began to undergo gentrification,

which is a trend seen in many globalizing metropolises. Thus, it had been reinvented

148

as a local mahalle with a cosmopolitan past and historic building stock. Its recreation

has been based on its idealized past paving the way for redefinitions of its present

day imagined cosmopolitanism or cosmopolitanism of another type. Today, Cihangir

is a place, the existence of which is partly based on its nostalgically envisaged past.

Although this study perceives the appearance of the Cihangir Beautification

Foundation itself as a pattern and a dynamic caused by the transforming effects of

globalization in Istanbul, since globalization has led an articulation of the global and

the local and a mutual transformation of each other by themselves, it also argues that

such a Foundation has helped a sense of belonging to neighborhood increase in a

different way while claiming the local character or the locality of it as a genuine

Istanbul mahalle. Still though, it should not be forgotten that all these have ironically

gone hand in hand with a transformation of this genuine mahalle and its local

mahalle life thanks to the uneven effects of gentrification, which is shaped by the

effects of globalization in Istanbul. Cihangir as a semt and its mahalle life have been

partly commercialized and are being consumed day by day, which is a trend

contradicting the essence of an authentic mahalle life. Have you ever seen a mahalle

where time and space are being consumed and neighborly relations are eroding?

On the other hand, there are many members of the Foundation from different

streets of Cihangir. These members include both new and old Cihangirlis. A

distribution of these members in different streets is as the following: Sixteen in

Sıraselviler, twenty-seven in Cihangir, twelve in Akarsu, four in Ağa Hamamı, four

in Lenger, eighteen in Güneşli, eight in Yeni Yuva, eight in Akyol, eight in Altın

Bilezik, eight in Özoğlu, eight in Defterdar, six in Oba, six in İlyas Çelebi, twenty-

two in Susam, two in Bakraç, nine in Coşkun, one in Kamacı Usta, eight in Kumrulu,

two in Şimşirci, one in Ateş, four in Batarya, four in Çukurcuma, four in Türkgücü,

149

one in Sormagir, four in Soğancı, one in Meşelik, one in Anahtar, one in Palaska,

three in İstiklal, twelve in Başkurt, six in Cihangir Yokuşu, two in Pürtelaş, seven in

Havyar, one in Ağa Külhan, one in Turnacıbaşı, one in Kazancı Yokuşu, one in

Tüfekçi Salih, one in Emanetçi, two in Ali Kaptan, one in Fındıklı Yokuşu, and

twelve members from the outside of Cihangir.307

A Local Newspaper: Cihangir Postası

In 2001, The Cihangir Beautification Foundation began to publish a local

periodical, the Cihangir Postası (Cihangir Post). As a product of city culture, this

local periodical, which is published once in every two moths, is completely prepared

and published by volunteers. Not because it is a local periodical but a volunteer

publication, the Cihangir Postası faces some economic problems, such as not having

enough money to hire reporters or graphic designers, the most important elements of

a newspaper.

As a local periodical, the Cihangir Postası informs all about Cihangir and its

problems. Mostly the inhabitants of Cihangir write for it. By enabling all inhabitants

from all social classes to write articles, the Cihangir Postası also preserves its

character as a local voice. For example, a professor and a housewife have equal

rights to write for it. Shop-owners, housewives, students, and civil servants also

contribute to it.308

As its editors say, although many of Cihangir’s inhabitants are

artists, writers, intellectuals and popular people, this is not directly reflected in the

Cihangir Postası.309

In this way, the Cihangir Postası has created a common ground

for the inhabitants of the neighborhood to express themselves. Thus, a sense of

307 Cihangir Postası, no. 28, March 2006. 308

Hürriyet, 25 January 2001. 309

Milliyet, 11 February 2001.

150

belonging to a certain neighborhood and claiming it has become common theme for

all articles published in the Cihangir Postası. This may be seen equally in articles

written either by an intellectual or a grocer.

Cihangir Postası can also be seen as an indicator of the increasing sense of

belonging to the neighborhood in the global era. However, even the dynamics that

have prompted such an increase should be analyzed sociologically. Why has the

sense of belonging to Cihangir seemingly increased in the neighborhood? Why has it

become so important to claim a mahalle in the global era? Does being a Cihangirli

mean being a real Istanbulite? The most striking thing is that the increase in the sense

of belonging to Cihangir and claiming the neighborhood as “our beautiful Cihangir”

has occurred mostly in the newcomers of the neighborhood, which has already lost

many of its former inhabitants. Thus, even this increasing sense of belonging to

Cihangir is something invented, which I partly relate to the rediscovery of the

neighborhood and gentrification of it.

Spatial Transformation

Cihangir, a wonderland of cul-de-sacs, steep steps, narrow streets with local

grocers, pharmacies, patisseries and small shops of artisans, has also been changing

spatially beginning from the early 1990s to the present.

The transformation in the landscape of Cihangir is obviously not unrelated or

independent from Cihangir’s changing cosmology. The new middling and upper

strata rediscovering the neighborhood also work to rehabilitate the apartment

buildings in which they have started to reside. Especially the newcomers with high

151

incomes and bobos have developed an interest in historic apartment buildings with

high ceilings and beautiful views of the sea. Thus, the renovation of old art nouveau

and art deco apartment buildings has begun on an individual basis, in other words as

a result of personal preferences.

The renovation process in Cihangir took a different turn with the

establishment of the Cihangir Beautification Foundation in 1995. Restoration

activities began to be held in a more organized way thanks to efforts by the

Foundation. Meanwhile, Cihangir was declared a historical site, which is a protected

area. Many of its historic buildings reflect the architectural style of the Republican

Period. The arrival of foreigners to Cihangir also affected the renovation process of

the building stock. Some of the apartment buildings overlooking the sea were

demolished and replaced with quite luxurious ones in order to create residences for

some upper class foreigners.

My friend Deanne, who is originally from Australia but has been living in

Istanbul for eight years, the last six years of which in Cihangir, told me about her

experience of residing in an old Cihangir apartment. She said: “I lived in one of the

oldest apartments in Cihangir; Arbatlı Apt. We lived on the top floor of the old part

of the building. It was partly renovated, and had a sea view from front and back. An

attachment to the building was added during the 1960s. It is very plain but has high

ceilings.”310

However, an important fact is that some historic buildings in Cihangir also

have been torn down or destroyed disobeying the law, which has described Cihangir

as a historic area and taken it under protection. Thus, while many of the historic

buildings have been renovated, some of them have been demolished in Cihangir in

310

Deanne D., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

152

recent times. Another important issue is that, in many cases, even the renovation has

taken place only for the facades of the houses or has not been faithful to the original

historic character of them. Thus, an important number of the renovated buildings in

Cihangir today are ones which have not been upgraded based on a professional

restoration activity therefore lost many of their original historic architectural

characteristics despite the fact that the neighborhood and its historic buildings are

under protection by law. Deanne, as an expatriate in the neighborhood, expresses

what she has witnessed in the neighborhood as well.

I like how many of the apartments are being constantly renovated, but I have

also been saddened to wake up one day and find old buildings being pulled

down. I ask myself how this can happen, but it is like no one cares. So while

I think there is hope that buildings will be renovated, people can still get away

with destroying the very thing that attracts people to the area.311

As a result of the great interest in Cihangir, a boom has occurred in real estate

prices. Specifically, prices have jumped in the south of Cihangir since the Bobos

moved to Cihangir. In line with this pattern, the number of real estate agents has

increased in the neighborhood. Many houses are now being rented to foreigners or

bobos in dollars.

The metamorphosis of Cihangir’s spatial landscape naturally is not limited to

the renovation of historic buildings. Arty cafes and plain coffeehouses have emerged

almost in every corner of the neighborhood. While some, for example bobos, prefer

to sip their café lattes in elegant cafes, others like to meet in one of the local

coffeehouses and drink tea. Thus, cafes and coffeehouses in Cihangir have become

the new booming trend. Indeed, the number of cafés has increased in Istanbul more

than the number of coffeehouses. Frequenters of the chic cafés are not only the new

inhabitants of Cihangir. Besides new professional middle class people from other

311

Ibid.

153

parts of the city, idlers, popular figures in the media, and young bohemians are also

regular customers of these cafés, which have become more popular than those in

Nisantaşı and Bebek, two upper class neighborhoods in the city. Again, popular

actors and actresses as well as writers, who live both in Cihangir and other

neighborhoods, frequent these cafes, making these places even more popular.

The daily magazines have also started to talk about Cihangir’s cafes as

a booming trend. One of them once wrote that beauty contests among cats, Go

tournaments, brunches lasting for hours were activities that helped a local

consciousness and a sense of belonging to Cihangir survive and that these activities

were also the reason why these cafes were highly preferred.312

Cihangir has also met with supermarkets as new sites of consumption that

appeared in Istanbul after the 1980s. Cihangir’s new inhabitants uttering the

authenticity of the neighborhood while they praise it also shop from the newly

opened supermarkets rather than local groceries, which are steadily disappearing.

Besides these, film production companies, casting agencies and some restaurant-bars

have increased in Cihangir, making it a commercial center as well. Hence, all these

show that the space in Cihangir has been fragmented. On the one hand, there are a

few local shops still trying to survive while, on the other hand, cafes, restaurants,

bars, supermarkets, offices, and agencies all function as new consumption sites and

nodal points of capital flows as well as flows of people and symbols in changing

economy of Istanbul in the contemporary age of global capitalism.

312

Sabah, 22 May 2004.

154

Genesis of a Fetish: The Republic of Cihangir

The story of Cihangir is one beyond the limits of any ordinary urban tales. In

the epoch of hegemonic and uneven globalization, what Cihangir, a neighborhood of

a metropolis that is stuck in between the global and the local, has been experiencing

or undergoing represents can either be the whole summary of the changes that the

metropolis as a whole has been facing or only a tiny aspect of it. There are differing

comments and interpretations on the issue but they will not be the subject matter of

what will be argued below. Yet, it would not be sociologically inaccurate to assert

that Cihangir has been revived, been revitalized, regenerated, rediscovered, and

redefined in the contemporary era. Its aura has started to be felt again since the 1990s

and the city of Istanbul has entered the new millennium with Cihangir as a fetish.

Cihangir has become popular or “in” or “hip” in the global age of

rediscovering new lifestyles and new spaces. It has been resuscitated as a magnet.

Going to an arty café or a “local” coffeehouse in this new bohemian downtown of the

inner city has become the new mode of behavior. Not only Cihangir itself, but also

its reception has become popular.

Cihangir has become so popular thanks to all its new demographic structure,

renovated historic buildings, new arty cafes, local coffeehouses, cafe-bar-restaurants

full of the nouveau riche frequenters, casting agencies, film production offices,

festivals, cultural events, NGOs, and so on. Since bobos, artists, actors, actresses,

directors, writers and all other popular identities have become the inhabitants of

Cihangir, the media’s interest in the neighborhood is inevitable. Indeed, this is

inevitable because many of those working in media have already moved to Cihangir.

The popularity and popular reception of Cihangir have formed a cyclical

155

relationship. Newspaper articles praising Cihangir and columnists inevitably starting

their sentences with “When I was in Cihangir...” are now everywhere.

The popularity of Cihangir has gradually turned into a fetishism and not

Cihangir itself but those who create Cihangir for themselves separated the

neighborhood and themselves from the “others.” These new inhabitants of Cihangir,

the new identities of the popular culture, have created their new lifestyles and spaces

within the framework of Cihangir. Not only they have differentiated themselves from

the “others”, but also they have redefined their new cosmos. And they call it the

“Republic of Cihangir.”

According to Murat Belge, the Republic of Cihangir is a discourse that

reflects the recent increase in nationalist and fascist sentiments in a symbolic way.

As he explained,

In Turkey…there is a tendency towards some traditional identities. These can

be those based on religion or nationality. Naturally in line with this, there are

also things like intolerance and excluding others because they are different. It

has already been difficult for people, who have a certain understanding of

cosmopolitanism and a level of education and world view in line with it, to

feel comfortable in traditional mahalles. Some metaphors like black Turk and

white Turk just express this situation. The Republic of Cihangir is also a

metaphoric place produced by them.313

The so-called Republic of Cihangir is a genuine mahalle in their eyes. Indeed,

it is pseudo emulation and an artificial search for the local. As a result of all this, a

pseudo-consciousness has appeared, that is, since Cihangir is an old genuine Istanbul

neighborhood, living there and claiming it has become a symbol of being an urban

identity, even an Istanbullian.

Finally, the case of Cihangir has turned into a phenomenon. The Republic of

Cihangir is something created because the neighborhood itself is recreated. In other

words, or strictly speaking, a fetish has been created. And it all has happened not in a

313

Murat Belge, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, July 2006.

156

half-forgotten past but just very recently, by the end of the 1990s and in the first half

of the 2000s.

Gentrification Transforms Cihangir

Journalists, fashion designers, professors, writers, caricaturists, film makers,

musicians, painters, Italians, Britons, Germans, and those former minorities

although few in number…Cihangir, which has survived…still a ‘mahalle as a

true mahalle’. From its taxi driver to green grocer and grocer to coffeehouse

owner, it is a quite different world in itself. And what’s more are expressions

like ‘the Republic of Cihangir’, which have recently appeared, and Cihangir,

which becomes more and more popular with its new places. Whereas, if we

go back to 10 or 15 years ago, not many more, Cihangir was not that much

popular. The rents had not increased that much and ‘being a Cihangirli’ was

not so much in fashion.314

Cihangir, Galata, Asmalımescit, Balat…It is remarkable in recent times that

the houses lined on both sides of the narrow streets of these historic

neighborhoods have either been restored or wait to be restored. Those, who

were afraid of stepping into these neighborhoods not much but fifteen years

ago are now ready to pay quite high amounts of money to become real estate

owners in these places.315

If the above quotations, the first of which was taken from a glossy weekly and

the latter from the supplementary of a popular daily newspaper, give you a sense of

what has been going on in Cihangir nowadays, so welcome to our “global” and

“gentrified” neighborhood! As I have explained in the previous section of this

chapter, all the changes Cihangir has been undergoing since the second half of the

1990s at the earliest but mostly since the beginning of the 2000s have come to

signify a single but multi-dimensional trend in some neighborhoods of globalizing

Istanbul: Gentrification.

Below, I shall briefly introduce the existing but very limited literature on

gentrification in Istanbul. Mainly two printed sources printed sources have helped me

314 Beton Bloklara İnat Mahalle Gibi Mahalle: Cihangir Cumhuriyeti.Available [online]:

http://www.tempodergisi.com.tr/life_style/01393/?printerfriendly=yes [16 June 2006]. 315

Sabah, 5 March 2006.

157

in understanding gentrification in Cihangir. Thus, it is obvious that the process is

very new in Istanbul and therefore there is only a very limited literature on it.

Changes in residential patterns have always been a subject matter in theories

of urban growth and change. Concepts like urban regeneration and urban

revitalization as well as gentrification are all related with the trends and the dynamics

of changes in urban areas. However, as Uzun wrote, until the 1970s, gentrification

was not paid much attention to in studies of urban change but the issue became more

remarkable in the 1970s and especially after the 1980s when the impacts of

globalization began to transform metropolises.316

As an Anglo-Saxon concept, gentrification generally refers to a process,

during which middle and upper classes take up residence in the dilapidated historic

residential areas of the inner-city, where low income groups live, and upgrade or

renovate the building stock of these neighborhoods, thus, turning them into places

available for their life standards.

As explained at the beginning of this chapter, Istanbul also has been

undergoing changes due to the uneven impacts of economic globalization. An

important aspect of these changes is that some neighborhoods have been reinvented

thanks to their changing fabric, urban landscapes, and economic, social, and cultural

ethos as shaped by their new inhabitants, who change their status. Thus, it is possible

to observe gentrification as a process in metropolises, which are places going under

transformations due to the effects of globalization, since the term signifies the flow

of people, goods, symbols and ideas etc. As Uzun, who studied the process of

gentrification in Kuzguncuk and Cihangir, two historic Istanbul neighborhoods,

indicates, the process of gentrification in Istanbul, Turkey’s metropolis, “is

316

Uzun, p.43.

158

ultimately driven by globalization.”317

According to her, who presents and discusses

theories of urban growth and explanations of gentrification in advanced capitalist

cities, many of the works in the literature on gentrification are limited to empirical

studies of the areas selected for a study of gentrification therefore use statistical data

and surveys. She continues,

There is little consensus on what exactly constitutes gentrification and what

causes it. This is not surprising, in that gentrification is a global phenomenon

that is strongly influenced by local contingencies. Therefore no single method

has been embraced by the field as the best way to determine the presence of

gentrification in a neighborhood. It is not possible to identify factors in

gentrification that would be valid for all cases.318

Thus, the process of gentrification in Cihangir has also characteristics

peculiar to its own. Also, Uzun wrote that throughout the Republican history, no

official statistical data were gathered at the neighborhood level except once in 1990,

so it is difficult to conduct a study of gentrification in Istanbul by comparing

different periods.319

The first step for Uzun was to determine which neighborhoods

of Istanbul were most likely to have experienced the process of gentrification.

Through using the 1990 general census of population because only it provides a

statistical data on neighborhoods and by following a methodology based on a chi

square analysis, she identified Cihangir and Çukurcuma and Kuzguncuk and İcadiye

as the four possible neighborhoods, where gentrification has occurred. The next step

she took was to conduct a field survey. Interviews and questionnaires helped her to

identify the characteristics of the process of gentrification in each neighborhoods

selected for her study. An important issue Uzun pointed out was that although the

head officers of the neighborhoods had records including information about all

residents in their neighborhoods, they did not provide any such records which would

317 Ibid., p.13. 318

Ibid., p. 91. 319

Ibid., p.92.

159

be useful for her study, thus, she had to obtain data regarding gentrification process

in especially in Cihangir from the local NGOs.320

This was also a basic difficulty for

me in finding out statistical information related to the former inhabitants of Cihangir,

especially about the ethnic composition of the population in numbers for the decades

like the 1950s and the 1960s. Specifically, my aim was to find out the Rum

population in Cihangir in different historical periods to make a comparison between

these periods, but no such records at the neighborhood level existed as the muhtar of

Cihangir mahalle and the director of the Beyoğlu Civil Registry Office told me,

leading me to conduct research on Istanbul telephone directories and other primary

sources such as church records. However, although not for the earlier periods, the

muhtar of Cihangir mahalle provided me some statistical data on the population of

the mahalle regarding its present day situation but it only helped me to provide in this

study limited information. As for the gentrification process in Cihangir, I also

contacted people from the Cihangir Beautification Foundation, which is also a

prominent actor in the overall process of gentrification in the neighborhood.

Again if we refer to Uzun’s work, she wrote that she had selected 232

renovated apartment buildings with a total of 1614 units as a sample for her research

on gentrification in Cihangir and its adjacent area Çukurcuma while she explained

that according to a sample selected out of these renovated houses, only 42

questionnaires were conducted in Cihangir.321

An important aspect of her study was

that the questionnaires were completed only by house owners, who had been living

in the neighborhood for less than 20 years. As a result of her study, the author argued

that her study provided considerable information about gentrifies and showed that

gentrification has really been occurring both in Cihangir and Kuzguncuk.

320

Ibid., p.97. 321

Ibid.

160

Another significant information regarding Cihangir during the 1980 and the

early 1990s as presented by Uzun that Cihangir’s unique apartment buildings, which

represent the architectural styles of the Republican period affected by art nouveau

and art deco styles, were damaged during that period and this continued until these

historic buildings were taken under protection in 1994.322

On the other hand, gentrification in Cihangir began among artists and

intellectuals with nostalgia for its historic building stock and thanks to its proximity

to the city center and wonderful views of the Bosphorus and today, the neighborhood

cannot exceed its current physical borders because it is full in all its capacity.323

As another source on gentrification in Istanbul demonstrated, gentrification as

a new trend has been occurring in some certain historic neighborhoods of Istanbul,

namely Galata, Cihangir and Asmalımescit in Beyoğlu; Kuzguncuk, Arnavutköy,

and Ortaköy in Bosphorus; and Fener and Balat in Golden Horn, Haliç.324

The main characteristics of these neighborhoods are that they were formerly

the neighborhoods where the non-Muslims of Istanbul mostly lived and became

places where low income groups began to settle both due to the departure of non-

Muslims of Istanbul and due to the impacts of mass immigrations from Anatolia to

Istanbul. In the case of Cihangir, as this study has showed, it was formerly an

ethnically mixed neighborhood, where non-Muslims and Muslims lived side by side,

but where the Rums constituted a great part of the population. It is also possible to

argue that the new inhabitants of these neighborhoods have preferred to live in these

places with because they had cosmopolitan flavors as well as historic buildings

stocks.

322

Ibid., p.106. 323 Ibd., p.107. 324

David Behar and Tolga İslam (eds.), İstanbul’da “Soylulaştırma:” Eski Kentin Yeni Sahipleri,

(Istanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006).

161

As David Behar and Jean-François Pérouse noted, the concept of

gentrification was initially uttered by Ruth Glass to refer to the attitude of British

rural aristocracy of claiming the provinces in the late nineteenth century and later to

describe the process of invasion of London’s central working class neighborhoods by

middle classes in the 1960s, thus, signifying an exclusion of lower income groups

from historic residential areas.325

According to them, the term gentrification is also

used in different meanings by different researchers; however, the mostly accepted

definition reflect that the process has taken place in dilapidated areas, specifically

historic parts of inner-city and therefore result in renovation of building stock in

these places.326

The authors also formulate the main issues regarding gentrification in

Istanbul around questions like whether any lines can be drawn between the process

and localization of urban movements like the establishments of local NGOs in

neighborhoods such as Kuzguncuk, Arnavutköy and Cihangir; about who the actors

who pioneered the process are; whether gentrification as an Anglo-Saxon concept

can be applied to the processes, which have been taking place in some

neighborhoods of Istanbul or whether it is possible to mention about “micro-

gentrifications” that are applicable in some neighborhoods and are peculiar to

Istanbul.327

Tolga İslam, who is also a prominent figure in the literature of gentrification

in Istanbul, argues that the process has been experienced in Istanbul since the end of

the 1970s; however, there are only few academic studies on the issue. According to

him, Keyder’s A Tale of Two Neighborhoods, where he examines the process of

325

David Behar and Jean-François Pérouse, “Giriş”, İstanbul’da “Soylulaştırma:” Eski Kentin Yeni

Sahipleri (Istanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006), p. 2. 326

Ibid. 327

Ibid., pp. 3-7.

162

change in Arnavutköy, another Istanbul neighborhood, is a pioneer study related to

the issue. According to İslam, the process of gentrification occurred in three waves in

Istanbul. The first wave occurred in Kuzguncuk, Arnavutköy and Ortaköy, the

neighborhoods on the two sides of Bosphorus during the early 1980s, the second

wave took place in Beyoğlu area, specifically the neighborhoods like Cihangir,

Galata and Asmalımescit during the 1990s, and the third wave was observed in Fener

and Balat on the Golden Horn during the 2000s.328

A significant argument made by

İslam is that although the process of gentrification, which has been studied for the

last thirty years in the Anglo-Saxon world, has been highly criticized by academic

circles as well as NGOs there for it has caused exclusion of lower income groups

from the gentrified areas and had negative impacts on them, such effects have not

been observed or studied in Istanbul yet. Nevertheless, İslam expressed that

academic circles in Turkey are also against the process.329

On the other hand, Nilgün Ergün discusses whether theories of gentrification

in the Anglo-Saxon world could be applied to Istanbul.330

According to her, a process

of gentrification has started to be observed since the 1980s in some historic but

dilapidated Istanbul neighborhoods, where historic building stock with valuable

architectural styles exist but a dilapidation had taken place between 1960 and

1980.331

As this thesis has also presented, Cihangir witnessed a process of

déclassement specifically during the 1970s and the 1980s and even in the early

1990s. According to Ergün, among the examples of gentrification process in

328 Tolga İslam, “Birinci Bölüm’e Giriş,” in İstanbul’da “Soylulaştırma:” Eski Kentin Yeni Sahipleri

(Istanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006), p.11. 329

Ibid., p. 13. 330

Nilgün Ergün, “Gentrification Kuramlarının İstanbul’a Uygulanabilirliği,” in İstanbul’da

“Soylulaştırma:” Eski Kentin Yeni Sahipleri (Istanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006), p.

21. 331

Ibid., p.22.

163

Istanbul, the one in Cihangir dating back to the mid-1990s is most similar to the

processes of gentrification defined in the international literature.332

For her, the other

neighborhoods have been undergoing slower processes of gentrification when

compared to Cihangir. Among the advantages of Cihangir are that its building stock

is relatively less dilapidated and it has physical proximity to the some university

campuses.333

Again according to İslam, who situates the process of gentrification in

Cihangir into the second wave of gentrification in Istanbul, residence-based

gentrification is more common in Galata and Cihangir, although the two

neighborhoods also show different characteristics.334

He wrote that gentrification in

Cihangir has rapidly expanded especially after the mid-1990s and caused big and

quick jumps in real estate prices in the neighborhood while turning it into an upper-

middle class mahalle.335

As for the gentrifying forces in Cihangir, İslam argues that

each gentrification wave in Istanbul has had different pushing forces behind and it

was intensive cultural and entertainment activities in the case of Cihangir, which is

an example of the second wave of gentrification in Istanbul due to İstiklal Street’s

opening to pedestrians, which paved the way for the revitalization of the historic

center Beyoğlu/Pera.336

According to Nuran Yavuz, on the other hand, the difficulties in finding the

correspondent of the concept of gentrification in the Turkish language and the

introduction of various Turkish words by different writers to correspond to the

concept reflect the fact that the process itself has not been internalized by academia

332

Ibid., p.23. 333

Ibid., p.23. 334

Tolga İslam, “Merkezin Dışında: İstanbul’da Soylulaştırma,” in İstanbul’da “Soylulaştırna:” Eski

Kentin Yeni Sahipleri (Istanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006), p.54. 335

Ibid. 336

Ibid., p. 58.

164

and researchers of the issue yet.337

She argues that while some upper-middle classes

moved to new sites in the periphery of Istanbul to be far away from the chaos of the

city since the 1980s, some other middle-class groups, who could not or did not want

to move to the periphery, have had to chose what they were offered as an option; to

settle in historic neighborhoods in Pera, Haliç and the Bosphorus, which were

inhabited by Rums, Armenians, and Jews but had already been evacuated even

forced to be evacuated.338

If we turn back to Uzun’s study on Cihangir and Kuzguncuk, she first

provides us with the dynamics of urban growth in Istanbul therefore situates a study

of gentrification in the general framework of the impacts of globalization in this

metropolis. Through conducted field surveys in two neighborhoods as well as in their

adjacent areas, Çukurcuma near Cihangir and İcadiye near Kuzguncuk, she observed

the different dynamics of the process of gentrification in these two neighborhoods.

As she explains, the gentrification is a process which is a product of reconstruction of

the inner-city.339

Both the neighborhoods she studied had been transformed by the

changes in Istanbul caused by the influx of immigrants from the rural parts of the

country. As this thesis has also presented in the previous chapter, Cihangir also

witnessed a remarkable demographic shift beginning from the 1950s, and continued

in the 1960s, and reached its peak in the 1970s and the 1980s causing déclassement

in the neighborhood. During these years, the higher income groups of the

neighborhood moved to other middle and upper class neighborhoods of the city.

However, since the end of the 1990s young professionals and managerial groups,

who are the new middle and upper middle strata of Istanbul under the effects of

337

Nuran Yavuz, “Gentrification Kavramını Türkçeleştirmekte Neden Zorlanıyoruz?”, in İstanbul’da

“Soylulaştırma:” Eski Kentin Yeni Sahipleri (Istanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006), p.

59. 338

Ibid., p. 66. 339

Uzun, p.18.

165

economic globalization, along with artists, writers and intellectuals began to move to

Cihangir, which had already been turned into a lower income area. Uzun’s work

argues that gentrification in Cihangir was initiated by entrepreneurs therefore the

building stock in the neighborhood was restored or upgraded while the old housing

stock was preserved in Kuzguncuk, where a different type of gentrification occurred.

The results of her study on Cihangir also showed that the impacts of economic and

social changes in Istanbul were also visible in the neighborhood because of its

physical proximity to Beyoğlu, the center of the city.340

According to Uzun, gentrification in Cihangir began as individual renovation

activities by artists, writers and academics who began to move to the neighborhood

in the 1990s. However, these individual activities became more organized with the

establishment of the Cihangir Beautification Foundation in 1995.341

The process of

gentrification in its initial stage in Cihangir also caused social exclusion of sub-

cultures living in some streets of the neighborhood. The transvestites in Ülker and

Pürtelaş Streets were examples of such process. Uzun also wrote that entrepreneurs,

who saw the increasing demand in the historic building stock in Cihangir, began to

come to the neighborhood, thus facilitating the process of gentrification there. On the

other hand, the results of her survey conducted in the neighborhood showed that the

demographic profile selected as sample for the survey in Cihangir were urban-born

nuclear families as well as single male and females while education level were at

university level. In terms of economic level, the sample profile in Cihangir had

relatively higher incomes. People with white-collar jobs are common in Cihangir.342

On the other hand, she wrote,

340 Ibid., p.19. 341

Ibid., p. 108. 342

Ibid., p.160.

166

The entire neighborhood of Cihangir was included within the jurisdiction of a

first-degree conservation zone in 1990. Prior to that year, the historic housing

stock had been renewed or demolished freely. Regardless, construction

continued after 1990, when the law came into effect, due to loopholes in the

law that entrepreneurs were able to exploit. Nonetheless, the renovated

structures had to bear the likeness of the previous historic buildings-at least

on the façade. So the light-handed government intervention has given

Cihangir’s housing stock a rather eclectic appearance.343

Although the process of gentrification in Cihangir has already been analyzed

in the two sources mentioned above, this study also reflects its author’s efforts to

obtain information about the process in the neighborhood through interviews with

people who have provided their points of view regarding the process, and with old

and new inhabitants of Cihangir about their observations, impressions and ideas

about what has been going on in Cihangir recently. Thus, this chapter on Cihangir in

the global era reflects both the already existing literature on gentrification in the

neighborhood and reflects my own reading of the changes it has been undergoing.

As part of my research on the reinvention of Cihangir in globalizing Istanbul,

I planned to hold an interview with Tülay Konur, the president of the Cihangir

Beautification Foundation. However, although I had the chance to discuss my study

with Ms. Konur and receive her kind comments and help, she has turned over her

presidency to Selçuk Erdoğmuş. Thus, I conducted an interview with Selçuk

Erdoğmuş, who is and architect and the current president of the Cihangir

Beautification Foundation. Erdoğmuş and his office in Cihangir were also significant

figures in gentrification process in the neighborhood. They had moved to their office

to Havyar Street in Cihangir in 2000. He explained that the reason they had preferred

Cihangir was that they had already been in search for an architecture office in an area

with historic fabric and they had wanted to move their office to Cihangir for many

years. As three architects, they had planned to introduce their new office in Havyar

343

Ibid., p.161.

167

Street by developing a project for that street and presenting it to Cihangirlis. They

had planned to conduct such a project for Cihangir because as he told me they had an

understanding of social responsibility and wanted to produce solutions within this

framework.

In line with this, we initiated a project for Havyar Street and its opening yards

to the other streets. When we saw that we were not going to be able to reach a

final point only by doing this, we contacted with the History Foundation and

the Cihangir Beautification Foundation. We felt like we needed to conduct a

study both on the social and structural fabric of the street. Thus, we began to

collect information about who had lived on the street in the past periods.344

He continued saying that they had conducted interview with the inhabitants of

Havyar Street within the framework of their project and obtained some historical

information like Atatürk’s aide had lived on that street at one time, the street had

been the first asphalted street in Istanbul in the 1950s, the head cook of an Iraqi king

had lived in one of the houses there, and a Rum lady had played her piano everyday

at certain hours in the apartment building next to their office. According to the results

of Havyar Street Project conducted in 2000 by Erdoğmuş, Seda Bildik and Zühre

Sözeri, like all other apartment buildings in and around Cihangir, the apartment

houses in Havyar Street were also possibly built by Italian and Rum constructers.

The three architects also had indicated that the inhabitants had felt

unconfident, which was why they replied reluctantly to oral history interviews and

participation was also at low levels. However, even the brief stories told by

inhabitants of Havyar Street were fruitful to learn about the past fabric of that street.

For example, an informant living in Ege Apartment had said that an Italian woman

and her daughter had lived on the ground floor but later they had gone. The

informant had added she/he did not know where the Italian lady and her daughter had

gone but later her ashes had been brought back there, near her spouse.

344

Selçuk Erdoğmuş, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, July 2006.

168

A resident of another apartment building had said Atatürk’s cavalry man had

lived in the same building as well as a Rum lady and his son. Another resident in

Mehmet Ali Bey apartment had said that the apartment building had been transferred

in 1966 while another, who lived in another apartment building, had said their house

had been constructed by his father in 1932. An informant from the Lena Apartment

also had said that the owner of the building was registered as Irini Petridis, a Rum

lady, in the title deeds records and some bills carrying that name were still being sent

to that address. The same informant had also added the name of the apartment

building was Lena but some people had later removed it on its door. According to the

result of the survey conducted in Havyar Street, fifty percent of the inhabitants are

the owners of the apartments they live in. An important finding of the survey is that

only thirty-five percent of the current inhabitants of Havyar Street have been living

on that street for more than ten years while thirty percent have been living there for

three to ten years and the rest have been living there only for one to three years.

The president of the Cihangir Beautification Foundation continued that they

had also wanted to develop a project regarding cleanliness, waste problems,

sidewalks, and green areas of the street and therefore conducted an architectural

project including Havyar Street and its opening yards to other streets. He expressed

that they had wanted to announce their project to public after it was completed

because their aim had been to become an example for any architecture offices like

them or any other offices-like graphic design offices- and persons, to show that such

offices should contribute to solution of local problems of the places they move to by

having right to speak for local policies in these places.

The architecture office led by the three architects including Erdoğmuş in

Cihangir is called the Projedesign. The office presented their completed project to the

169

inhabitants of Cihangir with an evening celebration open to Cihangirlis on Havyar

Street. A significant aspect of the celebration was that the creators of the project had

planned an open air presentation of their work in an atmosphere resembling the past

religious holidays, specifically the Easters of Cihangir. Based on the stories they

were told about how people celebrated with each other on such special occasions,

Erdoğmuş and his colleagues wanted to organize an evening reflecting the

atmosphere when Cihangirlis, non-Muslims and Muslims, used to walk down from

the church together until Cihangir with candles in their hands.

When we reached to the point of presenting the project, some of the

remaining Rums, who were still living in the street, cooked cakes,

pastries…indeed, that later turned into a self-celebration of the street. After

that, the mayor of Beyoğlu also claimed that project and tried to provide this

project turn into one aiming to rehabilitate the streets of Cihangir by applying

it to a larger scale of Cihangir. We shared this with the national press as much

as possible…and while we were approaching the end of this process, we

rehabilitated and painted all the ground floors of the apartment buildings in

our street with our own financial resources. It was not a restoration process

but we thought it could be a move triggering restoration…Later, we initiated

a process…by saying the people in these apartments that now you can carry

on this process. People have internalized that and for the first time the

apartment buildings in Havyar Street became organized and people began to

paint their buildings. This, of course, triggered some positive things. All the

apartment buildings in Cihangir, which had been dilapidated for many years,

were involved in a renovation process.345

However, although people painted their buildings, and cleanliness and traffic

problems were solved to a certain extent and the streets began to have more green

areas thanks to efforts of Cihangir’s inhabitants, Erdoğmuş noted that because all

these things continued without a certain process of planning and project in entire

Cihangir, they resembled a little bit like a theatre setting. “That is to say, the

buildings have not entered a genuine process of restoration; while the façade of a

building was painted, its back front has remained in its state of fifty years ago,” he

345

Ibid.

170

stressed.346

According to him, a consciousness of having their apartment buildings

restored in a proper way without spoiling their original historic characteristics has

not appeared among inhabitants of Cihangir yet. He also pointed out that municipal

authorities should guide people in neighborhoods with historic urban fabric therefore

prevent people painting the valuable historic buildings with any colors they wish.

Erdoğmuş also argued that Cihangir and other historic neighborhoods have

been undergoing a rapid process of gentrification since the return of rich people from

luxury gated communities on the periphery of Istanbul to the center in 2003 and

2004. As he explained, upper income groups in Istanbul had moved to luxury

communities with villas on the periphery of Istanbul as a way of distancing

themselves from lower income groups. These luxury sites like Bahçeşehir,

Kemerburgaz and Acarlar were mostly in the suburbs of Istanbul. However,

Erdoğmuş continued that those people with really very high economic capital began

to return to historic city centers from the suburbs and they had begun to buy

residences in neighborhoods like Cihangir, Nişantaşı and Topağacı in 2003 and 2004.

Thus, the president of Cihangir Beautification Foundation argued that gentrification

in Cihangir occurred in its full sense with the return of rich people from the suburbs

to city center in 2003 and 2004.

When the Projedesign opened its office in Havyar Street of Cihangir in 2000,

inhabitants of the street were not upper-middle income groups. According to the

observations of Erdoğmuş, there were also more old Rum ladies living in the

apartments in Havyar Street until 2003 and 2004. He notes that a certain level of

urban transformation occurred in the street since the date they had come, but

Cihangir was still a place to live because the rents were still at levels that could be

346 Ibid.Yani yapılar gerçek anlamda bir restorasyon sürecine girmeyip yapının ön cephesi boyanıp

arka cephesi hala 50 yıl önceki haliyle kaldı.

171

met by middle class people. Until 2004, “Cihangir still had kept its synthesis in

economic terms,” he said.347

But an incredibly intensive demand, which I cannot express with words, has

begun as of 2004. I link this partly to the intensive process of production of

television serials within the last two years. This production process increased

economic levels of artists…and provided them to reach a higher economic

level. There were foreigners, who have been living here for years, a segment,

which is specifically composed of people working in consulates, and also

minorities and artists, writers as well as people working in state theatre, who

constituted the semt for years. However, for the last two years…due to the

popularization process…artists, who have never lived here before, began to

have an intensive demand to have residents here.348

According to Erdoğmuş, the remaining few Rums also left the neighborhood

because they had difficulties in paying the increasing rents of the apartments since

that process of intensive demand by artists and people from television, cinema, and

media. As he told me, five Rum ladies, with whom he had exchanged greetings for

years, had had to leave the neighborhood in 2004. There were also two Rums living

across the office and two Rum households next to it until a year ago but they also had

to leave the neighborhood. As he observed, there is only one Armenian family and a

Rum lady who remained in Havyar Street as of 2006.

According to Murat Belge, who lived in Cihangir between 1995 and 2000,

gentrification has not fully occurred in Cihangir yet but it seems like the

neighborhood is on a path towards gentrification. Belge describes socially and

culturally diverse strata in the neighborhood and expresses his ideas about the

process of gentrification there as follows:

On the one side, the grocer was having a wedding so bringing drummers and

shrill pipes while on the other side Cemil İpekçi (a respected fashion designer

in Turkey) and some of my friends were living there. As I have said, the

spectrum is quite broad. However, that type of people, whom we call as

dışlayıcı zengin, excluding rich, did not like there…If a hors d’oeuvre called

Gourmet has been opened and Esat, who later turned his supermarket into a

wine store, then, it means there is a course towards gentrification. It has not

347

Ibid. Ekonomik anlamda sentezini korumuştu Cihangir. 348

Ibid.

172

completely taken place in Cihangir but it seems there is currently such a

path.349

Belge also made a comparison between the processes of gentrification in

London and France and in Istanbul. He noted that such a process has occurred in

Hackney and Islington in London and it has covered a quite large area. However, he

explains, the processes that have taken place in these cities do not exactly resemble

the patterns of the so-called gentrification processes in Istanbul. For Belge, because

the capital already has solved the problem of housing units in the Anglo-Saxon

world, it is possible to see in cities like London, for example, a gentrified street could

be covered with identical houses and then these houses could be sold to people. For

example, in Hackney, he continued, someone with capital could buy a four-storey

house, where four families live, and turn all the four floors into a single house of his

own. Thus, instead of four families, only one person begins to reside there. This is

followed by a pattern of flow to that street thanks to people who know each other and

move near each other.350

Also, he pointed out that the classes involved in the process

of gentrification in London or Paris are different from those involved in the process

in Istanbul. Nevertheless, the processes have similar characteristics as well, he

stressed.

Actually, this is something that happens in all cities. Some places sink while

others rise. Mare in Paris, France…It can be a latest example of

gentrification. But there, I mean in Mare, for example, many galleries have

been opened…it occurred more through culture but for example in London’s

Maida Vale, which is called as a place forgotten by God, where colored

people have densely settled…Today, the British equivalents of those we call

yuppies have come and begun to buy real estates there.351

He also gave an example of the gentrification process in Istanbul: “In fact,

Nişantaşı also witnessed a descent for a moment but then rose again…Whenever the

349 Murat Belge, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, July 2006. 350

Ibid. 351

Ibid.

173

process of gentrification in Istanbul is mentioned; the first place that comes to my

mind is Nişantaşı because it has already reached its target. No more gentrification

seems likely there.”352

Thus, while Erdoğmuş indicated that gentrification has taken place rapidly in

Cihangir especially since 2003 and 2004, Belge noted the neighborhood still

preserves its socially, economically, and culturally heterogeneous structure because

the process of gentrification has not completely transformed it yet.

As for the actors of gentrification in Cihangir, Uzun argued that the process,

although has no clear starting date, was stimulated by some artists’ moving to the

neighborhood and upgrading the apartments they began to reside in. She wrote that

there are two groups, who prefer Cihangir.353

The first group includes young urban

professionals, writers, architects, artists, and academics, who prefer Cihangir for the

architectural styles of the apartment buildings there as well as for the mahalle’s

location near the city center and beautiful views. The second group includes

entrepreneurs, who buy the houses there, renovate and sell or rent them.

According to Bali, Cihangir is one of the favorite neighborhoods of the new

elite and the new intellectuals, who appeared with new life styles as part of social,

economic, and cultural changes embracing Istanbul under the impacts of the

globalization of economic capitalism. He describes the neighborhood as a place

where journalists, artists and writers densely reside and even live as a closed

community.354

Bali stresses that not only Cihangir but also Galata and Ortaköy have

also become popular neighborhoods among the new upper-middle classes of

352

Ibid. Aslında Nişantaşı da bir ara düşüşe geçti ama sonra toparladı…İstanbul’da gentrification

meselesi bahsedildiği zaman aklıma ilk gelen yer Nişantaşı çünkü tamamen hedefine ulaşmış durumda.Daha fazla olacağı yok. 353 Nil Duruöz Uzun, “Cihangir ve Kuzguncuk’ta Sosyal ve Mekansal Yenilenme: Eski Kentte Yeni

Konut Dokusu,” İstanbul Dergisi 35 (2000), p.57. 354

Rıfat Bali, Tarz-ıHayat’tan Life Style’a (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2002), p.140.

174

Istanbul. He maintains these places have become so popular because of a recent trend

which romanticizes the “old Istanbul” and was stimulated by discourses of “cultural

mosaic” and “tolerance.”355

These neighborhoods are attached those meanings today

because the non-Muslims of Istanbul used to live there before.

For İslam, gentrifiers are not a homogenous group. In different stages of

gentrification, different groups of gentrifiers appear. He mentions a group of

“pioneers”, which he calls “cultural middle classes,” and indicates that these are the

people who initiated the process.356

Other actors of the process of gentrification are

bourgeois bohemians, NGOs, city planners, media, and entrepreneurs.357

Bali’s

approach to the issue of gentrification and its actors; however, take the nostalgia for

Pera into account as the primary factor. “Everything started with Beyoğlu or Pera, if

we call it in its European name…Later, it continued with Ortaköy, Cihangir, Galata,

Asmalımescit, Kuzguncuk, Balat, and Fener, ” he wrote.358

Another important diagnosis made by Bali is that it is not correct to describe

the newly emerging upper-middle classes, who are the new inhabitants of

neighborhoods like Cihangir and Galata as “bourgeois-bohemians” because he points

that these people can be bourgeois but not certainly bohemian. My perspective is

similar to that of Bali’s. As I mentioned in the previous chapter, Cihangir has

become a place where a group of people who are labeled as bobo or entel, which in

fact means pseudo-intellectual, distance themselves from the other aggregates in

Istanbul and have created places like Cihangir or Galata, where they pursue a

community life culturally peculiar to themselves. Thus, although there are genuine

355

Ibid. 356 “Tartışmalar,” İstanbul’da “Soylulaştırma:”Eski Kentin Yeni Sahipleri (Istanbul: İstanbul Bilgi

Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006), p.163. 357

Ibid., pp.169-203. 358

Rıfat Bali, “Sonuç”, in İstanbul’da “Soylulaştırma:” Eski Kentin Yeni Sahipleri (Istanbul: İstanbul

Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2006), p. 207. Her şey önce Beyoğlu veya Frenkçe adıyla Pera ile

başladı…Daha sonra Ortaköy, Cihangir, Galata, Asmalımescit, Kuzguncuk, Balat, Fener ile devam

etti.

175

intellectuals, academics, artists, writers, and bohemians in Cihangir, the

neighborhood’s new elites mostly appear to be pseudo intellectuals, popular names in

television and media, young professionals, who are happy to be called bobos though

it is debatable how much bohemian they are.

As for the popularity of Cihangir, Bali writes,

The reason why Cihangir among these new neighborhoods is so popular in

the media is quite simple. A considerable number of young people, who have

responsible positions in the media and broadcasting sectors, live in Cihangir

and for these young people, Cihangir is the capital of the intellectual world.

The presence of famous novelists, who also live in this neighborhood, also

strengthen this status…It is also quite natural that these young people, who

believe that they determine the agenda, always mention the neighborhood,

where they live, in magazines or dailies they work for…359

The Neighborhood Consumed and Commercialized: Cihangir as Commodity

The nouveau rich spent their time for a “sophisticated” and “refined”

“cultural activity” in the “arty”, “chic” and “hip” and of course “bohemian” cafés of

Cihangir. Gentrification in Cihangir has paved the way for new patterns of

consumption on a culturally fragmented neighborhood space. Cihangir as a

neighborhood began to be consumed and commercialized thanks to changes it has

witnessed within the framework of gentrification. The neighborhood itself has

become a commodity satisfying the cultural and existential needs of newly emerging

middle classes of the city. The cafés are the sites of this new type of consumption

and the historic building stock is another site to be consumed. The rents, which have

jumped to incredible amounts in the neighborhood and making it more and more

desirable, introduce us to the new Cihangir the commodity. A commercial unit sells

359

Ibid., p.208

176

at $900 per meter square on average while a residential unit sells at $1200 per meter

square on average in Cihangir.360

The popularity of Cihangir among people who

work in media and especially in television and cinema is one of the main reasons

why rents in Cihangir have jumped to such high levels. An aspect of this trend is that

the rents are mostly in US dollars rather than Turkish lira. The prices for real estate

in Cihangir also vary from a real estate agent to agent. As Şakir P., a real estate agent

in Cihangir said,

Those who have caused the prices of Cihangir’s houses to increase within the

last five or six years are mostly people who newly emerged those who act in

television serials...I cannot tell you any prices because, for example, if the

price of a unit is 10 in my agency, it is 20 in another’s. There are no flats for

sale below 250-300 billion Turkish liras. Rents are in dollar exchange. A

bizarre increase has occurred for the last ten years.”361

In addition to the “fantastic” prices paid to rent a flat, the increasing number

of real estate agencies also tells much about the story of commoditization of

Cihangir. During my visits to the neighborhood, I came across at least ten real estate

agents only on the inner streets of Cihangir, which I had never seen during my

childhood or teenage years in Cihangir. According to Selçuk Erdoğmuş, there is a

supply-demand process in Cihangir in terms of the residential units thanks to the

flow of artists, film directors and other figures in film making to the neighborhood.

He said,

Due to this supply-demand process, of course, an irrational and illogical jump

in the prices of real estates and rents has occurred…It is already impossible to

find any empty residential unit. They should first be vacated then people can

rent them. Cihangir is currently full in its all capacity. When a place is

evacuated, it can be rented again on the following day or even on the same

day. Also, when someone wants to sell a house, he/she could sell it

immediately if he/she does not ask for such an astronomical price. That is to

say, Cihangir has turned into an amazing magnet in terms of real estate. A

very concrete example is that we used to be tenants in the street behind,

360

Evren Ozus and Vedia Dokmeci, “Effects of Revitalization in Historical City Center of Istanbul,”

International Real Estate Review, 8, no.1, (2005), pp. 144-159. 361

Şakir P., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, June 2006.

177

Matara Street. We used to pay about 690 million Turkish liras for a flat

consisting of a room and a living room when we moved to our own house

after completion of its restoration. It was rented for 900 million on the same

evening we evacuated the flat. I mean, currently, it is impossible to find out a

very small place of 20-25 meter squares for rent below one billion Turkish

liras.362

Cihangir’s commercialization also occurred thanks to its numerous cafés

scattered around its streets. Today, there are more than thirty cafés in Cihangir.363

When I still used to live in the neighborhood during the second part of the 1990s,

none of these cafés existed. I only remember Kahvedan, which was opened in the

late 1990s. Today, it is possible to see Akarsu Street as the one with the most cafés.

Of course, the frequenters of these cafés vary in terms of their social, economic and

cultural backgrounds. While on the one hand we have bohemian intellectuals, writers

and artists, we have pseudo intellectuals, called the entels, and people who come

from other parts of the city because they are attracted by the popularity of these cafés

and Cihangir itself and going to these cafés has become fashionable. The daily

newspapers have also begun to share a great deal to the popularity of Cihangir’s

cafés. As a popular daily wrote the rising trend in Istanbul recently is the cafés of

Cihangir.

Cihangir, one of Istanbul’s old neighborhoods, is one of the magnets of recent

years with its changing look. Cafés opened in quick succession have now

turned Cihangir into the meeting point of Istanbul…the neighborhood had

been captured by a swirl of decline about thirty years ago…However, the

popularity of the neighborhood, which has had a remarkable increasing trend

for eight years, has reached its peak with sweet cafés that have been opened

in quick succession recently. Neither Bebek nor Nişantaşı, Cihangir’s cafés

are popular now. People from the most favorite neighborhoods of Istanbul

such as Etiler, Şişli and Kadıköy now flock to these attractive cafés thanks to

their rich menus, reasonable prices, and comfortable atmosphere, which is

away from the chaos of the city. There are also various activities in

Cihangir’s cafés preferred by many famous people from the world of cinema,

theatre and literature. The cafés to help the mahalle consciousness to survive

362

Selçuk Erdoğmuş, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, July 2006. 363

Information obtained from the Cihangir Beautification Foundation.

178

with beauty contests among cats, ‘Go’ tournaments, brunches lasting for

hours are also preferred thanks to these characteristics of them.364

Sipping a drink in cafés like Smyrna, Porte or Leyla together with people,

almost all of whom are famous, thus, is the recent trend in Cihangir. An informant of

mine is Burçak, a young manager of another café in the neighborhood. She said they

opened their café a year ago. She had no special reason to open the café especially in

Cihangir, but if she had the chance to make a choice, she would again prefer

Cihangir, as she told me. She describes her profile of customers as people who are

over twenty-five and are generally scenarists, actors and actresses, writers, and

graphic designers plus a considerable number of foreigners. She also emphasized that

her customers were new, not former or older Cihangirlis and expressed that she

already did not believe that the older Cihangirlis have got used to the newly

emerging café environment in the neighborhood or wanted to be a part of it. As for

the popularity of their café in newspapers etc., Burçak also said that many dailies

have mentioned about them so far and their place has often been used as background

for many television serials. For Burçak, who defines herself as a Cihangirli for only

nine months, “Cihangir is really getting beautiful day by day and rid of its former

dark look.”365

An important aspect of the current situation of Cihangir with its numerous

cafés is that it reflects the overall revitalization Beyoğlu. As Giovanni Scognamillo

also said,

The cafés are not the case only for Cihangir. The transformation has occurred

not only in Cihangir but in all of Beyoğlu. I cannot call Cihangir a special

case. Cihangir is a part within the general transformation of Beyoğlu. There is

no concept like a café which is peculiar to Cihangir. The point is not Leyla or

Cihangir. If you opened Leyla in Tozkoparan, they would go there as well.366

364

Sabah, 22 May 2004. 365 Burçak Ü., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

Cihangir gerçekten gitgide güzelleşiyor ve eski karanlık görüntüsünden kurtuluyor. 366

Giovanni Scognamillo, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

179

On the other hand, Cihangir still has traditional coffeehouses, where males

from lower income groups come together. Although there are only few, these places

reflect the former social, economic and cultural level of Cihangir before its

experience of rapid gentrification. As the owner of one such coffeehouse said,

Only men come to my coffeehouse. Most of them are of Anatolian origin.

People from Sivas, Çorum, and Erzincan…I mean a mixed group. They are

either door keepers or retirees of this job. Not many young people come here.

Those who come are people from Cihangir and the surrounding streets. I

would like to turn my coffeehouse into a café in time but it is a matter of

having connections (networks) with some circles. Most of the cafés have been

present in Cihangir since 2000. The new groups, who came here, are more

cultured.367

Interestingly, one of such traditional coffeehouses in Cihangir, where mostly

taxi drivers used to go, is now one of the most favorable and popular places in the

neighborhood. The Firuzağa Kahvesi (coffeehouse), which is located near the

Firuzağa Mosque, is one of the most crowded sites of daily gatherings of the new

inhabitants of the neighborhood as well as of those who pay a visit to the

neighborhood by traveling from other parts of the city just because they are attracted

by the popularity of the place and want to be seen in the highly colorful space of the

neighborhood and become a part of its so-called “bohemian” atmosphere. Yet more

interestingly, those who drink tea, read their newspapers and books, and get engaged

in conversations with their intellectual friends in the Firuzağa Kahve sit at the same

time facing a stone on which the coffin is placed during funerals! It is so because the

coffeehouse is located under the huge tree of the adjacent mosque. The stone belongs

to the mosque and greets the new faces of the lately popular Firuzağa Kahve

everyday on its place under the tree.

367

Adil D., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

180

So, Cihangir is such a place, where you can see such bizarre views like the

snapshots of a camera photographing unique details of a locality on the multi-

layered, multi-cultural, and fragmented city space. Not much but only five or six

years ago, that small coffeehouse facing the coffin stone under the mosque’s minaret

was a place, I remember very clearly, where I used to see only some men drinking

their teas and playing with cards. However, it has become a modest but very popular

coffeehouse, where you can see almost all the casts of television serials as well as

other famous names in addition to intellectuals today. The owner of the Firuzağa

Kahve, who came to the neighborhood 35 years ago, told me both about his

impressions of Cihangir during the early 1970s and the current popularity of his

coffeehouse.

There were people who emigrated from Anatolia in Cihangir when I came

here. There were also the Rums. I sometimes could not find anybody to speak

because I did not know their (the Rums’) language…Educated theatre and

cinema actors and actresses come here even with their pets. There is vibrancy

here for five years. Mostly young people come. There were not companies

etc. in Cihangir before. Now there are companies. Those, who work there,

come here. Those who work in the banks around, also come. There are also

those who come from outside. Many of the customers are from the middle

class…There were mostly the Rums in Cihangir. They used to gather on the

streets of Easters, hug each other, and go to the church. These buildings you

see all belonged to them. The Turks had no buildings…Today there are only a

few Rums among my customers. Most of them are old. Cihangir has become

cosmopolitan now…Our customers were mostly men from around, who were

mostly Anatolian immigrants. We even could not take the money for out tea

most of the time during that period.368

Cihangir’s cafés are like ghettoized places for the intellectuals, artists, actors

and actresses, young professionals, and some bohemians, who have discovered the

neighborhood as a local, untouched mahalle in the middle of a chaotic metropolis,

although I argue that the very being of those people have caused changes in the

mahalle character of the neighborhood, turning it into a global and commercialized

368

Mehmet Ali O., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, June 2006.

181

mahalle. According to Yervant M., who has been a Cihangirli for 46 years and

opened a café in the neighborhood five years ago, the cafés of Cihangir are not much

visited by outsiders. He said,

There are many cafés in Cihangir but not many people come from outside.

Mostly those who live in Cihangir come to these places. Cafés here are not

like those in Beyoğlu. People from Çeliktepe or Gültepe (two gecekondu

neighborhoods in Istanbul) do not come here. Only in the summers, number

of those, who come from outside increases. Most of the customers are those

who live in Cihangir but of course, those who settled in Cihangir recently.

The average age in Cihangir today is very low. There were older people in the

past, the average age of Cihangir’s inhabitants were high. The young

generations eat their dinner outside at least twice during the week.369

As a result, Cihangir has been commercialized with the opening of

companies, most of which are in media and film making sector as well as

advertisement and casting agencies, new bank offices, young professionals, who

work in these places, increasing supermarkets showing the end of shopping from

local bakkals (grocers), cafés and many other businesses thanks to its discovery and

gentrification in globalizing Istanbul. Not only has the local mahalle life been

transformed but also the landscape with historic building stock in Cihangir has

become the subject of this new type of consumption of the neighborhood itself.

Cihangir has also been partly purchased by a film director, who is also a big investor

in cinema and television sector. Realistically speaking, a part of Cihangir is in the

hands of Sinan Çetin today. He constantly buys buildings there. His own film studio

is in the neighborhood. He also has a café there. In a sense, he has claimed Cihangir

partly as an investment. Glossy magazines have even written sarcastically that the

neighborhood would be called not Cihangir but ‘Sinangir’ from now on referring to

the name of the film director. Finally, the most important of all, Cihangir has become

a commodity, which has been marketed through pseudo idealizations of its past

369

Yervant M., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

182

cosmopolitanism by prompting a kind of nostalgia and romanticism for a lost past

cosmopolitan life. Cihangir has been promoted over its dilapidated and evacuated

building stock, where once upon a time belonged to the Rums and other non-

Muslims, who have already left Istanbul and Turkey. If we borrow Keyder’s term,

Cihangir has been turned into a commodity also by some “nostalgia merchants.”370

Narrations of a Globalizing Mahalle: How Cihangirlis Perceive the Change

Each Cihangirli, whether a newcomer or an old inhabitant, has a word to say

about his or her changing neighborhood in the global era. The in-depth interviews I

conducted for this study helped me see the nature of how Cihangir is perceived by its

residents as a genuine mahalle. What meanings are ascribed to neighborhood space?

In what ways has it come to be internalized as a fetish? How do residents of the

neighborhood perceive each other? How do residents perceive the change in

Cihangir? Why it has begun to be called the Republic of Cihangir?

First of all, I should say, although Cihangir has been discovered by some

newly emerging upper-middle classes who have different tastes and see themselves

as representatives of a new lifestyle with a touch of bohemian air and intellectual

flavor, as a mahalle, a culturally refined but still locally authentic one, its local

characteristics have been defined and redefined due to the articulation of the local

and the global in Istanbul since the 1980s due to the uneven impacts of economic

globalization. Indeed, Cihangir already had lost its original cosmopolitan mahalle

character due to the departure of its non-Muslim inhabitants and began to be

populated by culturally diverse lower income groups during the period of its

370

Keyder, “A Tale of Two Neighborhoods,” p.183.

183

déclassement. However, what has been taking place in Cihangir since the beginning

of the 2000s is a highly different process. The process of gentrification has been

shaping the neighborhood through transforming its mahalle life as well. The

neighborhood welcomes a new culturally and economically diverse strata, who see it

as a genuine mahalle, but these strata also have paved the way for that so-called

genuine mahalle to undergo a metamorphosis. Cihangir as a semt and its mahalle life

are being commercialized, consumed, and fragmented. The neighborhood is still a

culturally fragmented space because it is still home to a highly heterogeneous

population in terms of their cultural and economic backgrounds and because

gentrification has not come to its full fruition there yet. Thus, I argue, the mahalle

life in Cihangir today only exist in discourse but partly in reality just as the

neighborhood’s cosmopolitanism. These two concepts, the mahalle life and local

cosmopolitan atmosphere, are the ones praised by its new inhabitants with nostalgia

for real Istanbul. However, in practice, neither the mahalle life not the

cosmopolitanism of present day mahalle reflect the atmosphere those newcomers

idealize.

An expatriate my friend Deanne described how she observes the current

atmosphere of Cihangir as follows:

Because I have been living here for six years, of course, I see people on a day

to day basis, and naturally after years of seeing people, or shopping in their

bakkal etc, I say hello. But, I have never really made friends with neighbors,

I have said hi to them if I have seen them, but never been to their homes. I

have been invited many times, but it is usually the older people that invite me

and I feel a bit shy about going and sitting in their homes. I know it is not

very neighborly; I’m just a bit lazy. Nearly everyone I meet in Cihangir is

nice and they all appear to be very friendly. I have a dog, so that is another

way to meet and talk to people. Usually they ask where you live and how

long have you been here? I heard many stories about how people come to

live in Cihangir. For example, one lady told me how her and her husband

when they first married moved to Cihangir, it was only supposed to be short

term, but they never left, and have now been living in the area for 40 years.

Another lady, eski Rum, she has been living in Cihangir for a long time too,

184

she has some wonderful stories about how wonderful life used to be back in

the 1950 and the 1960s when life seemed more “modern” than perhaps it is

now. For example, girls in bikinis swimming in the Bosphorous, etc. She has

some great stories as the daughter of one of the areas intellectuals. I have had

many neighbors that are foreign, most are the wealthier expats and not being

one of them, there was often little occasion to talk to them. They are the

groups that tend to frequent the cafes. From my observation, the other major

group frequenting the cafes comes from outside Cihangir, the Etiler crowd.

In recent years, many new cafes and specialized wine and food stores have

opened in the area, rents have become outrageous and I think the feeling of

Cihangir has changed from being friendly and community based, to more

snobby…people move to the area or visit the area as a way of showing wealth

or intellect. There is a core of people that have been in Cihangir their entire

lives. What I find interesting is how move one street out of the “center” of

Cihangir, and it is like you are in a different world. More “köy” (village)

like, children running in the streets, washing carpets in the streets, more noise

and activity, more of a “köy” life, people meeting in the streets, etc. It is even

possible to see this on street, with one end of the street having rents that could

be thousands of dollars while the other end of the street is poor. As a dog

owner, I have met many famous people, they tend to wander the streets and

speak to everyone like everyone else in Cihangir Cumhuriyet, walking

unaffected in the local streets.371

Scognamillo observes the current mahalle life in Cihangir as follows: “I

cannot see a mahalle atmosphere and a communication between the inhabitants of

mahalle. It may exist in the discourse but I cannot see it in reality. Of course you say

hello to your neighbors in your apartment building…”372

The current mahalle life is

also reflected in the words of one of Cihangir’s remaining few gentlemen:

We do not know anyone now. We used to know what neighborliness meant in

the past. We used to come together in the evenings…these things have been

lost now…Cihangir was so good, everyone used to know each other and talk

to each other. Muslims and non-Muslims had quite friendly relationships. Of

course, these have changed in time. Now, you do not know even the man

sitting across you. You would know everyone in those days.373

Mr. Yervant M., who is also an old Cihangirli, also points out the fading

away of the old Cihangir.

The old culture in Cihangir has almost faded away. Only the reputation of

here exists from now on. When you are asked where you live and when you

reply that you live in Cihangir, it is something that is still alive thanks to its

371 Deanne D., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 372

Giovanni Scognamillo, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 373

Yannis Y., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006.

185

reputation. The rents have hit the ceiling. People rent the apartments just for

the sake of living here but they leave three months later when they cannot pay

the price of rent. Cihangir has become a place, which constantly changes its

skin.374

The interesting point is that old Cihangirlis mostly described the newcomers

as people they are no “familiar” with. As an old Cihangirli shop owner said, “The

number of a different type of people, whom we do not know, we are not familiar

with, has highly increased…Family patterns and neighborly relations that existed

thirty or forty years ago do not exist anymore. We do not know the people who have

come here recently.”375

He continued,

They are people whom I do not know…Only very few have remained from

the former Rums and they are poor and old. Those newcomers come here

with their own cultures and someone, who has been living here for half a

century naturally do not like the state of these newcomers but there is nothing

to do…Former established Rum families do not exist anymore. The

newcomers are people seen in the media.376

As a new Cihangirli, Emrah A. describes present day Cihangir as a place that

has become a favorite for thieves as well. The neighborhood has also become an

insecure place due to the flow of many people from other parts of the city and

because the thieves see the neighborhood as a rich place, where all those famous

people in television live, they concentrate here.

I observe three different groups in Cihangir. First group is composed of

thieves…The second group are people from cinema, theatre and production

worlds. Third, there is the Nişantaşı-Bağdat Street group, those, who want to

live in Cihangir because they want such a lifestyle…I have observed these in

a short period of time. These are true. This place has an interesting

atmosphere…But it can be said that it is getting degenerated day by day.377

374

Yervant M., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. 375

Mehmet A., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, February 2006. Son birkaç sene

içinde “tanımadığımız”, değişik tür insanların sayısı oldukça arttı. Bundan 30-40 sene evvelki aile

düzeni, komşuluk ilişkileri artık yok. Gelen insanları tanımıyoruz. 376

Ibid. 377

Emrah A., interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, June 2006.

186

As reflected in the narratives of old and new Cihangirlis, the neighborhood

has turned into a place where neighborly relations have eroded. There is mahalle life,

but a rather consumed one with nostalgic drives for the past and the local. However,

all of my informants, who are old Cihangirlis, are still happy with the recent changes

in the neighborhood when they compare the current period with the earlier one, when

the neighborhood faced a déclassement and become a gloomy place. As Güler S., a

Cihangirli for more than a century, and someone, whose family had immigrated to

Istanbul from Salonica as part of the population Exchange between Greece and

Turkey in 1922 and settled in Cihangir after they reached to Istanbul, said,

I think Cihangir is still the best place to live today. Although it is not the

former Cihangir, it is still one of the best neighborhoods of Istanbul today.

Everyone is innocuous, from film directors to managers. There is a

coffeehouse there under the mosque, all actors etcetera, who we see in

television serials, gather and sit there in a modest way…Cihangir is still one

of the best neighborhoods.378

Hence, Cihangir’s recent situation is both criticized and welcomed by its

older inhabitants. There are those who are not happy with the newcomers’ lifestyles

and neighborhood’s becoming a so-called “entel ghetto” and a commercialized area

while there are also those who find the developments positive when compared with

its former lower class status. However, none of my old Cihangirli informants,

including the remaining few Rum ladies and gentlemen, believe the current Cihangir

can be as select and as beautiful as it was once upon a time. They all recall the

Cihangir of their childhood and young age as a place where Muslims and non-

Muslims lived in harmony, mahalle life was a modest and sincere one, neighborly

relations were close and the cultural level of its inhabitants was higher.

Finally, this chapter has aimed to shed light on present day Cihangir and

argued that mahalle life has been transformed thanks to gentrification in the

378

Güler S., interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, July 2006.

187

neighborhood beginning in the late 1990s and reaching its peak in the first half of

2000s. Last but not least, I will argue that Cihangir’s present situation cannot be

understood without referring to its past. Today, Cihangir is a place which actually

lives thanks to its past.

188

CHAPTER IV

CONCLUSION

CIHANGIR RECONSIDERED

Cihangir has been a unique Istanbul neighborhood throughout its history. Not

only its distinct geographic situation near the historic multi-ethnic, multi-religious

and multi-cultural Pera/Beyoğlu and on top of a hill presenting many of the most

beautiful panoramic views of the historic city and the Bosphorus, but also its being a

select and cosmopolitan neighborhood have provided it this uniqueness. This study

has aimed to reconsider and reconstruct this cosmopolitan Istanbul neighborhood’s

past and present based on primary and secondary sources as well as oral history

narratives. It has revisited the neighborhood’s history since its emergence as a

settlement area in the sixteenth century to the present. The appearance of Cihangir as

a relatively dense cosmopolitan residential area dates back to the genesis of

cosmopolitan Pera during the nineteenth century globalization and peripheralization

of Istanbul as a port city. While Pera, the symbol of Westernization and

modernization during the late nineteenth century, was being filled by numerous

consulates, embassies, schools, and foreign banks, Cihangir in its backyard also

began to be home to those who worked in these places, as well as to the non-Muslims

of Istanbul. Streets like Sıraselvi (ler), Rum Kabristan (Meşelik), Soğancı, Somuncu,

Araslar (Aslanyatağı), Firuzağa, and Defterdar Yokuşu represented densely

populated cosmopolitan areas constituting Cihangir from the late nineteenth century

to the early twentieth century. New stone apartment buildings with various

189

architectural styles such as art nouveau or art deco on these streets also represented a

shift from wooden mansions to stone apartment buildings as housing units during

this period. However, many of the inner streets of the current Cihangir were not

formed during that period and until the 1920s as is understood from the Pervititch

maps. Greeks, Armenians, Jews, mostly Italian origin Levantines, French, Germans,

and Turks formed the elements of this cosmopolitan fabric until the non-Muslims of

Istanbul Turkey left the country as a result of a series of events within the framework

of the Turkification policies of the new Turkish Republic as a nation-state founded in

1923. However, the Rums constituted a great part of Cihangir’s population before

some events caused them to leave Istanbul throughout the Republican history.

Cihangir lost almost all of its original human fabric decades ago with the

gradual departure of its non-Muslim inhabitants, specifically the Rums. Beginning

from the notorious Wealth Tax, the Events of 6-7 September, and the 1964 decree for

the deportation of Hellenes of Istanbul were the main steps that caused non-Muslims

of Istanbul to leave the country in the Republican era. These events caused

tremendous changes in the ethnic composition of Cihangir. With the departure of its

non-Muslims especially the Rum inhabitants, Cihangir faced a dramatic decline in its

original population. This thesis can be seen as an endeavor to examine the dramatic

decline in Cihangir’s non-Muslim but specifically the Rum population within the

framework of demographic shifts, which the neighborhood witnessed throughout the

twentieth century.

Thus, this study sought to reconstruct and situate Cihangir’s past or the story

of Cihangir inside the overall story of the decline of cosmopolitan Istanbul due to

Turkification policies. It presented a reading of the historical changes through

demographic shifts in the neighborhood from a perspective focusing on how it lost its

190

original cosmopolitan character with the loss of its Rum inhabitants. The findings of

my primary research also reflect the historical demographic changes in the

neighborhood. The names and addresses reached from a meticulous scanning of

official Istanbul telephone directories for the years 1929, 1933, 1942, 1950, and 1966

all reflect the cosmopolitan character of the neighborhood throughout the Republican

period. I believe these names and addresses, which belong to the former inhabitants

of Cihangir, might help people in many different parts of the world, for example in

Athens, trace their ancestors, and locate on which street and in which apartment

building of Cihangir they lived. The same is also valid for the results of my scanning

of the Annuaire Orientals of the years 1881, 1893-94, 1909, and 1921. Thus, this

thesis provides considerable primary information about who lived in Cihangir, name

by name, street by street, and apartment by apartment during periods beginning from

1881 to 1966. The Rums of Cihangir gradually left Istanbul especially after the Event

of 6-7 September 1955 and the 1964 decree deportation for the Greek nationals as

with most of the Rums and other non-Muslims of Istanbul.

Although it was not possible to reach the entire Rum population of Cihangir

related to previous decades, this study presents the Rum population of Cihangir in

1968 based on the church records. There were about 2,000 Rums in Cihangir in

1968, a date which came after both the Events of 6-7 September and the 1964

deportation. Today, the number of all Christians living in Cihangir Mahalle is only

342 while that of Muslims is 4,207 and Jews is only nine. Thus, present day Cihangir

is a neighborhood which has lost its earlier cosmopolitan character. However, there

is a new type of cosmopolitanism in present day Cihangir. While the non-Muslims,

specifically the Rums of Cihangir were leaving the neighborhood, it began to witness

an influx of immigrants from Anatolia beginning from the 1950s and continuing until

191

the 1990s. On the other hand, Cihangir was faced with a déclassement especially

during the 1970s and the 1980s and became a lower class residential area. Today,

Cihangir has a highly mixed and culturally diverse fabric. A new type of

cosmopolitanism exists in the neighborhood although there is a very small number of

Rums and other non-Muslim inhabitants. They live side by side with Kurds, Arabs,

Turks, Laz, and expatriates from Europe and other parts of the world.

This work set out to depict the everyday life in cosmopolitan mahalle sphere

making up Cihangir over the decades, when multi-ethnic coexistence was not

destroyed in Istanbul. Thanks to oral history interviews, Cihangir’s past

cosmopolitan mahalle life was also depicted in this study.

Another main argument of this thesis is that Cihangir was rediscovered and

redefined in globalizing Istanbul beginning from the late 1990s and in the 2000s. The

process of gentrification, which occurred within the context of Istanbul as a

metropolis under the uneven impacts of globalization, has transformed the urban and

social fabric of Cihangir as well as its daily mahalle life. Cihangir has welcomed

culturally diverse strata, newly emerging middle classes thanks to the impacts of

economic globalization in Istanbul and new lifestyles have appeared in the culturally

fragmented neighborhood space. As part of gentrification process, the historic

building stock of Cihangir also has undergone changes. The apartment houses have

been renovated and restored and Cihangir has acquired a new look. New cafés have

become places, where the new people of Cihangir come together. The neighborhood

has become a world of artists, writers, caricaturists, intellectuals, pseudo-

intellectuals, bobos, and people working in the media.

On the other hand, many of the nouveau rich of Istanbul also have flocked to

the neighborhood as a newly discovered genuinely cosmopolitan historic mahalle

192

near Beyoğlu. Thus, the discourse of Cihangir has overcome real Cihangir itself. The

neighborhood has become highly popular, the rents have jumped to striking levels,

and the neighborhood has become a place where people lead a communal life within

the borders of a mahalle, the Republic of Cihangir, which they have created on their

own. However, a significant dimension of the transformation of Cihangir in the

global era is that the neighborhood itself has become a commodity to consume. The

mahalle life also has been affected by this. Neighborly relations have eroded and

even the mahalle as a space has been commercialized.

Also, it should not be forgotten that Cihangir has never represented as a

microcosm of Istanbul in the past or in present. Its destiny always has been shaped

by that of Pera/Beyoğlu but in terms of neither its demographic structure, social,

economic, and cultural atmosphere nor its geographical location, Cihangir can reflect

the overall changes in many other neighborhoods of Istanbul.

This work is a modest contribution to the history of Cihangir since written

sources related to it are very limited. It also presents some amount of primary data

regarding the ethnic composition and population of Cihangir. However, I suggest that

research on Cihangir should be continued both on its situation in the Ottoman era

based on primary data, for example, population censuses or a research on other

archival documents including records on the mahalles of Istanbul. Again, Cihangir’s

history throughout the Republican Turkey should be further studied. Indeed, more

microhistorical studies should be conducted on the neighborhood. As said above,

written sources on the history of Cihangir are scarce. Studies on Cihangir should

therefore also be formulated around oral history narratives. An important element,

which also lacks in this study, is that oral history narratives should be collected from

former Cihangirlis, specifically the Rums who have already emigrated abroad. The

193

stories and memories told by former Cihangirli Rum families, who live Greece, for

example, would be the best sources from which to reconstruct Cihangir’s history.

Also, further research should be conducted on the historic building stock of the

neighborhood. Another crucial point is the changes Cihangir has been undergoing in

a metropolis which has been subjected to the multiple effects of economic

globalization. Patterns of gentrification in Cihangir and its effects on the social,

economic and cultural realms in the neighborhood should be analyzed in greater

depth. How has the physical and urban fabric changed, in what way and with whose

pioneering can be studied in more detail. The situation of those who were excluded

in the neighborhood space and had to move to other parts of the city can also be

studied. Briefly, both the past and present of Cihangir need more research based on

primary sources as well as oral histories. Nevertheless, Cihangir is a neighborhood

where the present is still being created on the crystallizations of its past.

194

APPENDIX A

ORIGINAL TEXTS OF PASSAGES THAT APPEAR IN THE TEXT

Page Note

19 27 İstanbul’un en “global” semti neresidir diye sorulsa bunun yanıtı

Cihangir’dir. Cihangir çok kültürlü bir semt. Ulusal söylemdeki

olumsuz çıkarsamaları bir kenara bırakılırsa, “kozmopolit” bir

yerleşim alanı. Yüzyıllardır din, dil, mezhep ayrımı gözetmeksizin,

değişik unsurların bir arada yaşadığı, hoşgörünün egemen olduğu bir

semt Cihangir.

34 33 Önce Tophane şehri: Hıristiyanlar zamanında bir ormanlık içinde

İskender-i Rumi’nin bir manastırı vardı. Bugün Cihangir Camii, o

kilisenin yerine yapılmıştır. Kefereler onu yılda bir kere, “Aya

Aleksandıra” diye ziyaret ederlerdi. İskender-i Zülkarneyn ne zaman

Yecüc seddini yapıp bir kaç gulyabani, [130b] birkaç adet iri beyaz

devleri, Çerkez vilayetinde olan Elburz Dağı’ndaki sihirbaz oburları,

Abaza diyarında olan Sadşe dağlarındaki sihirbaz avratları, bu anılan

ülkelerden Konstantiniyye şehrine getirerek bu Tophane’de büyük bir

çukur içinde el ve ayaklarını sağlam hurma lifi ile bağlayıp

hapsetmişti. Allah’ın izniyle tılsım ipler kuvvetiyle hareket

edemezlerdi. Yılda bir kere Cihangir’de olan Aleksandıra Kilise’sinin

ziyaretine gelenler bu Tophane’deki gulyabanileri, devleri, sihirbazları

ve sihirci kadınları seyrederlerdi…İşte bu Tophane şehrinin ilk imareti

İskender yapısıdır.

35 37 Sultan Cihangir Camii: İskender-i Zülkarneyn’in Aleksandıra adlı

kilisesinin yerinde Sultan Süleyman Han yapıp sevabını Cihangir’in

ruhuna bağışlayıp cihan sevabını kazanmıştır…Deniz kenarındaki

Mehmet Ağa Camii dibindeki o dik sokaktan baş yukarı ta Cihangir

Camii’ne kadar…yüz basamak taş merdiven ile çıkılır daracık bir

yoldur ki insane gücüyle bir saate çıkılır…Bir minaresi, tekkesi,

imareti ve avlusu vardır ki yüksek çınarlarla süslüdür. İkindiden sonar

bütün ahbaplar, dostlar orada toplanıp yüzgeçlik eden bütün gemileri

seyrederler. Cihannüma bir camidir ki Koca Mimar Sinan yapısıdır.

54 90 Eski ahşap Cihangir’in yerine şimdi baştan başa kagir ve hemen hepsi

de apartman şeklinde yepyeni bir Cihangir kurulmuş ve bir yandan da

kurulmakta. Kurulmuş ve kurulmakta olan bu muazzam ve mükemmel

binalar bir taraftan tabak gibi Marmara’ya, bir taraftan çanak gibi

Boğaz’ın beri kısmına bakan bu yüksek havadar mevkie ne kadar

yakışıyorlar? Eski ahşap Cihangir’in bu yeni şekli pek yakın bir

195

istikbalde, Beyoğlu’nun en şerefli bir yeri olacağına, belki de

Şişli’nin, Nişantaşı’nın pabuçlarını dama atacağa benziyor.

66 131 Varlık Vergisini ödeyemeyenler Aşkale’ye sürüldü. Cihangir’den

gidenler de oldu ama ben şu sokaktan şu kişi gitti gibi bir şey

söyleyemem. Beyoğlu’ndan gidildiğini duydum. Bu arada Aşkale’ye

gitmemek için binalarını satıp kendini kurtaran oldu ama

ödeyemeyenler de orada taş kırdı vs.

70 144 Sabaha karşı güvenlik güçleri duruma hakim olunca, kat kat kumaşlar,

iç çamaşırları, kürkler, halılarla kaplı bir yolda ilerleyerek evlerimize

döndük. Yırtılmış, çamurlara bulanmışlardı. Bitkindik... Sadece fiziki

açıdan değil, aldığımız büyük yaradan. Cihangir'deki daireme girince

Rum olan komşularımızın bize sığınmış olduklarını gördüm. Şaşılacak

şekilde, yan yana olan kapılarımızdan onlarınkinde isle yapılmış bir

çarpı işareti vardı, bizimkinde yoktu.

71 146 Derken güruh bizim sokağa geldi. Evlerin camlarını kırıyorlar, azınlık

yuttaşlarını tartaklıyorlar, arada Türklerden itiraz eden olursa onları da

hırpalıyorlar. Büyük bir panic. Babam müdahale etmeye kalkışmıştı. Annemin yalvarışları…titreyerek bekleşiyorduk. Güruh sokaktan

nihayet çıkıp gitti. Bayar-Menderes döneminin büyük rezaletidir.

Ertesi gün sokağa çıktığımızda, kasabımız Todori’nin yıkık bir

dükkan önünde ağladığını gördük.

72 148 6 Eylülde Cihangir epey zarar görmüştür. Tabii...Eğer içeri girilip de

tahrip edilmediyse evler, dışarıdan şeyleri, camları falan epey kırıldı.

Tabii oraya gelen güruh İstanbullu değildi ka. Bizim oradaki Türk

dostlarımız bize yardımcı oldu. Cihangire yerleşmiş olan bizim

komşularımız falan bize epey yardımcı oldu, bizi korumaya çalıştı. Ama maalesef pek başarılı olduğunu zannetmiyorum. Ben 6 Eylül

döneminde Tarlabaşında oturuyordum daha. Bizim evin kapıcısı çok

ilginçti. Mehmet Efendi. Biz içeri girdik, kapattık kapıyı. Eee, hadi

Mihailaki dedi koş gir içeri falan. Ben o zaman 15 yaşında falandım,

kapattı kapıyı. Elinde bir Türk bayrağı kapıda bekledi. Gelenlere

burada gavur yok, burada işte hepsi Müslüman’dır falan dedi. Ve

bütün o güruh bizi geçip gittikten sonra, bizim ev kurtulduktan sonra

açtı kapıyı, bayrağı içeri koydu, kazmasını, küreğini aldı, kapattı

kapıyı ve ilerdeki Rum evlerini, dükkanlarını kırmaya ve parçalamaya

başladı. Bizi kurtaran Ahmed Efendi.. Çok tuhaf değil mi? Gerçekte

hiç tuhaf değil. Çünkü bizler Ahmet Efendi için tanıdığı kişiler idik,

Mihalakiydik, Madam Katinaydık, alışverişimiz var, kahvemizi içerdi,

bize giderdi alışverişi yapardı gelirdi bahşişini alırdı falan. Bizim iyi

kişiler olduğumuzu bilirdi, dolayısıyla bizi korudu. Ama ileridekileri

tanımıyordu. İleridekiler onun için Rumdu. Rum demekse onun

belleğinde ona bellettikleri düşmandı. Dolayısıyla ...olarak düşmana

karşı çıktı. Beyin yıkamasına uğramış kişilerdi bütün o toplum yahut

da çapulcuydu.

196

73 151 6-7 Eylül’ü bizzat yaşadım.O zaman Tarlabaşı’nda Çorbacı Sokak’ta

oturuyordum ama olayların olduğu gece Tarabya’daki yazlık

evdeydik.İstiklal Caddesi baştan başa kumaşla kaplanmıştı. Bunlar

anlatılabilecek şeyler değil. Tarabya Oteli ahşaptı.Yaktılar. Yanına bir

kilise vardı. Kiliseden yükselen alevler denizde yakamoz

oluşturuyordu. O gece gerçekten çok kötüydü. Bizim Tarabya’da

ahşap bir yazlık evimiz vardı. Ellerinde ucu alevli odunlarla geldiler.

Bizim oturduğumuz ev bir papazın eviymiş meğerse, yakmaya

geliyorlarmış. Dedem kapıya çıktı ve kalabalığa bağırdı. Zaten çoktan

bir Türk bayrağı asmıştı. Evin sahipleri Madam Olda ve eşi sonra ne

çok dua ettiler dedeme.

74 152 1954 ile 1964 arası Cihangir’de Kumrulu Yokuşu’nda Ümit-Nüvit

apartmanında oturduk. Çok net hatırlıyorum. 6 Eylül gecesi, daha

akşamüzeri, şehrin içerisinde bir takım olaylar patlak verdi. Daha

doğrusu şöyle diyelim, birkaç gün öncesinden başlayan bir gerilim

var. Atatürk’ün Selanik’te doğduğu eve bomba atıldığı ihbarı

yapılıyor ve basına aksediyor. Bir infial oluşuyor. Bir tepki hareketi

doğuyor ama bu tepki hareketi sadece siyasi planda, diplomatik planda

bir tepki hareketiyken 6 Eylül akşamüzeri birden bire bütün

İstanbul’da, çeşitli yerlerinde İstanbul’un, çok ciddi sokak hareketleri

olmaya başladığı söylendi. Ve bu hareketler aslında daha bizim

duyduğumuz vakit Sirkecide köprünün öteki yakasına ait gibiydi fakat

çok geçmeden Beyoğlunda oluşmaya başladıklarını duyduk ama o

sırada henüz Cihangir’e sıçramamıştı. Sonra kitlelerin güruh hâlinde,

serseri bir güruh halinde yürüyüşe geçtikleri, Beyoğlunu tarumar

ettikleri ortaya çıktı. O yıllarda evlerde telefon yoktu. Telefon

bugünkü kadar yaygın bir kitle iletişim aracı değildi. Ama bizde vardı

telefon ve anneannemler Kadıköy’den telefon ettiler. Bizim evden

gelip herkes birbirlerine haber verdi filan.

74 153 Bizim mahalleyle ilgili bir şey, bizim sokakla ilgili bir anı

anlatabilirim. Benim babam o zamanlar Kıbrıs Türk Cemiyeti diye bir

cemiyet vardı, ama şimdi o çok yanlış anlatılıyor. Bir dergi

çıkarıyordu bu cemiyet. O dergiden çok sayıda evde var. Derginin

kapağında da kırmızı bir fon üzerine yeşil bir ada, adanın ortasında

Türk bayrağı var. Sadece böyle bir illüstrasyon, üzerinde de işte

derginin adı var. Babam bütün bu dergilerin kapaklarını kestiler ve

evlere yapıştırdılar. Özellikle Rum ahbaplarımızın, yani her apartmana

yapıştırıldı, karşımızdaki… Çok da yaşlı bir hanım oturuyordu

karşımızda, o Türk ve Müslüman’dı. Ona yapıştırılmadı, yani bir

kasıtla değil, zaten Türk ve Müslüman diye. Akşam geç bir saatte,

akşam yemeğinin hemen sonrasındaki bir saatte, 20:30-21:00 gibi, o

Beyoğlu’ndaki taşkın kalabalıklardan bir tanesi bütün Cihangir’den

geçti ve Cihangir’in her tarafını yakıp yıktı. Yani inanılmaz bir yakıp

yıkma meselesi bu. Fakat bizim sokak paçayı sıyırdı. Herhalde bizim

sokağın hepsini Türk zannettiler. Fakat kırıla kırıla bir tek o yaşlı hanımın, o kadıncağızın çığlıkları arasında, mahallelinin.. Türktü yaşlı bir kadın filan ama, öylesine raydan çıkmış, yoldan çıkmış ki, ne

Türkü, ne Rumu, ne Hıristiyan’ı anlayabilecek bir...serseri, onun

197

içinde bakarsınız fırsattan faydalanan Rum bile olabilir. Yani insan

tıynetsizliği ile ilgili, insan ruhunun karanlığıyla ilgili bir olaydı bu.

75 154 Benim kişisel tanıklığım ertesi gün öğleye doğru sokağa çıkarılmamla

oldu. Çok sevdiğim bir pastaneydi benim, Savoy Pastanesi, bugünkü

yerinde değildi ama henüz, Beyoğlu İlkyardım Hastanesinin

karşısındaki sokaktaydı, onun bütün vitrini, her şeyi yok edilmiş ve

sokakta pastalar, kremalar, dondurmalar, hepsi yerlere atılmış, onlar

erimiş, korkunç bir görüntüydü, yani bir dondurma kadar güzel bir

şeyin vişnelisinin kan olarak akıp gittiğini görüyordum adeta. Tabii

kan değildi ama olaylarla birleşince bir kan duygusu bırakan bir şeydi.

Çok uzun zaman, yani 3-4 ayda ancak Beyoğlu toparlanabildi.

Savoyun önünden sonra Beyoğluna çıktık. Cihangir’de sokaklar tuğla,

cam parçaları, çerçeve parçaları, yani baştan aşağı doluydu. Yani bazı

sokaklar geçilmez hale gelmişti. Artık sokak değil, bir arbede, 2.

Dünya Savaşında bombardıman görmüş bir şehir fotoğrafı düşünün,

Cihangir’in bir kısmının sokakları o haldeydi. Bizim sokak hariç,

bizim sokağa da saldırılmamasının temel sebebi o dergi kapaklarıydı.

Yoksa, bizim sokak da hapı yutacaktı. Ve nitekim öyle bir ev de oldu.

Ama öteki evler filan çok kötü şekilde tahrip edildi, yani korkunç bir

olaydı.

74-75 155 Dükkanları yağmaladılar. Kumaşlar filan yerlerde. Gayrimüslim

esnafa yapılan bir şeydi. Hatta o zaman annem komşumuza demiş ki

bize gelebilirsin, korkma. Komşumuzdu onlar yani. Mahallenin önüne

gelenler oldu ama pek muvaffak olamadılar, pek bir şey yapamadılar.

Yani Beyoğlu’nu mahvettiler. Buradaki Rumların ne suçu vardı ki.

Çoğunluk Rumdu burada. Biz aslında gelmişiz, dağdan gelmişiz

bağdakini kovmuşuz biraz. Fatih zamanından önce Rumdu.

76 156 6-7 Eylül Cihangiri o kadar etkilemedi. Beyoğlu ve Tarlabaşını

etkiledi. Beyoğlu’ndaki mevcut Rum kiliselerini etkiledi.

Kuruluşundan beri Beyoğlu yabancıların, azınlıkların elinde olan bir

bölgeydi, serbest bölgeydi diyelim. 6-7 Eylül olaylarından sonra 64’te

Rumların zorunlu olarak ayrılmalarından sonra Beyoğlu ve belirli

semtlerin, Cihangir ve Tarlabaşı dahil olmak üzere kimliği birden

değişti. Hatta iç göçten de başlayabiliriz. Sadece Beyoğlunun değil bütün İstanbul’un kimliğini değiştirdi iç göçler. 6-7 Eylül olayları

koptuğunda ben Beyoğlu Kallavi Sokağındaydım. Hatta bir süre

İstiklal Caddesinde babamla dolaştık.

77 157 6-7 Eylül’ü ben burada birebir yaşadım. 6-7 Eylül’de Cihangir’de ne

olup bittiğini ben bilemem çünkü ben iş yerimdeydim. İş yerimi

korumak zorundaydım üstelik Türk olmama karşın. Çünkü bizim dahi

dükkanı kapatmamız gerektiği yönünde haberler geldi. Biz tabii

dükkanı kapatmadık, burada dükkanın önünde bekledik çapulculara

mani olmak için.

198

77 158 Cihangir’i Beyoğlu’ndan soyutlamak mümkün değil. Beyoğlu’nda ne

yapıldıysa Cihangir’de, özellikle Rum vatandaşların yaşadığı hangi

muhit olursa olsun aynı şekilde tecavüze uğramıştır dersek daha doğru

olur çünkü gece saat 00.00-01.00 gibi dükkanı kapatmıştım,

Cihangir’e gittim. Tabii gecenin o karanlığında ne oldu ne bitti onun

pek farkında değildim.

77 159 Bizim Balık Pazarındaki sokakta şu akıntının olduğu yere kadar

yaklaşık 10 cm yükseklikte bir kaldırım vardı. O gün, 6 Eylül gecesi

saat 00.00’a doğru kaldırımdan yaklaşık yarım metre yukarıya

çıkmıştı yolun ortası. Bunun içinde aklınıza ne gelirse, zeytin kokusu,

zeytinyağı kokusu, peynirler allak bullak olmuş… Turşular falan filan.

Beyoğlu Balık Pazarı çok önde gelen bir Pazar. Dolayısıyla buradaki

hareket daha başka, yani buranın halkı yemesini içmesini seven

kişiler. Ermeni, Musevi, Rum ya da Türk.Genellikle kalbur üstü

insanlar gelirdi alışverişe buraya. Dükkanlar da tabii dolu. Haliyle en

çok zararı gören de buradaki, özellikle gayrimüslim vatandaşların

sahip olduğu dükkanlar oldu.

78 162 E Cihangir’de dükkan vardı tabii. Ticareti ekseriyetle gayrimüslimler

yaptığı için onların dükkanları yağmalandı o gece. Cihangir’de de

tabii. Sokaklar Beyoğlu gibi diyemeyeceğim ama buzdolapları, işte

içerdeki şeyler dışarıdaydı tabii. O zaman Kıbrıs davası vardı. 6-7

Eylül gidişleri etkiledi tabii, ama birdenbire olmadı. Senelerce eksildi

eksildi işte bu güne geldik.

79 163 O zaman Arnavutköy’de oturuyorduk. O gece ağabeyim eve dönmedi.

O gün Beşiktaş’taydı. Kimse anlamasın diye o kalabalığın içine

karışmış, öyle eve gelmiş. O gece hayatımızdaki en kötü geceydi.

Ellerinde sopalarla Arnavutköy’deki evimize saldırdılar. Alman

komşularımız vardı, onlar bizi korudu. 1956’da evlendim, Cihangir’e

taşındım. Ağabeyim ailesiyle birlikte Türkiye’yi terk etti ama ben

kaldım.

80 167 Bu olaydan sonra tabii Cihangir’in dokusunda bir değişim bir

dönüşüm başladı. Hemen başlamadı ama bir iki yıl içerisinde Rum

yurttaşlarımızın dörtte üçü göz yaşları içerisinde memleketten

ayrılmak zorunda kaldılar. Hepsi hemen değil ama bir iki yıl

içerisinde yavaş yavaş Cihangir’de sayıca çok az Rum kalmaya

başladı…arkadaşım Yannis, hatta onu İstanbul kitaplarımdan bir

tanesinde yazdım. Onlar mesela bitişik komşularımızdı. Hakikaten

çok hüzünlü bir ayrılış oldu. Yani yıllarca etkisini bende korumuştur.

Bugün hala aynı hüznü duyarak anımsıyorum o olayı. Bir çok insan

ayrıldı, ayrılmayanlar genelde yaşça belli bir yaşa gelmiş olan ve çoğu

dul olan madamlardı. Gidecek yerleri yok, yeni bir yaşam kurmak,

Atina’ya gidecek, doğma büyüme İstanbullu…

89 197 Ben Rumların gönderilmesine karşıyım. Neden gönderildiler ki? Bir

Rum aile vardı tanıdığımız. Çok zengindiler. Ege Bahçesinin yanında

dublex bir evde oturuyorlardı. O zamanlar Cihangir’de çok zengin

199

Rumlar oturuyordu. Devlet onları sınır dışı etti ve gittiler. Annem o

zamanlar o evde çalışıyordu. Bir çift…Bir oğulları ve bir kızları vardı.

Büyükada’da evleri vardı. Hatta annem de beni Büyükada’ya

götürürdü. Cihangir’den bir sürü Rum gitti. Çoğu apartman sahipleri

terk ettiler. Duyduğum kadarıyla devlet alıyormuş kirasını buraların.

Sonradan da gördüğüm kadarıyla bu evler restore edildi. Cihangir’de

çoğunlukla Rumlar yaşıyordu. Fransızlar da oldukça çoktu.

89 198 Devlet Rum tebaalıları sürdü. Yunanistan’a…Ama mesela eğer bir

Rum kadının kocası Türk vatandaşıysa istiyorsa kalmasına izin verdi.

Giderken eşyalarını satıyorlardı. Ben de giden bir aileden bir yatak

odası takımı aldım. Pişman olarak almıştım ama zaten nasıl olsa

satacaklardı diye düşünmüştüm. Ama gerçekten üzülerek, pişman

olarak aldım. Mallarını birkaç elden satabilirlerse sattılar 1964’te

giderken ya da eskiciye verdiler. Ama şöyle söylentiler de vardı.

Gümüş, kristal gibi bazı eşyalarını götürmüşler diyorlardı. E tabii

götürecekleri kendi malları.

90 199 Biz Samsun’dan geldik.1963’te geldik biz buraya. Amcam burada

oturuyordu. 63’ten beri de buradayım.Bu dükkan 69’da kuruldu

Margarit’s olarak. Onların gidişiyle Cihangir Cihangirliğini tamamen

yitirdi. Sadece Rumlarla ilgili değil bu, Yahudilerde de aynı şey oldu.

Yahudilerin de gitmesine üzüldüm. Çünkü Türkiye ekonomisi

üzerinde büyük rolleri var, bilhassa Yahudilerin. Yahudilerin de

gitmesi beni tedirgin etti. Çünkü onun yerine Anadolu’dan gelen

insanlar, tamam hepimiz Anadolu’dan geldik ama yani, daha eğitimsiz

ve daha kültürsüz şeklinde düşünün olayı. şimdi burada yaşayan eski

İstanbullularla, ki bunlar Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi, hatta İtalyan’ı vardı,

Rus’u vardı, bunların farkı vardı. Bunlarla Türklerin arasında 20-30

senelik fark vardı. Daha gelişmişlerdi.

90 200 Onların gidişi aşama aşama oldu. Öyle birden olmadı. Daha doğrusu

kaçarak oldu. Mallarını gizli sattılar. Hatta yarı fiyatına sattılar. Hiç

tanımadıkları insanlara sattılar ki kaçacakları belli olmasın diye. İşte

bu arada da burada bazı kimseler rant sahibi oldu. Uyandılar yani

işe… Genellikle Doğudan gelen insanlar aldı çoğunu. Burada genelde

kapıcılar filan vardı. Onların tanıdıkları, akrabaları falan filan onlar

almaya başladılar. Ucuz olduğu için tabii. Habersiz gittikleri için,

tanıdıklarına satamadıkları için, başkalarına satmak zorunda kaldıkları

için ucuz ucuz satıldı o evler.

90-91 201 Boşalan yerler hemen doldu. O açıdan onu takip etmek ancak muhtar

kayıtlarından çıkar ama bize göre o tanıdığımız insanların

kayboluşu… benim kim gitti, kim geldi, hangi apartmanın hangi

dairesinden kamyonla yük çıktı onu takip etmem mümkün değil ama

baktık gördük ki yerlerine bir başka, daha yabancı, hiç tanımadığımız

insanlar gelince anlaşıldı ki gitmişler.

91 202 Biz onu buradaki müşterilerimizden biliyoruz. Cihangirdekilerden

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değil. Mesela Tarlabaşında iki göz evde bir Rum aile otururdu.

Onların kaybolduğunu zaman içinde anladık. Onların yerine gelenler

mantardan bitme ve evin kapısının kırılarak girildiğini haneye tecavüz

misali-ve bunlar hala şüphelidir benim için, bunlar Türk müdür, değil midir, Arap mıdır değil midir- fakat hiçbir zaman Tarlabaşına

yakışacak insanlar değildir. Biz çünkü Tarlabaşında Rumların yaşadığı dönemi bildiğimiz için. Tarlabaşı,Kalyoncukulluk buralar çok daha

güzel yerlerdi. Cihangir’de öyleydi. Ama Cihangir’de böyle bir

durumla karşılaşılmamıştır. Çünkü Cihangir’e bu şekilde girmeye pek

cesaret edememişlerdir. Yalnız Tarlabaşında dediğim gibi kapı kırılıp

içeri girilme olayını biz yaşadık, biliyoruz.

92 203 Şimdi buradan giden Rumlar’dan olmuştur. Yunanlılarda el koydu

devlet. Satılma olmadı. 20 sene sonra galiba Özal iktidara geldi, bir

kararnameyle beraber çıktı geldi adamlar ama çoğu ölmüştü tabii.

Ekseriyetle Milli Emlak’a kaldı tabii. Ondan sonra da Milli Emlak

satışa çıkardı. Dava bu.

92 204 Yan komşumuz Rumdu. Ölünce evi devlete kaldı. Çok yıkık dökük

haldeydi orası. Sonra tiyatrocu kiraladı Milli Emlaktan. Aslında

modacı Cemil İpekçi kiralayacaktı ama olmadı. Aslında biz orayı

satın almak istedik ama olmadı.

92-93 205 Bakın Cihangir’de, yalnız Cihangir’de çok fazla Rum vardı. 65’ten

sonrayı söylüyorum size. Yani bizim ortam öyle devirlerdi. Öyle bir

devirde yaşadık biz. Şu an 3 kişi bile yok belki. Onlar yerlisidir adeta

buranın. Yerlisidir. İsmet İnönü Yunan uyrukluları gönderdi. O evler

boşaldığı vakit ne oldu. Önüne gelene evleri verdiler. Akarsu

Caddesi’nde çok saygın birinin evi vardı, randevu evi oldu sonra.

93 206 Cihangir eskiden hep konakmış. Tahta konaklar varmış. Ben 66’da

Cihangir’e geldim. O devir çok güzeldi anlatamam size. O kadar

güzeldi Cihangir. Şakir Bey kuaför olduğu için bütün müşteri

camiamız hep Rumdu o yüzden bu 38.000 rakamını biliyor. Bir tane

Türk gelmezdi yani. Çok saygıdeğer inanlardı, hatır sever, saygılı,

terbiyeli insanlardı. Çırakla bile toka yapan insanlardı. O devir çok

güzeldi. Çok Rum vardı ama Kıbrıs harbinden sonra hepsi yavaş yavaş, haftada iki aile görüyorduk yok oluyordu. Satıyorlardı malı

mülkü çekip gidiyorlardı. Ama aldığımız bilgiler kimse orada mutlu

değil yani. Asla mutlu değiller. İlla ki Cihangiri istiyorlar yani.Ege

bahçesini hatırlıyorum. Ege bahçesi benim zamanımda çay

bahçesiydi. Sonra lokanta oldu. Sonra Susam Bar olarak işlendi. Şimdi

5 yıldır filan boş. İnşaat yapmayı düşünüyorlar. Onlar satıp gittiler.

Türklere sattılar. Ama el altından. Gideceklerini gizlediler yani. Sonra

nakliyatçı gelince kapıya anladık gidiyorlar. Kimi Avusturalya’ya,

kimi İzlanda’ya yerleşti, kimi Almanya’ya, ama çoğunluk

Yunanistan’a gitti. 74’ten sonra da giden oldu çok. Kuaför olduğumuz

için bize de söylenmiyordu gidecekleri. Mesela ben Havyar Sokağında

oturdum. Komşum karşıdan, müşterimizdi, baktım bir sabah nakliyatçı

geldi, bu uzak yola giden bir eşyadır dedim. Cuma günü müşterimiz

201

geldi, hayırdır inşallah apartmandan yine kim gidiyor dedim. Biz

gidiyoruz kızım dedi. Ve ağlaştık beraber. Çok çok üzüldük. Çok iyi

inanlardı. Son bilgiler ölmüşler Yunanistan’da. Ama 3 tane yaşlıydı.

Benim tanıdığım kişiler eski Ankara pazarı sahipleri, Taksim’de,

Mavromati meşhur kuyumcu, Golden çikolata fabrikası. Yani

hatırlasam çok fazla insan çıkar. Sonra mesela Gökçeadalı Rum da

çok vardı burada. İmrozlu. Hepsi gittiler. Ama geçen yıl

İmroz’daydım ben, birkaç müşterimizle karşılaştık. Oradaki evlerini

restore etmişler, senede bir geliyorlar ama edindiğim bilgi kimse

mutlu değil dışarıda. İstanbul’u çok arıyorlar ve Cihangirli Rumlar

hepsi Phalero diye bir yere yerleşmişler Yunanistan’da. Yeşilköy’e

benzeyen bir yermiş. Atina’da deniz kenarında Phalero diye bir yere.

94 208 Çoğunluk Rumlardı. Çok az bizim Cihangir’de arkadaş olduğumuz

Musevi ve Ermeni vardı ama çoğunlukta Rum arkadaşlarımız ve Türk

arkadaşlarımız vardı. Ama sonra malum 6-7 Eylül, daha doğrusu

zannederim 43-44’te çıkan Varlık Vergisi, 6-7 Eylül 55, 64’teki

hadiseler içinde zamanla özellikle de Musevi ve Ermenilerden ziyade

Rum vatandaşların Türk tebaalı olmalarına karşı dindaşlarını

bırakmayıp onların peşinden yavaş yavaş Türkiye’yi terk etmiş olmaları değişime yol açmıştır. Tabii 64, özellikle 64’ten sonra,

esasında 55’ten itibaren yavaş yavaş ama 64’ten itibaren çorap söküğü

gibi. Yine söylüyorum özellikle Rum vatandaşların ayrılmasıyla

değişim yaşandı.

102 223 Asıl 70li yıllarda başta Kazancı Yokuşu olmak üzere Cihangir’in bir

kısmı pek de elit değildi. Cihangir Yokuşunun başında ve sonunda

taksilerde kadın pazarlanıyordu, açıkçası. Cihangirde birkaç tane ünlü

randevuevi vardı. Fakat ondan sonra İstiklal Caddesi ve Beyoğlu iyi

bir temizlikten geçtikten sonra, Cihangir de o vesileyle temizlendi.

102 224 Ama 64ten sonraki sınır dışı olaylarından sonra artık çöküş ve gidiş büyük bir hızla devam ettiği yıllarda Cihangir de yavaş yavaş eski

özelliğini kaybediyor. Bildiğim kadarıyla özelliği olan kişilerin, böyle

getto halinde yaşayan, özellikle cinsel tercihleri değişik olan kişilerin

yerleştiği bir alan oluyor. Ahlak hareketleriyle ve cebren bu kişiler

oradan kovuluyor ve daha sonra bu Cihangir semti bu günkü

durumunu alıyor. Ama bugün de Rum cemaatinin yani kalmış olan

Rumların sevdiği, yerleşmek istediği bir semt durumundadır. Onun

için başka yerlerden tamamen kaybolmuş olan Rumlar Cihangir

semtinde tek tük de olsa görülebiliyor.

103 225 Cihangir kozmopolitti. Bu tartışılmaz. Rumlar, Ermeniler, Museviler

ve tabii ki Levantenler. Levantenleri unutmamalıyız. Fransızlar,

Almanlar gibi konsolosluk erkanı ve okul öğretmenleri…Ama

Levantenler buraya yerleşmiş İtalyan ailelerdi. Levantenleri

unutmayalım. Cihangir’in o günleriyle 1990lı yılları arasındaki

dönemi bir nefes alma verme dönemi olarak gözümde

canlandırıyorum. 1950lerde ne kadar nezih bir topluluk, tüm halkıyla,

sonra bir erozyon, 1970lerden sonrası tarihlerde birden bire arabanın

202

lastiğinin patlaması ve tekerlerin jant üzerinde hareketlenmesiyle.

Sebebine gelince bu erozyonun, İstanbul vilayetinin valisi bunun

nedenini çok iyi bilir. Ne kadar pislik varsa Cihangir’e taştı. O nezih

yerler birden bire allak bullak oldu. Ama bu arada bazı mal sahiplerini

tenzih edeceğim bu konuşacaklarımdan ama paragöz mal sahiplerinin

yüzünden hakikaten kalite düşürdü. 1970ler, 1980ler böyle bir abuk

subukluk dönemiydi. Ama ondan sonra o mal sahipleri de nasıl

olduysa her şeyin para olmadığını anladı ve adam gibi adama kira

vermeye başladılar. Adam gibi ailelere. O zaman kendiliğinden

Cihangirin kalitesi tekrar yükseldi. Ama kalite derken hiçbir zaman

1950’nin kalitesine ulaşmak mümkün değil. Bunu da noktayla

bildirmek lazım.

103 226 Alman Hastanesi el değiştirince Almanlar buradan gitti. Bu da önemli,

sadece Rumlar ya da Ermeniler değil. Almanların çoğunluğu gitti.

Peşine 70li yıllarda Cihangir bozuldu. Burada oturanlar insanlar da

Şişli, Topağacı, Etiler tarafına kaçtı. Zaten 70li yıllarda buradan,

Türkiye’den gidenler çok oldu. Bir kısmı da o 70-80 arasındaki

Cihangirin kötü adından dolayı Topağacına, Etilere, Şişliye, Levente,

Ulusa gittiler. 70 yılı ile 80 yılı arasında Cihangir erozyona uğradı.

Alman Hastanesinin başkası tarafından alınıp yerlileştirilmesi de etkili

oldu Cihangir’deki erozyona 70 ile 80 yılı arasında. Oradaki Alman

hemşireler olsun doktorlar olsun, hep gittiler. Keza İtalyan Hastanesi

de öyle. Yine 70 ve 80 arası Türkiye’den Rumlar ve Ermeniler gitti.

107 235 Tabii bugünkü Cihangir’den çok farklı bir Cihangir’di. Şimdi

Cihangir’e baktığımız vakit daha çok sanatçıların oturduğu, yazar

çizerlerin oturduğu, veya sanata yakın olan kişilerin oturduğu ve biraz

bohem yaşanan bir yer bugünkü Cihangir. O yıllar öyle değildi. O

yıllar son derece orta halli bir dünyanın tipik çizgisiydi Cihangir. Çok

fazla karmaşık bir topluluktu. Çünkü Rumlar vardı, Ermeniler vardı,

Beyaz Ruslar vardı, Museviler vardı ve Türkler vardı. Yani çeşitli değişik uluslardan insanlar değişik dinlerden insanlar hep bir arada

yaşıyorlardı. 6-7 Eylül olayı hariç tutulursa bu birliktelik de hiçbir

şekilde en azından mahalle töresi olarak hırpalanmamıştı. Yani o

mahalle töresi içerisinde kimse kimsenin dinine veya ulusal

özelliklerine hiçbir şekilde saldırgan davranmamıştı. Bir tek o 6-7

Eylül olayı çok saldırgan ve çirkin bir olaydı. Ben daha çok küçük

yaşta olmama rağmen demek ki 55’ten önce gelmişiz olay çünkü

55’tir, ama onun dışında insanların birbiriyle son derece dostça bir

ilişkisi vardı. Şimdi tabii, şu açıdan da çok ilginçti. Mesela Ramazan

Bayramı diyelim ki Nisan’a ya da Mart’a rastladıkça, onu hatırlıyorum

Mart’a rastladığı bir dönemdi, hemen arkasından Paskalya Bayramı

geliyordu ve biraz sonra Musevilerin Hamursuzları geliyordu ve yani

benim çocukluğumun skalası içerisinde baktığınız vakit bir bayram

bitiyor öteki bayram başlıyordu. Bu tabii çocuklar için çok renkli bir

şeydi. Gerek Türk çocukları gerek Rum çocukları iki dinin bir takım

inceliklerini takip etme fırsatı buluyorlardı. Anne babalardan

hatırlıyorum, karşımızdaki Rum madam terziydi, o bize Ramazanda,

Kurban Bayramında Şeker Bayramında mutlaka tebriğe gelirdi. Böyle

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karşılıklı bir saygı, anlayış, incelik vardı. 6-7 Eylül olayı tabii

tamimiyle siyasetin yürüttüğü bir olgu olarak karşımıza çıkıyor. Yoksa

o İstanbul halkının kendi tavrıyla hiç ilgisi olmayan bir meseledir.

104 236 Ve İstanbul henüz bu kadar olumlu anlamıyla kozmopolit özelliklerini

yitirmemişti. Mesela Paskalya hakikaten bütün pastanelerde ister

pastanelerin bazılarının sahipleri Rum olsun ama bazılarının sahipleri

Türktü. Mesela Melek Pastanesi vardı Sıraselviler’de. Onun sahipleri

Türktü ama Paskalya geldiği vakit çok renkli yumurtalar işte tavşanlar

çikolatalar...mesela çikolatayı açıyorsunuz, rengarenk yaldızlı kağıtlar,

yine küçük küçük şekerlemeler vesaire...Mesela çok görsel olarak bir

çocuğun yani benim hem iştahımı kabartan hem de görsel olarak beni

besleyen bir atmosferi vardı. Yine tabii değişik dinlerin yan yana

duruşundan doğan bir şey.

109 237 Yani başka bir ortamdı bu doku. Rum, özellikle Rumların ayrılmasıyla

birlikte İstanbul kentinin tabii çok büyük bir özelliği bitti. Bu neydi,

özellikle iyi bir yeme içme sanatı. O onların varlığıyla, yani onların

hizmet şekilleri, müşteriyi ağırlama şekilleri, bunların hepsinde çok

büyük bir görgü vardı. Adeta bir garson değil, bir lord gibi bizi

ağırlarlardı. O ortam bir anda çözüldü. Tabii onun yansımaları

1950lerden bugüne kadar party party geldi. Tabii bunun İstanbul

kültürüne, memleket kültürüne-çünkü İstanbul bir anlamda bütün

memleketi temsil eden bir büyük kent- hiç hayırlı bir şey olduğunu

hiçbir zaman düşünmedim.

110 238 Bir defa Cihangirde komşuluk ilişkileri son derece yoğundu. Hem

kapı karşı komşularınız hem de bitişik komşularınızla çok yakın bir

akrabalığa neredeyse dönüşmüş olan bir yakınlık vardı. Onun dışında

bugün olmayan şeylerden biri, hanımların kabul günleri veya misafir

günleri. Her hanımın ayın belli bir günü vardı. Mesela annemin her

ayın ikinci Pazartesi günüydü. Öyle bir günleri olurdu. Hanımlar

kendi aralarında buluşurdu. Çocuklar da küçükse götürülürdü. Akşam

saatlerine yakın evin babasının gelmesine yakın herkes çil yavrusu

gibi dağılırdı. Tabii yine şehir görgüsü vardı. O gün çok farklı

ikramlar yapılırdı. Tuzlu bisküvi ve evde yapılan özel şeyler

sunulurdu. İlerde Savoy gibi ya da Melek pastanesi gibi çok şık

pastaneler vardı belki ama pastaneden alınmazdı. Mutlaka evde

hazırlanmış olmalıydı, bu bir incelikti. Bir de akşam ahbaplıkları

vardı. Bunların bir kısmı yemek sonrası ahbaplıklarıydı. Özellikle

Cuma, Cumartesi gibi tatil gecelerine rastlayan, Ayfer Tunç’un

kitabının isime koyduğu gibi “Bir maniniz yoksa...” tam öyleydi.

Bazen de yemekli akşam toplantıları olurdu. Bu komşuluklar içinde

çok yakınlaşmış olanlar birbirlerinin evine yemeğe giderdi. Bir sofra

kurulur, bir şeyler içilir, radyonun hakim olduğu yıllardı. İstanbul

radyosunun programları dinlenirdi.

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110 239 Ege Bahçesini ben 1955’ten önceki dönem olarak alırım. Ege Bahçesi

o günlerde Cihangir’in akciğeriydi. Hoş Cihangir her zaman Akciğer

vazifesi görmüştür. Bizim küçüklüğümüzde arsalar çoktu. Cihan

Parkın orada ısırgan otları vardı.

111 240 Rum çocuklar ve Türk çocukların arkadaşlıkları çok iyiydi. Aleko

vardı mesela, şarapçının oğlu. Şarap dükkanları vardı onların. Çok iyi

arkadaşlardı. Çok Rum vardı. Şimdiki müşterilerim de benim eski

Rum madamlar. Cihangir’de parkımız vardı. Top oynardık çocukken.

Şimdi Cihangir Parkı oldu.

111 241 Burada yangın yeri denilen Tophane Müzesinin üstündeki yere, Roma

Bahçesi’nin olduğu yer yani, eskiden yangın yeri diyorduk oraya,

oraya cambazhane kurulurdu. Tahta bacaklı gelirdi. Sirk gibi bir şey

kurulurdu. Cambazlar vardı varyeteler vardı. Çocukluğumda

hatırlıyorum bunları yani.

111 244 İnsanlar yok pahasına evlerini satıp kaçtılar. Bir de 65’te İsmet İnönü

Yunanlıları sürünce o zaman Cihangir yağma oldu. Çoğu ev bloke

oldu. Ne zaman 64’ten sonra Rumlar gitti, Anadoludan gelenler

kapıcılık yaparken para biriktirip ev sahibi oldular. Şu an Cihangirde

bir çok evin sahibi aslında vaktiyle kapıcılık yaparak ev sahibi olanlar.

112 248 Cihangir’de sadece Rumlar, gayrimüslimler değil eski hanımefendi

Türkler de vardı. Eski İstanbul hanımefendileri vardı yani. Onlar

eşleriyle çıktıklarında sokağa, eşlerinin ayakkabıları gıcırdardı. Biz

kadınlar da 16 punt topuklu ayakkabı giyerdik. İnsanların

yürüyüşünden hanımefendi, beyefendi oldukları belli olurdu.

113 250 Yani 6-7 Eylül öncesinin veya sonrasının Türk-Rum çocuğu

arkadaşlığı o kadar enteresandı ki, bitişiğimizdeki apartmanda işte

Yaniler oturuyor, ben yaşta Yani, onların oturduğu apartmanın 3.

Katında da- bu arada 2. Katında da Beyaz Rus bir hanım oturuyor-3.

Katta da yaşlı bir Rum madam oturuyor…

114 251 Çocukluk yılları olarak yaklaşık 40’lı 42’li yıllarından beri

hatırlıyorum. Tabii o zamanlar hem trafik bu kadar yoğun değil, hem

insanlar bu kadar kötü değildi. Biz küçük yaştan itibaren, ilkokulun

birinci sınıfına giderken dahi sokakta oynadık. Okuldan eve gelir

gelmez, çantaları evin kapısından içeri atar ve mevsimine göre ne

oyun varsa oynardık bütün mahallenin çocuklarıyla beraber.

117 259 Bugünün Cihangirinde yüzdesi noksan bir kozmopolitlik var. Yani

Türkler çoğunlukta. Yine konsolosluk erkanı ve yabancı öğretmenler

var. Yine dışarıdan Türkiye’ye yada İstanbul’a ticaret yapmak için

gelen kişiler de Cihangir’in halkı olarak sahneyi dolduruyor. Keşke

kozmopolit olsa. Cihangir bu modern bar-cafe niteliğinde iş yerlerinin

açılmasıyla bu tarz insanların buraya gelmeleriyle onların açısından

kozmopolit oldu denebilir. Ama onlar oranın hiçbir zaman gerçek

halkı değil. Şimdi kozmopolitten ne anladığımız tartışılır. Ben o

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günkü yaşamdaki insanların karışık hep beraber aynı havayı teneffüs

etmelerinden kaynaklanan durumu kast ediyorum. Bugün o kalmadı.

Mesela bizim Havyar Sokak’ta ya 3 aile vardır ya da 5 aile vardır

bizim gibi uzun süreli oturan, bugüne kadar kalabilen.

156 313 Türkiye’de genel bir milliyetçileşme falan filan. Bir takım geleneksel

kimliklere bu din olabilir, milliyet olabilir, bir çekilme var. Bunun da

at başı giden doğal olarak bir hoşgörüsüzlük, kendi gibi olmayanı

kabul etmeme gibi falan filan gibi şeyler var. Belli bir kozmopolitizm

seviyesine gelmiş, ona göre bir eğitimi olan, ona göre bir dünya

görüşü olan insanların öteden beri güçtü geleneksel mahallelerde rahat

etmeleri filan. Şimdi iyice bir güçleşti. Onun için bir takım hala

olabilecek yerlere doğru çekiliyorlar. İşte bu durumu anlatabilecek bir

takım metaforlar, işte beyaz türk siyah türk Cihangir Cumhuriyeti gibi

ürettikleri yerler oluyor.

167 344 Buna bağlı olarak Havyar Sokak ve Havyar Sokak’ın açılımda

bulunduğu avluları içine alan bir proje çalışması içerisine girdik.

Sadece bunu yapmakla bir noktaya varamayacağımızı gördüğümüz

andan itibaren Tarih Vakfı ile temasa geçtik. Cihangir Güzelleştirme

Derneği ile temasa geçtik. Sokağın hem sosyal dokusu hem de yapısal

dokusu konusunda bir araştırma içerisine girmek durumunda hissettik

kendimizi. Buna bağlı olarak Havyar Sokak’ta geçmiş dönemlerde

yaşamış olan kişiler konusunda bilgi toplamaya başladık.

170 345 Artık o projenin sunumu ve açılış noktasına geldiğimizde hala sokakta

oturan Rumlar kimileri kekler yaptı, pastalar, börekler, aslında

sokağın bir kendi kendine kutlaması haline dönüştü. Buna bağlı olarak

Beyoğlu Belediye başkanı da bu projeyi sahiplendi ve bu projenin

Cihangir ölçeğinde yaygınlaşarak, Cihangir sokaklarının

rehabilitasyonu anlamında bir proje haline dönüşmesini sağlamaya

çalıştı. Bunu mümkün olduğunca da ulusal basınla da paylaştık.

Ulusal basın da bu anlamda olumlu bir tepki verdi. Ve o sürecin

sonuna gelirken de biz kendi sokağımızda bulunan bütün

apartmanların zemin katlarını-aslında bu bir restorasyon değildi ama

en azından restorasyonu tetikleyici bir hareket olur diye zemin katları

kendi imkanlarımızla elden geçirdik, rehabilite ettik, boyadık. Ve

apartmanlara dedik ki biz size bu projeyi hazırladık elimizden

geldiğince sponsorlar sayesinde bunları sağlayabildik, arkadaşlarımız

ve dostlarımız, bütün apartmanları belli bir kata kadar boyayıp bundan

sonrasını da siz devam edin diye bir süreç başlattık. İnsanlar da bunu

sahiplendiler ve ilk Havyar Sokak’taki apartmanlar kendi içlerinde

örgütlenerek apartmanlarını boyama sürecine girdiler. Tabii bu bir

yandan bazı şeyleri olumlu tetikledi. Yıllardır bakımsız kalmış bütün

Cihangir’deki apartmanlar belli bir bakım sürecine girmeye başladı. O

projede öngörmüş olduğumuz belediyenin de sahiplenmesi sonucu tek

yön uygulaması, kaldırımların ve yolların elden geçirilmesi, çöp, yeşil, aydınlatma sorunlarına el atılması sürecini doğurdu ama tabii bunlar

belirli bir planlı ve projeli bir süreç içerisinde gelişmediği için biraz da

sanki tiyatro dekoru gibi bir sürecin içerisine girdi. Yani yapıların

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gerçek anlamda bir restorasyon sürecine girmeyip yapının ön cephesi

boyanıp arka cephesi hala 50 yıl önceki haliyle kaldı.

171 348 Ama 2004 itibariyle kelimelerle ifade edemeyeceğim kadar yoğun bir

talep oluşmaya başladı. Bunu da ben biraz son 2 yıl içerisinde çok

yoğun bir yerli dizi televizyonda yapım süreci başladı. Bu yapım

süreci yıllardır belli bir standartta yaşayan sanatçı kesimin gelir

düzeyini biraz arttırıp ekonomik anlamda üst tabakaya ulaşmasını

sağladı. Yıllardır burada oturan yabancılardan oluşan, özellikle

konsolosluklarda çalışanlardan oluşan bir kesim vardı, bir azınlıklar

vardı ve bir şekilde semti oluşturan yıllardır sanatçı kimliğine sahip

kişiler, yazarlar, devlet tiyatrosunda çalışan insanlar da vardı. Ama

son iki yıl içerisinde biraz da popüler kelimesini hak eden sürece bağlı olarak dediğim anlamdaki bugüne kadar burada oturmamış ama

sanatçı kesimden insanların yoğun bir şekilde burada oturma talebi

başladı.

172 349 Bakkal düğün yapıyordu, davul zurna getiriyordu, öbür tarafta Cemil

İpekçi oturuyordu, işte benim arkadaşım bir takım insanlar bir yandan

oturuyordu. Dediğim gibi epeyce bir spectrumu geniş. Ama sonuç

olarak bu dışlayıcı zengin falan dediğimiz tipler orayı sevmiyorlardı.

Yani Gurme adıyla bir mezeci açılıyorsa, bizim market olarak

başlayan Esat şarapçıya çeviriyorsa falan demek ki oraya doğru bir

gidiş var. Gentrification Cihangir’de tam olmadı ama o yola girmiş gibi görünüyor şu anda.

173 351 Ama bu bütün şehirlerde aslında olan bir şeydir aslında. Bir yerler

batar bir yerler çıkar. Fransa’da Mare, Paris’te. Son zamanlarda orası

örneği olarak alınabilir gentrificationin olduğu. Ama oralarda mesela,

yani Mare’de galeriler açıldı mesela, yani daha böyle bir kültürden

giderek oldu ama mesela Londra’da Miada Vale diye bir sürü yerin

ortasında kalmış, Allah’ın unuttuğu bir yer dedikleri, işte orada

siyahlar yoğun bir şekilde oturuyorlardı. Ama bugün yuppie dediğimiz

adamların İngiliz muadilleri gelip orada mülk almaya başladılar.

Miada Vale o hale geldi falan.

176 361 Şimdi şu 5-6 senenin Cihangir’inin evlerinin fiyatlarını yükseltenler

ekseri yeni yetişen, hani bu dizilerde oynayanlar var ya, 300-500

veremiyorlardı, 1 milyar 1.5 milyar veriyorlardı. Oradan fırlıyor işte.

Hiçbir fiyat veremem. Çünkü mesela şu bende 10 lira mesela,

öbüründe 20 lira. 250-300 milyardan aşağı satılık daire yok. Kiralar

dolar üzerinden. Son 10 yılda acayip bir artış başladı. Cihangir yine

Cihangir’dir. Biraz abartı.

177 362 Bir de bunun yanı sıra, bu sürece bağlı olarak tabii yönetmenlerin, bu

tip oluşumun, organizasyonun tepesinde bulunan kişilerin de burada

olmasına bağlı olarak çok genç, sanatçı olmaya namzet kitlenin de

yoğun bir talebi oldu. Bu arz-talebe bağlı olarak tabii akıl, mantık dışı mülklerde ve kiralarda bir artış meydana geldi. Yani 1’e 3. Yani 1 oda

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bir salon. Mekan bulmak zaten mümkün değil. Mekan boşalacak da

insanlar kira tutacaklar. Şu an Cihangir full kapasite dolu. Bir yer

çıktığı an o yer anında ertesi gün veya aynı gün orası tutulabiliyor.

Veya biri bir evi satmak istediği zaman çok fazla beklemeden, çok

astronomik rakamlar istemiyorsa anında satılabiliyor. Yani

gayrimenkul anlamında korkunç bir cazibe merkezi haline dönüşmüş durumda. Yani çok somut örneği, bir arka sokakta, Matara Sokak’ta

biz kirada oturuyorduk. 1 oda 1 salon bir mekanda otururken kendi

evimizin restorasyonu tamamlanıp taşındığımız an biz 690 civarında

bir kirayla oturuyorduk, çıktığımız günün akşamı 900 küsur

milyondan anında kiraya verildi. Yani şu an burada ufacık, 20-25

metrekare bir yeri 1 milyardan aşağı bulmak mümkün değil. Tabii bu

da neye sebep olmuş oldu. En yine gözümüzün önündeki fotoğraf

Havyar Sokak’ta. Yıllardır merhabalaştığımız benim bildiğim yaklaşık

5 tane gayrimüslim madam burayı terketmek zorunda kaldı. 2004’e

kadar madamlar vardı. 2004’e kadar hatta 1yıl öncesine kadar

karşımızdaki apartmanda 2 tane oturan vardı, sağ hemen yandaki

apartmanda 2 hane vardı.

177 366 Sadece Cihangir’in olayı değil cafeler. Dönüşüm sadece Cihangir’de

değil, bütün Beyoğlu. Çok özel bir durum diyemeyeceğim Cihangire.

Beyoğlunun genel dönüşümü içerisinde, Cihangir de bunun parçası.

Cihangir’e özgü bir cafe diye bir şey yok. Olay Leyla, Cihangir değil. Leyla Tozkoparan da açarsan, oraya da giderler.

179 367 Kahveme erkekler geliyor. Anadolu kökenli. Sivas, Çorum,

Erzincanlılar. Karma yani. Kapıcı ya da kapıcılıktan emekliler. Pek

gençler gelmiyor. Cihangir ve çevre sokaklardan insanlar gelenler.

Zamanla caféye dönüştürmek isterim ama bu iş çevre işi.

181 368 Daha evvel sakalar vardı, tenekelerle su satarlardı. Anadolu’dan

gelenlervardı.Bekarlar otururdu. Rumlar vardı. Zaman zaman

konuşacak adam bile bulunmuyordu. Onların lisanını bilmediğim için.

Şimdi tahsilli, tiyatrocu, sinemacılar geliyor. Hayvanları da. 5 senedir

burada hareketlilik var. Gençler geliyor genelde. Eskiden şirketler

filan yoktu burada. Şimdi şirketler var. Orada çalışanlar geliyor.

Bankalarda çalışanlar geliyor. Dışarıdan gelenler de var. Orta halli.

Sinemacılar, tiyatrocular. Hastanede çalışanlar.

181 369 Yalnız Cihangirde çok café var ama dışarıdan insan gelmez pek.

Cihangirde oturanlar gelir. Buranın caféleri Beyoğlundakiler gibi

değil. Buraya Çeliktepeden Gültepeden insanlar gelmiyor mesela.

Ancak yazın dışarıdan gelenler çoğalıyor. Burası çok cafesi olan güzel

bir yer ama dışarıdan müşterisi olan çok az. Yani müşterilerin çoğu

Cihangirde oturanlar. Ama tabii Cihangire sonradan gelenler.

Cihangirin şu an yaş ortalaması çok genç, eskinden yaşlılar vardı,

Cihangirin sakinlerinin yaş ortalaması daha fazlaydı. Şimdi genç nesil

var burada. İnsanlar hiç olmazsa haftanın bir iki günü dışarıda yemek

yiyorlar artık. Genellikle yerel insanlar, aynı insanlar.

208

185 373 Şimdi kimseyi tanımıyoruz. Eskiden komşuluğu bilirdik, akşamları

buluşurduk, konuşurduk. Onlar yok tabii. Cihangir çok iyiydi, herkes

birbirini tanır oturur konuşurdu. Müslim gayrimüslim gayet dostane

bir dostlukları vardı. Zamanla tabii değişti. Şimdi karşıdaki adamın

kim olduğunu tanımıyorsun. O devirde herkesi tanırdın. Nüfuz azdı.

185 374 Maalesef bu kültürler artık Cihangirde kalmadı. Eski kültür

Cihangirde hemen hemen yok oldu bitti. Buranın sadece havası var

artık. Nerede oturuyorsun denildiğinde Cihangirde oturuyorum

denildiğinde havasıyla yaşayan bir şey. Kiralar tavan yaptı. İnsanlar

burada oturmuş olmak için kiralıyorlar yerleri ama 3 ay sonra

ödeyemeyip gidiyorlar. Devamlı kabuk değiştiren bir yer haline geldi

Cihangir.

186 376 Eski Rumlardan yok denecek kadar az kaldı. Onlar da zaten fakir ve

ihtiyar. Yeni gelenler kendi kültürleriyle geliyorlar. Bu yeni gelenlerin

hali burada yarım asırdır yaşayan bir adamın hoşuna gitmiyor tabii.

Ama yapacak bir şey yok. Burası adeta bir “serbest yer” e dönüştü.

Eski köklü Rum aileleri kalmadı. Yeni gelenler medyatik tipler.

Filmlerde oynayan figüranlar. Ayrıca burada yabancılar da mülk

sahibi oldular.

186 377 Üç farklı kesim görüyorum Cihangir’de. Birincisi tinerci grubu.

Kapkaççı, hırsız. Buradaki otoparkların da işin içinde olduğunu

düşünüyorum. Bu hırsızların evlere de girdiğini çok sıklıkla

duyuyorum. İkinci kesim, ki bence en iyi grup bu, sinema, tiyatro,

prodüksiyon dünyasından insanlar. Üçüncü olarak da Nişantaşı-Bağdat Caddesi grubu var. Yaşam tarzı, giyim, yani tarz olarak

Cihangir’de yaşamak isteyenler.

187 378 Şimdi iyi. Çok iyi bence şimdi. Yine en iyi yer. Eski Cihangirli

olmasa da yine İstanbul’un en iyi muhitlerinden biri. Herkesin kendi

halinde oluşu, rejisöründen menajerine kadar. Şurada camiinin altında

salaş bir kahve var, bütün dizilerde gördüğümüz aktörler filan gayet

mütevazı orada oturuyorlar. Ben çok iyi buluyorum.

209

APPENDIX B

WHO LIVED IN CIHANGIR IN 1929?

NAMES AND ADDRESSES RECORDED IN SIRASELVI STREET, FIRUZAGA,

AND CIHANGIR IN THE 1929 OFFICIAL ISTANBUL TELEPHONE

DIRECTORY

Aciman Galip. Sıraselvi, Yakimopulo Apt. 2

Ahmet Vefik B. Cihangir 27

Ali Naci B. Sıraselvi. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 1/3

Arnavut Konsoloshanesi(Albanian Consulate).Sıraselvi 12

Attaché Militaire de Roumanie.Office. Sıraselvi 39

Attaché Naval de l’Ambassade du Japan. Firuzağa 7, Housep Apt. 2

Barzilay I. Abraham. Sıraselvi 144, Apostolides Apt. 3

Baso Mari Madam. Sıraselvi, Cevdet Bey H. 3

Bay Rafael Madam. Firuzağa, Soğancı St. Marinos Apt. 4

Belkıs Hanımefendi. Sıraselvi 104

Benjamen Pepe. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 3/3

Beraha Hayim. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 7/3

Beyoğlu Zükur Hastanesi (Hospital). Firuzağa

Billiotti Adrien. Sıraselvi 127

Boton Is.(de). Sıraselvi, Yakomopulo H. 4

Castelli Neark Madam. Sıraselvi, Aruslar St. Rizzo Apt. 3

Chiurco Paride de. Rumkabristan St. Hrisovergi Apt. 10

Consulat Général d’Albanie. Sıraselvi

Danon Robert. Sıraselvi, Kahyaoğlu Apt. 10

Del Medico H. E. Sıraselvi 105-109, 2nd Floor

Eliaska Nikola K. Sıraselvi 24

Emin B. (Mehmet). Sıraselvi, Kahyaoğlu Apt.

Eprem Üzümyemezyan. Sıraselvi, Gravier Apt. 2

Eskenazi Josef. Sıraselvi 160, Kritikos Apt. 2

Farmakides Evantiya. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 40

Fatma Necmiye Hanım. Sıraselvi, Kahyaoğlu Apt. 15

Fein Iréne. Terzi (Tailor). Sıraselvi 38, Hrisovergi Apt. 2

Feldmad Leon. Sıraselvi 133, Yakomopulo Apt. 3

Fikret ve Refet B. Cihangir, Tulumba Aralık Yokuşu, Mehmet Ali Paşa (Pahsa).

Konağı (Mansion)

Gabay Robert. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 3

Gabriyelides Atanas Madam Katerin. Sıraselvi, Pulussi Apt. 5

Garaj Belvü. Cihangir, Soğan Çıkmazı 37-41

210

Gazyadi Yannis. Sıraselvi, İstanbulyan H. 5 4. Kat

George André. Mühendis (Engineer). Sıraselvi 133, Yakomopulo H. 4

Gindorff Aug. Tramvay ve Tünel Ş. Müdiri (Director of Tramline and Tube).

Sıraselvi 51

Gulbenkyan Apel. Dr. Sıraselvi 6-8

Hopital Hommes de Péra. Firuzağa

Hopital Italien. Defterdar Yokuşu, Salıpazar

Hüsamettin Ahmet B. Cihangir, Sormagir St. 4

İsmail Hakkı B. Asri Kasap(Butcher). Sıraselvi

İsmail Hilmi B. Firuzağa, Haydar B. Apt.

İsmail Memduh B. Firuzağa, Bolulu Mustafa Efendi Apt.

Isobella Roggero. Sıraselvi, Somuncu St. Dimakis Apt. 6

İsviçre (Siyasi Mümessilliği) Sefareti (Swiss Legation). Sıraselvi 6

İtfaiye Müdürlüğü Müdir İhsan B. Firuzağa, Osman Kadri B. Hanesi

İtfaiye İhbar Mahalli. Cihangir, Özoğlu St. 23-25

Japon Ataşe Militeri(Japanese Attaché Militaire). Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Saadet Apt. 2

Japon Sefareti Ataşe Navali. Sakabaşı, Saadet Apt. 4

Joanides S. Cihangir, Acıçeşme St. 46

Julien-Laferriére L. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 4

Kallivopulos D. Firuzağa, Terlikçi St. Kallivopulos Apt. 4/4

Kamhi D. R. Sıraselvi, Kahyaoğlu Apt. 130

Kamil B. Dr. and Fuat B. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuş 4

Kamileris Hristas. Sıraselvi, Soğancı St. Kasapyan Apt. 6-7

Karamauna G. I. Sıraselvi, Kahyaoğlu Apt. 12

Kemalettin B. Hafızağa Z. Firuzağa, Mavridi Apt. 1

King P. E. Tüccar (Tradesman). Sıraselvi 43/1

Kirku Margaritis. Sıraselvi Pazarı. Sıraselvi 149

Konstantinides Spiro. Sıraselvi, Firuzağa 75, Yorgaki H. 8

Kurdacı Aram. Firuzağa, Krespi Apt. 9

Kutzoğlu Bir. Sıraselvi, Soğancı St. Papadopulos Apt. 19

Lambiki Konstantin. Sıraselvi, Aruslar St. Rizzo Apt.

Légation de Belgique. Sıraselvi 57-59

Légation du Pologne. Sıraselvi 139

Légation du Royaume des Serbes, Croates et Slovénes. Sıraselvi 31

Légation (Mission Diplomatique) de Suisse. Sıraselvi 55

Malhasyan. Sıraselvi, Kahyaoğlu Apt. 9

Mango Demetr A. Sıraselvi 126

Mavrodi Yorgi. Firuzağa, Soğancı St. 9, Mavrodi H. 6

Mehmet Burhanettin B. Firuzağa Camiisi Karşısında (Across the Firuzağa Mosque)

18

Mehmet Kamil B. Hacı Şakir Z. Soğancı Çıkmazı, Cihangir Palas

Mothu Francine Madam Dul. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 4

Nahum Alfred. Sıraselvi 145, İstanbulyan H. 4

Nati Hektor. Firuzağa, Soğancı Çıkmazı, Konstantinidis Apt. 1

Naum George H. Sıraselvi 132-146

Nazım B. Kahyaoğlu H. 8

Necip B. Hrisovergi Apt. 26

Necmettin Molla B. Kışlık İkam.(Winter Domicile). Cihangir, Sabık Japon

Sefarethanesi (Japanese Légation)

Nemli Z. Mithat B. Sıraselvi 33

211

Neşet Kasım. Soğancı Çıkmazı, Mavridi Bir Apt. 4

Paralli Mois. Sıraselvi, Ahmet Cevdet B. Apt. 3

Polizoes Perikles. Firuzağa, Huriye Hanım Apt. 3/3

Posancis Alexander. Sıraselvi, Apostolides Apt. 2

Prenses (Princess) Galitzin. Sıraselvi, Aruslar St. Pulisis Apt. 4

Raichlen Henry. Sıraselvi, Almanya Sefarethanesi Kurbunda

Ring Priscilla M. Amerika P. A. Muhabiri (American P. A. Correspondent).

Firuzağa, Tevfik B. Apt. 4

Rodier. Cihangir, Terlikçi Çıkmaz St. Kalyonopulo Apt. 3

Rogers W. H. Sıraselvi, Ahır St. 20

Romanya Ataşe Militeri (Romanian Attaché Militaire). Sıraselvi 39

Sadettin Rifat B. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Saadet Apt. 3/3

Salahettin Rifat B. Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas 3

Samatraki T. Efrosini. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 5

Poste d’Avertissement. Cihangir. Özoğlu St. 23-25

Schede Martin Dr. Dir. Bureau Archaeologisches Institut des Deutschen Reiches.

Sıraselvi 100

Scheggi Adolphe. Sıraselvi 122, Graviye Apt. 1

Scheggi R. Firuzağa, Krespi Apt. 6

Sırımcıoğlu Nikolas P. Sıraselvi, Somuncu St. Polissi Apt. 6

Siderides Dimitri. Boya Tüccarı (Dye Tradesman). Sıraselvi 11

Sotiryadis Emanuell. Soğancı Çıkmazı, Papadopulo Apt.

Spandonidu Olga. Sıraselvi, Köseoğlu Apt. 19

Spiridion S. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 40

Stavridis Nikola. Bakkal (Grocer). Hocazade St. 24

Stavropulos Mina. Cihangir, Kaptan St.

Stavropulo Vasil. Köseoğlu Apt. 3

Steiner Edwin. Sıraselvi, Aruzlar 13, Jones H. 4

Stöckel Richard. Sıraselvi, Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas 4/3

Süleyman Sami B. Sıraselvi 136

Tevfik Remzi B. Firuzağa, İtalyan Hastanesi Karşısı (Across the Italien Hospital),

Mari Apt.

Tripo K. Sofi Madam. Sıraselvi 47

Vahit B. Barut ve Fişek İnhisar Şirketleri Reisi (Head of Gunpowder and Cartridge

Company). Sıraselvi 108, Graviye Apt.

Vitte L. K. Sıraselvi, Aruslar St. Rizzo H. 4

Waugh A. T. Aruzlar St. 3, Rizzo H.

Yovanides Michel. Sıraselvi, Hosepyan H. 3

Terzi (Tailor) Bierstein Ferry Matmazel (Mademoiselle). Hrisovergi Apt.

Legrain Michel. Sıraselvi 4, Galitzi Apt. 4

212

APPENDIX C

WHO LIVED IN CIHANGIR IN 1933?

NAMES AND ADDRESSES RECORDED IN CIHANGIR IN THE 1933

OFFICIAL ISTANBUL TELEPHONE DIRECTORY

Adosides Alexi. Dr. Rum Kabristan St. Sıracı Apt. 3

Agoroğlu Alexandros. Cihangir, Susam St. 9-11 Melek Apt. 3rd Floor, 4

Agoroğlu Alexandros and Anastas Theodoridis. Ege Bahçe Gazino (Public Garden),

22-26

Ahmed Cevdet B. Sıraselvi St. 8-10, 3rd Floor, 5

Ahmet Vefik B. Cihangir, 27

Alaettin B. Tophane, Eski Salıpazar, Ahmet Fethi Paşa(Pahsa) Konağı (Mansion),

487

Ali Saip B. Molla Hüseyin Zade. Cihangir, Kazancılar, Somuncu St. 19

Alman Hastanesi (German Hospital). Sıraselvi, 100

Ananiadis Constantin. Cihangir, Havyar St. 2

Apikian J. Sıraselvi, Aslanyatağı St. 13 Jones Apt. 4th Floor, 5

Archaeologisches Institut des Deutschen Reiches. Sıraselvi St. 100

Aznavour Leon. Sıraselvi St. Cihangir Palas, 2nd Floor, 2

Baha B. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, 2 Mesadet Apt. Ground Floor, 1

Barzilay I. Abraham. Sıraselvi St. 144 Apostolides Apt. 3

Behar Salamon Yeshua. Sıraselvi St. 4 Galiçi Apt. 1st Floor, 2

Behçet B. Oğuzoğlu. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı St. 14 Hacı Orhan B. Apt. 1st Floor, 2

Behiye Asaf H. Sıraselvi St. 13-15 Aslan Apt. 4th Floor, 5

Belgian Legation. Sıraselvi St. 2

Belovich Igor. Sıraselvi St. 141 Hilmi Bey Apt. 3

Besso M. R. S. Sıraselvi St. 144 Hulusi Bey Apt. 1st Floor, 2

Bihzat Nazım B. Sıraselvi St. 130 Hayat Apt. 6th Floor, 15

Blumberg Luici. Cihangir, Lenger St. 15 Strati H. 3rd Floor, 5

Boton Armand. Cihangir, Güneşli St. Mühürdaroğlu Apt. Ground Floor, 1

Burghard P. Manager of Deutsche Bank. Sıraselvi St. 38 Rizzo Apt. 2nd Floor

Castelli Neark Madam. Sıraselvi, Aruslar St. 38 Rizzo Apt. 3rd Floor

Cevat B. Professor of Law. Cihangir, Kaptan St. 42

Jones C. R. Aruslar St. 13 Jones Apt. 2

Jones Wm. J. Cihangir, Aslanyatağı St. 21

Chavidis Hristo. Yıldız Bakkaliyesi (Grocery Shop). Sıraselvi St. 131

Dabas Pandazi. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 12 Cihan Palas 6/7

Danon Robert. Sıraselvi St. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 10

Darr Emile. Yeni Meşelik St. 36 Hrisovergi Apt. 3/7

Dilg Hermann. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Mesadet Apt. 3/5

Dirach Leon. Sıraselvi, 38 Hrisovergi Apt. 4th Floor, 9

Edip Behçet B. Cihangir, Yeniçeşme St. 17 Uğurlu Apt. 3rd Floor, 3

Ege Bahçe ve Gazinosu (Public Garden). Cihangir, Susam St. 22-26

Eliasko Nikola. Sıraselvi St. 24

213

Esayan Mektebi (School). Rum Kabristan St.

Fein Irene. Tailor. Sıraselvi, 38 Hrisovergi Apt. 2

Faraci Moris. Sıraselvi St. Cevdet Bey Apt.

Farmakides Evantia. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 40

Ferhan Sabit B. Cihangir Süthanesi (Dairy Products). Cihangir, Susam St. 17

Feri Robert. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı St. Mesadet Apt. 4th Floor, 8

Fikret and Refet B. Cihangir, Mehmet Ali Paşa (Pahsa) Konağı (Mansion)

Fogt. Ernst. Dr. Cihangir, 22 Mühürdaroğlu Apt. 6th Floor, 7

Fotika Madam. Cihangir, Bakraç St. Facing the Belvü Garage. Tevfik Bey Apt. 5

Fuat B. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, Hüseyin Hüsnü Paşa (Pahsa) Hanesi (Mansion)

Gabay Robert. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 3

Gabrielides Atanas Madam Katerin. Sıraselvi, Çokşükür Apt. 2nd Floor, 5

Garage Belvü. Cihangir, Soğançıkmazı, 37-41

Gassner Nikolas. Sıraselvi, Aslanyatağı St. 13-15 Aslan Apt. 4th Floor, 5

Gerson Rachel. Rumkabristan St. Hrisovergi Apt. 3

Haf V. Sıraselvi, Aruzlar S. 38 Rizzo Apt. Ground Floor, 1

Halkiopoulos Pierre. Sıraselvi, Kritiko Apt. 3rd Floor, 4

Hancıyan Herant. Rumkabristan St. Hrisovergi Apt. 1

Hikmet Faik B. Firuzağa 61 Ethem Bey Apt. 2nd Floor, 4

Hough W. Sıraselvi, Aruzlar St. 38 Rizzo Apt. Ground Floor, 1

İbrahim B. Havyar St. 29 Şenyurt Apt. 2nd Floor, 3

Isolabella Roggero. Cihangir, Uzunyol, 45

Swiss Legation. Sıraselvi St. 6

Italian Hospital. Salıpazarı, Defterdar Yokushu

İtfaiye Müdir (Fire Director) İhsan B. Firuzağa, Osman Kadri B. Hanesi

Kamhi D. R. Sıraselvi St. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 130

Kamileris Hristos. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Akarsu, Morfiades Apt. 3rd Floor, 3

Kardaras Yorgi. Grocer. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 7-2

Kemal Ragıp B. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Sakabaşı St.

Kendros Fotios. Cihangir, 28-30 Ciyano Apt. Top Floor

Kernick J. W. Cihangir, 38 Rizzo Apt. 3

Kirku Atanas. Cihangir Pazarı. Sıraselvi, Sirkelimescit, Soğancı St. 86

Constantinides Spiraki. Chief Translator of the Greek Patriarchate. Sıraselvi St. 75

Kapsali H. 3rd Floor, 8

Kumelas Kotcho. Odun Kömür Deposu (Coal Depot). Sıraselvi St. 129

Kuvelli Lambo. Sıraselvi Pazarı. Sıraselvi St. 149

Lehrner Jozef. Sıraselvi St. 4 Galizi Apt. 1

Macit Nusrat B. Sıraselvi St. 147 Hilmi Bey Apt. 3rd Floor, 4

Maçolini Nikola. Fuel Depot. Meşelik St. 32

Malhasian. Sıraselvi St. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 9

Mango Demetr A. Aruzlar St. 38 Rizzo Apt. 4th Floor, 4

Mansson G. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı St. 2 Mesadet Apt. 3rd Floor, 6

Mavrodi Yorgi. Firuzağa, Soğancı St. 9 Mavrodi H. 6

Mithat Ö. Karakoyunluoğlu. Firuzağa, Soğancı St. Hosepyan Apt. 1

Muzaffer Hatice Hanım. Sıraselvi ST. Yeni Hayat Apt. 5th Floor, 11

Munemura Ushio. Sıraselvi, Hosepyan Apt. 2

Mün’im Mustafa B. Akarsu St. Ayyıldız Apt. 4th Floor, 2

Naab Dr. Director of the German Hospital. Sıraselvi St. 100

Nati Hector. Firuzağa, Soğancıçıkmazı, Konstantinidis Apt.

Naum George. Sıraselvi St. 132-146

214

Nazım B. Ali Refik Paşa (Pahsa) Zade. Sıraselvi St. 130 Yeni Hayat Apt. 5th Floor,

12

Necmettin Molla B. Winter House. Cihangir, Özoğlu St. 24

Nemli Zade Mithat B. Sıraselvi St. 26

Nomismatides Alkiviadis. Dr. Akarsu St. 32 Refah Apt. 4

Paralli Moiz. Sıraselvi St. Ahmet Cevdet Apt. 3

Pistikas N. Apostolos. Architect. Meşelik St. 22 Pistikas Apt. 6

Polikar M. Marco. Sıraselvi St. 130 Yeni Hayat Apt. 7

Polizoes Perikles. Firuzağa, Huriye Hanım Apt. 3, 3rd Floor

Princess Galitzin. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 1

Sabri B. Zade Fuat B. Firuzağa, 40 Sabri Zade Fuat B. Apt. 2/3

Salahettin Rıfat B. Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas, 3

Schede Martin. Dr. Sıraselvi, 100

Scheggi Adolphe. Sıraselvi St. 122 Graviye Apt. 1

Scheggi R. Firuzağa, Krepsi Apt. 6

Schiller Ernest. Sıraselvi, Hayat Apt. 3rd Floor, 8

Schwartz Alfred. Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas, 1st Floor, 1

Selim B. Firuzağa, Halit Bey Apt. 2nd Floor

Sırımcıoğlu Nikolas P. Sıraselvi, Somuncu St. 24 Çokşükür Apt. 3rd Floor, 6

Siderides Dimitri. Merchant. Sıraselvi St. 11

Siraji Madam. Rumkabristan St. 4 Siraji St.

Sotiri Yovanidi. Mobilyacı (Furniture Dealer). Cihangir, Bakraç St. 46 Kurtelli Apt.

Ground Floor, 1

Sotiriadis Emanuel. Soğancıçıkmaz, Papadopoulo Apt.

Spiridon S. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 40

Stavridis Nikola. Grocer. Sıraselvi, Hocazade St. 24

Stavropoulo Mina. Cihangir, Kaptan St.

Steiner Edwin. Sıraselvi, Aruslar, 13 Jones Apt.

Tevfik B. Attorney. Cihangir, Bakraç St. Tevfik B. Apt. 3rd Floor, 5

Urani Hamit B. Madam. Sıraselvi St. 130 Hayat Apt. 1st Floor, 3

Viterbo Pacifico. Sıraselvi St. 130 Yeni Hayat Apt. 2nd Floor, 6

Zappion Pansiyona. Rum Kabristan St.

215

APPENDIX D

WHO LIVED IN CIHANGIR IN 1942?

NAMES AND ADDRESSES RECORDED IN CIHANGIR IN THE 1942

OFFICIAL ISTANBUL TELEPHONE DIRECTORY

Adil Pekyar. Cihangir, Cihangir Yokushu, Baha Apt. 1st Floor, 2

Ahmed Şükrü Yener. Attorney. Sıraselvi St. Kristal Apt. 6

Ahmed Vefik. Cihangir, 27

Alexiadi Miltiadi Family. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, 27

Alfred de Kandiya. Deniz İş. Kom. Sıraselvi ST. 67 Cevdet Apt.

Ali Müezzinoğlu. Kazancı Yokushu, 12

Ali Öneş. Wood and Coal Store. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Kantarcı St.

Alkalay A. Sıraselviler St. 130/7 Yeni Hayat Apt. 3rd Floor

Ananiadis Ligor. Sıraselvi St. 74 Hulusi Apt. 4

Apikian G. Sıraselviler St. 67 Cevdet Bey Apt. 3

Arif Hikmet Holtay. Architect. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 7 Karminati Apt.

Asım Tınaztepe. General. Sıraselviler St. Dinç Apt. 4

Attilio Colella. Official at Italian Consulate. Cihangir, Susam St. Çelik Apt.

Aziz Asal. Cihangir, Susam St. 29 Asal Apt. 3rd Floor, 3

Badi Leon. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 1

Baha. Cihangir Yokushu. 21 Baha Apt. 3rd Floor, 3

Balic Milo. Sıraselvi, Aslanyatağı St. JOnes Apt. 3

Baroji Jean. Cihangir, Oba St. Beler Apt. 3rd Floor, 4

Bedia Sarp. Cihangir, Oba St. Hayri Bey Apt. 3

Bedri Tuncer. Sıraselviler, 14

Bellas Nikolas. Dr. Sıraselvi St. 144 Kapsali Apt.

Bivas Elias. Sıraselvi St. Cevdet Apt. 2nd Floor, 4

Brell E. Walter. Cihangir, Susam St. 12 Cihan Palas 1st Floor, 3

Brignaschi. Deputy Attaché, French Consulate. Cihangir, Susam St. Dürdane Apt.

Buchinski Romuald. Sıraselviler St. 89

Caslovschi Stefano. Cihangir, Oba St. Beler Apt. 3

Cavuri Alexander. Cihangir, Güneşli St. Yeşil Palas Apt. 3rd Floor

Celal Yıldız and Nehabet. Tobacco and Water. Sıraselvi St. 10

Cemil Necip Sağlık. Dr. Cihangir, Oba St. 13 Bahtiyar Apt. 2

Çalıkyan Hagop. Oba St. Mavrodi Apt. 4

Çamlıca Klübü (Club). Sıraselviler, 75 Hulusibey Apt. 1st Floor

Chatovich Angelus. Aslanyatağı Apt. 13 Jones Apt. 6

Dabas Pandazi. Cihangir, Cihangir St. Cihan Palas, 6th Floor, 7

Daleggio E. Antoine. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 11

Dapei Eloi. Sıraselviler St. 87 Hayat Apt. 2nd Floor, 4

Dekok Leonard. Official at Yugoslavian Consulate. Cihangir, Susam St. Ege Palas,

8/5

216

Demetriadi N. Constantin. Sıraselvi St. 4 Galiçi Apt. 2

Dickson Irene. Sıraselviler, 88 Hrisovergi Apt. 3rd Floor, 8

Dirac Leon. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 4th Floor, 9

Ege Bahçesi ve Gazinosu (Ege Public Garden). Ali Kıran, Teodiridi. Cihangir,

Susam St. 22/26

Elefteriadis Yorgi. Sıraselvi, Sıvacıoğlu Apt. 114

Eliasko Nikola. Sıraselvi St. 24

Eliapoulo Agamemnun. Sıraselviler St. 87 Yeni Hayat Apt. 2

Emin Erkul. Dr. (Former Mayor). Cihangir, Güneşli St. Nuri Bey Apt. 4

Emin Özler. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Santral Apt. 4th Floor, 10

Engonopoulos Kiriako. Cihangir, Uzunyol St. Cevdet Ferid Apt. 5

Ensar Biber. Bakery. Firuzağa 13

Eprem Hındamyan. Grocer. Sıraselviler St. Sümer Apt. 97-1

Erman Yorgo. Cihangir, Karadut St. İzmir Palas, 4

Fahreddin. Tophane, İlyas Çelebi St. 20, 5th Floor

Faruk Altın. Cihangir, Lenger St. Recai Bey Apt. 3

Ferid Cevdet. Sıraselviler St. 67 Cevdet Apt. Ground Floor, 1

Fethi Erden. Dr. Bacteriologist, Meşelik St. Ferah Apt. 1st Floor, 2

Feustel Hans Walter. Sıraselviler St. Amasya Apt. 8

Fikret Su and Refet Su. Cihangir, Mehmed Ali Paşa (Pasha) Konağı (Mansion)

Fuad Ören. Firuzağa, 40 Sabri Zade Fuad Bey Apt. 2nd Floor, 3

Gabrielides Atanas Katerin. Sıraselvi St. Çokşükür Apt. 2nd Floor, 5

Garage Sıraselvi. Petro Paskalides. Sıraselvi St. 153

Geelmuyden Hans. Sıraselvi St. 77 Kritiko Apt. 3rd Floor, 4

Gogas Vasil. Dairy Products. Meşelik St. 11

Gulezian Mesrob. Furniture Store. Sıraselviler St. 141

H. Sava Miltiades. Dr. Meşelik St. 36, 1st Floor, 3

Hadi İhsan Gediz. Dr. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Coşkun St. Co. Apt.

Hady Elisabeth. Dr. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Coşkun Apt. 3

Halid Köprücü. Engineer. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 3

Hami Dayıgil. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 43 Ender Apt. 4

Hamid Nazım Tansuğ. Cihangir, Oba St. 2/1 Yakut Apt. 3

Hamid Rıza Özbıçık. Cihangir St. Cevdet Ferid Apt. 3

Hamid Saraçoğlu. Port Official. Cihangir, Susam St. 24, 1st Floor

Hamopoulo George. Sıraselviler St. 99

Haydar Berkman. Firuzağa, Türkocağı St. 5 Şeref Apt. 4

Hayri Ergenç Karadut St. 33 Gündüz Apt. 4th Floor, 8

Hidayet Fuad Tuğay. Meşelik St. Pistikas Apt. 1st Floor, 2

Hisar A. Sıraselvi St. 151 Krespi Apt. 3rd Floor, 7

Huri Çırpan. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Coşkun St. Huri Apt. 13

İbrahim Ergör. Cihangir, Havyar St. 19 Şenyurt Apt. 3

İbrahim Mahmud Özadar. Cihangir, Havyar St. Sakarya Apt. 4th Floor, 4

İhsan Ali Evrenosoğlu. Sıraselvi St. 120/97 Sümer Apt. 5

İsmail Fevzi Ataman. Cihangir, Kumrulu St. 38

İsmail Kadri Türkmen. Cihangir, Susam St. 18 Hamid Apt. 7

Isolabella Roggero. Uzunyol, 45

Italian Attaché Commercial. Domicile. Cihangir, Susam St. 18 Çelik Palas, 5

Joanidi Epaminondas. Cihangir, Sakabaşı, Tüfekçi Salih St. K. Ragıp Apt. 3

Jones C. R. Aruslar St. 13 Jones Apt. 2

Jones Wm. J. Cihangir, Aslanyatağı St. 21

217

Jongejan W. F. Cihangir, Susam St. 18 Çelik Palas Apt. 6

Jozef Dülgeroğlu. Asansör Müteh. Cihangir, Şimşirci S. 4 Orhan Apt. 2

Kadri Cemali. Cihangir, Sakabaşı, Firuzan Apt. 2nd Floor, 3

Kalvokoresi George. Sıraselvi, Liva St. 9

Kamhi D. R. Sıraselvi St. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 130

Kamil Eğemen. Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz Yokushu. 2/4 Eğemen Apt. 1st Floor, 1

Kapetanidis Ilyas. Hünkar Suyu Deposu. Sıraselvi St. 38

Kastaldi Nadire. Sıraselviler St. 67 Cevdet B. Apt. 2

Castelli Neark Madam. Sıraselvi, Aruslar St. 38 Rizzo Apt. 3rd Floor

Kastro Saul. Sıraselvi St. Zigana Apt. 4, 3rd Floor

Katanos Kardeşler ve Oğulları (Katanos Siblings and Sons). Nea-Agora. Cihangir

Branch Shop. Cihangir, Oba St. 10

Kemal Ragıp Enson. Cihangir, Sakabaşı St.

Kemal Rebul. Chemist. Firuzağa, Engin Apt. 4

Kesimidis Mina. Sıraselviler St. Tenis Apt. 185/2-8

Kirku Atanas. Cihangir Pazarı. Sıraselvi, Sirkelimescit, Soğancı St. 86

Kober A. Cihangir, Güneşlilenger St. Olimpia Apt. 3

Kotcho Karlo. Sıraselvi St. 34-36

Konstantinidis Süzet. Cihangir, Sakabaşı, Coşkun St. 15

Kumelas Kotcho. Odun Kömür Deposu (Coal Depot). Sıraselvi St. 129

Kurtelli Nina. Sıraselviler St. Yusuf Şetran Apt. 3rd Floor

Kuyumcuyan V. Cihangir, Oba St. 7 Hosepian Apt. 2

Kvincke Hermann. Dr. Director of German Hospital. Sıraselvi St. 119

Lavarnette Saint-Maurice. Sıraselvi, Aslanyatağı St. 19, Jones Apt.

Lazaroğlu Sezar. Sıraselvi St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 12

Lebet Eduard. Sıraselviler, Aslanyatağı St. Rizzo Apt. 1

Lehrner Jozef. Sıraselvi St. 4 Galizi Apt. 1

Latvian Consulate General. Sıraselviler, 23 Rizzo Apt. 2

Levi Hermann. Dr. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 1

Litopoulos P. D. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. 4/2 Gül Apt. 3

Lucien Abdülhak Hamid. Sıraselvi St. 67 F. Cevdet Apt. 5

Malhas K. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 9

Mamboury Ernest. Cihangir, Susam St. 10 Cihan Palas Apt. 2/4

Mavrodi Yorgi. Soğancı St. 9 Mavrodi H. 6

Melik Koç. Sıraselviler, 90 Çığırtkan Apt. 2

Mensucat Santral Ltd. S. Hanri Bali. Sıraselviler St. Ayla Apt. 3

Methi Said. Cihangir, Susam St. 8 Ege Palas, 2

Egyptian Consulate. Sıraselviler St. 69

Mihran Kasapoğlu. Oba St. 4 Hacer Apt. 3

Modiano Reune. Cihangir, Matara St. 19 Manolakos Apt. 5

Molo M. Cihangir St. 23 Leo Apt. 5

Muvaffak Galip Sunal. Sıraselviler St. Hilmi Apt. 4

Muzaffer Hatice Yelimsak. Cihangir, Susam St. Karavasil Apt. 4

Münir Akdağ. Cihangir, Cihangir St. Özoğul St. 22/1

Naum George. Sıraselvi St. 87/1

Necmeddin Kocataş. Winter House. Cihangir, Özoğlu St. 24

Nezihe Apak. Cihangir, Havyar St. 20

Nihad Reşad Belger. Dr. Sıraselviler St. 75 Hulusi Bey Apt. 3

Niko A. Athanasiadis. Cihangir, Kumrulu yokushu, 36 Guda Apt. 4

Nomismatides Alkiviadis. Dr. Firuzağa, Akarsu St. 32 Refah Apt. 4

218

Nuri Diriker. Retired General. Cihangir, Susam St. Melek Apt. 4

Nuri Işık. Firuzağa, Engin Apt. 4

Obradovich G. Nikola. Ağahamam, Türkgücü St. Şeref Apt. 5

Osman Şenol. Firuzağa, Karadut, Anahtar St. 2/2, 2nd Floor, 3

Papastrato Panayoti. Dr. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 48 Gül Apt. 4

Petrides Constantin. Cihangir, Susam St. 12 Cihan Palas, 4th Floor, 6

Polizoes Perikles. Firuzağa, Huriye Hanım Apt. 3rd Floor, 3

Radomisliki Hirsh. Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 4

Rasim Arsakay. Constructor. Cihangir, Şimşir St. Santral Apt. 9

Raufi Manyas. Sıraselviler St. Hilmi Apt. 5

Rifat Çagıl. Neurologist. Cihangir, Emanetçi St. 1 C. Ferid Apt. 4

Rizzo Edgar. Sıraselvi St. Aslanyatağı St. 23 Rizzo Apt. 4

Rüştü Dizdaroğlu. Sıraselviler, Tenis Apt. 10

Sadedin Yüksel. Attorney. Cihangir, 58 Yüksel Apt. 3rd Floor

Safiye Ayla. Sıraselviler, Ayla Apt. 5

Said. Constructor. Cihangir, Kaptan St. 42

Salahettin Rıfat B. Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas, 3

Sadak Salaheddin. Attorney. Sıraselviler, Hrisovergi Apt. 7

Salaheddin and Bahaddin Aküren. Fındıklı, Tekke Yokushu, Perizat çıkmazı. 2

Sarrafian Mari Rooming House. Sıraselviler St. 65

Sarrou Aguste General. Cihangir, Uzunyol St. 3/10 Cevdet Bey Apt. 11

Scheggi Adolph. Sıraselviler St. 111 Altıkardeş Apt. 3rd Floor, 7

Sedad Çetintaş. Architect. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 3

Sedad Nazım Belger. Dr. Cihangir, Havyar St. Gani Apt. 5

Seher. Cihangir, Somuncu St. 19

Servet Vasfi Alko. Dr. Meşelik St. 12

Sezai Ömer Madra. Sıraselviler St. 130 Yeni Hayat Apt. 4th Floor, 10

Sırımcıoğlu Nikolas P. Cihangir, Aslanyatağı St. Çokşükür Apt. 6

Siraji. Rum Kabristan St. 4 Siraji Apt.

Sofroniadis Yakovos. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Santral Apt. 5

Sotiriadis G. Sotirios. Sıraselviler St. Galitsi Apt. 5th Floor, 5

Spiridon S. Sıraselviler St. Hrisovergi Apt. 48

Staniukovich Vedat. Sıraselviler St. 97 Sümer Apt. 1

Stavropoulos Mina. Cihangir, Kaptan St.

Suad Kara Osman. Sıraselvi St. 97 Sümer Apt. 7

Süreyya Family. Cihangir St. Deniz Apt. 2nd Floor, 5

Süreyya Genç. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 5

Schede Marten. Dr. Bur. Archaeologisches Institut des Deutschen Reiches. Sıraselvi

St. 100

Şefik Demirağ. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, Bakraç St. 46/27-3

Schiller Ernest. Sıraselvi, Hayat Apt. 3rd Floor, 8

Schwarz Alfred. Cihangir, Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas, 2nd Floor

Tahir Kavala. Cihangir, Oba St. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 5

Tarık Ziyal. Soğancı St. 7 Cihangir Palas 5/6

Topçoğlu Kazım. Cihangir, Anahtar St. Klavuz Apt.

Torkum Daniel. Cihangir St. 22

Wortik. Sıraselvi, Yeni Hayat Apt. 12

Georgiadis Sava. Cihangir, Terlikçi St. 11 Kısmet Apt. 2nd Floor, 3

Yüzbaşyan Sevasti. Sıraselviler St. Tenis Apt. 2nd Floor, 6

Zamboğlu Nikoli. Sıraselviler, Meşelik St. 36/4 Hrisovergi Apt. 4

219

Ziegler Paul. Coşkun St. 17 Firuzan Apt. 4th Floor, 7

Zihni Sabur. Kumrulu Yokushu, Gül Apt. 3

220

APPENDIX E

WHO LIVED IN CIHANGIR IN 1950?

NAMES AND ADDRESSES RECORDED IN CIHANGIR IN THE 1950

OFFICIAL ISTANBUL TELEPHONE DIRECTORY

Adın Peruz Nuvart. Sıraselvi, Billurcu St. 32/1

Agustini Eleni. Kazancı Yokushu, Niçe Apt. 14/5

Ağralı Fuad. Elazığ Deputy. Sıraselvi, Yeni Hayat Apt. 5

Akbar Besim. Cihangir, Oba St. 11 Mavridi Biraderler Apt. 2

Akbaş Tahir. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Santral Apt. 15/4

Akbaytuğan Naciye. Sıraselviler St. 97 Smer Apt. 3

Akbaytuğan Ali Said. General. Sıraselviler St. Hrisovergi Apt. 10

Akbaytuğan Ali Said. General. Sıraselviler St. Sümer Apt. 5

Akdağ Münir. Cihangir, Cihangir Main St. Özoğul St. 22/1

Akdamar Zeki. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 53/1

Akut M. Zeki. Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih St. Melek Apt. 24, 6/7

Akut Melek. Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih St. Melek Apt. 24, 6/7

Akyüz Hayri. (Pasrapid Society Director) Cihangir, Sormagir St. 28

Aküren Seniye. Fındıklı, Tekke Yokushu, Perizat St. 2

Alaybek Ali. Consultant, Expert. Cihangir, Akaretler St. Dirim Apt. 4

Alayeli Mahmud. Cihangir, Susam St. 26 Nur Apt. 4

Aleksiadi Miltiadi Family. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, 27

Aliotti Remo. Cihangir, Kumrulu St. Yüksel Apt. 2

Alkalay A. Sıraselviler St. 130/7 Yeni Hayat Apt. 3/7

Alko Ekrem Vasfi. Meşelik St. 12

Alp Arif. Cihangir Yokushu, Yüksel Apt. 3/5

Altan Muharrem. Across the Cihangir Mosque, 11/13 Yüksel Apt. 5

Altın Faruk. Cihangir. Lenger St. Recaibey Apt. 3

Armam Rebecca. Meşelik St. 22 Pistikas Apt. 4

Anakök Nizameddin. Furnisher. Firuzağa, Akarsu St. 48

Ananiadis Ligor. Sıraselvi St. 74 Hulusi Apt. 4

Anastasiadis Kocho. Cihangir, Akarsu St.23 Arbatlı Apt. 3

Anış Nejad. Firuzağa, Defterdar Yokushu. Yeşilyuva Apt. 96/3

Anoniadis Prodromos. Firuzağa, Karadut St. İkbal Apt. 58/4

Araç Kenan. Sıraselviler St. 77 Kritiko Apt. 3

Aral Necdet Senih. Cihangir. Yeni Yuva St. 10 Arkadaş Apt. 3

Aral Necdet Senih. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. 10 Arkadaş Apt. 5

Arbatlı Muhtar. Cihangir, Akarsu St. 23 Arbatlı Apt. 4

Ardos Celadettin and Yenel Osman Open Company, Automobile Spare Parts,

Sıraselviler St. 20

Arduman Refik Kemal. Sıraselviler St. Arslanyatağı St. Karaçakıl Apt. 12/4

Arın Suphi. Operator Dr. Urologist. Sıraselviler St. 59

221

Arkan Azize. Sıraselviler St. 52

Arman Cihad. Cihangir, Havyar St. Büyükada Apt. 37/1

Arnold Henry. Sokoni Vacuum Company CEO. Cihangir, Susam St. Çelik Palas Apt.

5

Arnopulos K. Sırselviler St. Kritiko Apt. 77/1

Arslan Nuvart. Cihangir, Sormagir St. 42 Murad Apt. 3

Asal Aziz. Cihangir, Susam St. 29 Asal Apt. 3/3

Aşar Ali Rıza. Former District Treasurer. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 6 Muhsin Palas Apt.

3

Aşkın Ekrem. Sıraselviler St. 176 Çelikzade Apt. 9

Atabay Kemal. Cihangir, Susam St. 28

Ataman İsmail Fevzi. Cihangir, Kumrulu St. 38

Ataman Nuri. Cihangir, Akarsu St. 3

Atanasyadu Kalyopi. Sıraselviler St. Hrisovergi Apt. 48/5

Atasağun İbrahim Şevki. Dr. Firuzağa, Defterdar Yokushu. 46 Durukan Apt. 6

Aydemir Seyfi. Cihangir, Batarya St. 9

Aydıner Sezai. Dr. Cihangir, Oba St. 4/1 Acar Apt. 2

Aykut Mehmed Reşad. Cihangir St. Tanyel Apt. 22/2

Ayla Safiye. Sıraselviler St. Ayla Apt. 5

Aylav Enver. Attorney. Cihangir, Lenger St. 17 Demir Apt. 2

Azak Mansur. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 39/5

Azerm Ali. Cihangir, Altınbilezik St. 8 Birlik Apt. 3

Bacanopulos Yorgo. Pianist. Sıraselviler St. 170/4

Badin Leon. Engineer. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 1

Baliç Miliça. Sıraselvi, Aslan Yatağı St. Jones Apt. 3

Balıkçıyan V. Brothers. Meşelik St. 4 Çıracı Apt. 3

Balkancı Hüseyin. Attorney. Cihangir, Lenger St. Demir Apt. 2

Barlas Muhtar. Cihangir St. Güneşli Apt. 2

Barochi Jean. Cihangir, Oba St. Beler Apt. 3/4

Başarır Ali. Defterdar Yokushu, Batarya St. 4/1

Başdiken Dürdane. İlyas Çelebi St. 13/1

Battiğ Villi. Cihangir St. 66 Kaptan Biraderler Apt. 5

Batur Suphi. Sıraselviler St. 184 Dinç Apt. 1

Baudouy Gerard. Osmanlı Bankası Mes’ul Murahhası (Otoman Bank

Representative) Sıraselviler St. Tay Apt. 71

Bayman Osman Nuri. Finacial Adviser. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Karavasiloğlu Apt. 2

Bayramgil Orhan. Dr. Engineer. Defterdar Yokushu, 94/4

Baysallı Nüzhet. Sıraselviler St. Katip Mustafa Çelebi, 58/3

Baysan Ekrem Nafiz. Dr. Cihangir, Kumrulu St. 26/6

Bayülkem Faruk. Dr. Fındıklı, Mebusan St. Fındıklı Apt. 110/1

Beden Terbiyesi Genel Dir. İstanbul Bölgesi Başk. Sıraselviler St. 57

Behar Albert. Dentist. Cihangir, Anahtar St. 2/4

Beker Yusuf Cemal. Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih St. Amasya Apt. 6

Belas Nikolas. Dr. Sıraselviler St. 144 Kaynak Apt. 3

Belçika Sefarethanesi (Belgian Embassy), Sıraselvi St. 2

Belger Nihad Reşad. Dr. Sıraselviler St. 75 Hulusi Bey Apt. 3

Belgün Said. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Altınbilezik St. Saadet Apt. 1

Beller Lütfi. Firuzağa, Altınbilezik St. 11 Mesudiye Apt. 4

Beller Lütfi. Cihangir, Havyar St. 50/52

222

Bengisu Naci. Professor. Üniversite Göz Kliniği. Sıraselviler, Abdullah St. 2 Bengisu

Apt. 2

Bengisu Naci. Dr. Professor. Sıraselviler, Abdullah St. 2 bengisu Apt. 5

Berk Burhan. Dr. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Altınbilezik St. Berk Apt. 4

Berker Arifi. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Batarya St. 6/4

Berksan Ulviye. Firuzağa, defterdar Yokushu, Batarya St. 6/2

Besin Minas. Dairy. Fındıklı, Meclis-i Mebusan St. 67

Beyhan Tevfik. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Defterdar Yokushu, 110

Besen Cemil. Meşelik St. 10 Şedvan Bey Apt. 3

Beyoğlu Halkevi Reisliği (Beyoglu Public House Authority). Sıraselviler St.

Beyoglu Cadastre Office. Sıraselviler St.

Biber Ensar. Bakery. Firuzağa, 13.

Bibescu Vasil. Cihangir, Karadut St. 27 Refah Apt. 3

Bilen Ferid. Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 1

Bilen Hakkı. Judge. Cihangir St. 6 Muhsine Palas 2

Birsel Süreyya Family. Cihangir St. Deniz Apt. 2/5

Bivas Ellias. Sıraselviler St. Cevdet Apt. 2

Bostancıoğlu Alkiviadi. Sıraselvi, Somuncu St. 24 Çokşükür Apt. 5

Boztepe Kadir. Fındıklı, Perizat Çıkmazı 8

Bozyakalı Enver. Dr. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, Yurttaş Apt. 4

Buchinski Romuald. Sıraselviler St. 89

Buge Salaheddin. Bayındırlık Bc. Müsteşarı (Public Works Undersecretary).

Sıraselvi St. 65

Bugeja Julius F. Sıraselvi. Aslanyatağı St. Jones Apt. 1/A

Buldanlıoğlu Sermet. Cihangir, Kumrulu St. Kumrulu Apt. 20-22-7

Burr Makolun. Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih St. Melek Apt. 24/6

Bütün Sıtkı. Fındıklı, Meclis-i Mebusan St. Seher Apt. 5/6-3

Caslovschi Stefanos. Cihangir, Oba St. Beler Apt. 3

Cavuri Alexander. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. 10 Cihangir Palas 3

Cemali Kadri Daughters. Cihangir, Sakabaşı, Firuzan Apt. 2/3

Cener Lütfi. Firuzağa, Karadut St. Ayyıldız Apt. 24/1

Cihangir Eczanesi (Drugstore). Sahibi (Owner) Üstün Arif. Cihangir, Akarsu St. 34

Cönerdem Mecid. Sıraselviler St. 186

Cumaoğlu Enver. Cihangir, Havyar St. 48/1

Çağıl Rıfat. Sinir Hekimi. Dr. Cihangir, Emanetçi St. 1 C. Ferid Apt. 8

Çağla M. Cihangir, Susam St. Ferah Yurt Apt. 3

Çağlar Kemal. Operator Dr. Urologist. Cihangir, Havyar St. 20

Çamlıca Klübü (Club). Sıraselviler St. 75 Hulusi Bey Apt. 1st Floor

Chatovic Angelus. Aslanyatağı St. Jones Apt. 6

Çayak Orhan. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. Rossi Apt. 4

Çelebi Faik. Dr. Operator. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 13/15 1st Flor

Çelebi Halil. Diary. Cihangir St. 31/2

Çelebioğlu Rıza. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, 13/1

Çeltik Fuad. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 13/15 Apt. 2nd. Floor

Çetintaş Sedad. Architect. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 3

Çevik Aydın. Sıraselviler, Hocazade St. 8/1

Çırpan Nuri. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Coşkun Nuri Apt. 13

Dabaz Pandazi. Cihangir, Cihangir St. Cihan Palas. 6th Floor, 7

Dalayman Bürhaneddin. Captain. Cihangir, Bakraç St. 24, 3rd Floor

Daniilidis Lefter. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. 19 Persia Apt. 4

223

Dapei Eloi. Sıraselviler St. 87 Hayat Apt. 2/4

Değerli Kenan. (Müezzinoğlu). Kazancı Yokushu, 12

Dekok Leonard. Official at the Yugoslavian Consulate. Cihangir, Susam St. Ege

Palas

Demetriadi N. Konstantin. Sıraselvi St. 4 Galiçi Apt. 2

Demirbağ Said Family. Cihangir, Susam St. 14

Denizer Güler. Cihangir, Bakraş St. Yücel Apt. 31/3

Derindağ Fatma Muzaffer. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yok. St. Dilek Apt. 39/3

Derman Seyfeddin Family. Sıraselvi, Meşelik St. Hrisovergi Apt. 5

Didinal Said. Cihangir, Havyar St. Yavru Apt. 28/30-2

Diker Mehmed. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 50/3

Dino Sami. Cihangir, Susam St. Gün Apt. 25/27-2

Diraç L. Sıraselvi, Hrisovergi Apt. 4th Floor, 9

Diriker Rüşdü. Sıraselviler St., Tenis Apt. 10

Dobrovich Dimitris. Sıraselviler St. Kaynak Apt. 144/8

Duna Rıza. Architect. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, 18 Yavuz Apt. 3

Ebcim Ziya. İstanbul Telefon Başmd. V. Evi. Cihangir, Kumrulu St. Kumrulu Apt. 8

Ece Hayrünnisa. Sıraselviler, Aslanyatağı St. Işık Apt. 3

Ege Bahçe ve Gazinosu. Sezer Mustafa. Cihangir, Susam St. 6

Egemen Kamil. Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz Yokushu, 2/4 Egemen Apt. 7th Floor

Elefteriadis Yorgi. Sıraselvi St. Sıvacıoğlı Apt. 114

Elektra Film (Saris Yorgi). Cihangir St. Kaptan Biraderler Apt. 66/3

Elyopulo Ritta. Sıraselvi St. 87 Yeni Hayat Apt. 2

Encönol Fevzi. Dr. Cihangir, Cihangir St. Akgüngör Apt. 3

Engindeniz Nazif. Müt. Müh. (Engineer). Cihangir, Havyar St. Şık Apt. 25/5

Engonopoulos Kiryako. Cihangir, Emanetçi St. Cevdet Ferid Apt. 5

Engonopoulos Yannis. Sıraselviler St. 25 Taner Apt. 7

Enson Kemal Ragıp. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Sakabaşı St.

Epaminondas Yoanidi. Cihangir, Sakabaşı, Tüfekçi Salih St. K.Ragıp Apt. 3

Eraslan Mehmed. Cihangir, Özoğlu St. Bayan Apt. 16/3

Erbi Hacer. Fındıklı, Perizat Çıkmazı, 18

Erdön Ali Fuad.Orgeneral (General). Cihangir, Kamacı St. Gökdeniz Apt. 1

Ergenç Güzide. Cihangir, Güneşli St. Sun Apt. 17/4

Ergene Mehmed Bahri. Cihangir, Kumrulu St. 32

Ergör İbrahim. Cihangir, Havyar St. 19 Şenyurt Apt. 3

Ergüven Baha. Cihangir Yokushu. 21 Baha Bey Apt. 2/3

Eriç Raci. Dr. (Dahiliye Müteh.) Cihangir, Asfalt St. Lena Apt. 26/3

Erkan Hidayet. Cihangir, Bakraç St. Sümer Apt. 23/4

Erkan Hidayet. Firuzağa, Altınbilezik St. Mes’udiye Apt. 3

Erkan Kemal. Firuzağa, Altınbilezik St. Mes’udiye Apt. 3

Erkmen Hüseyin. Firuzağa, Tüfekçi Salih St. Kıymet Apt.

Erksan Cemal. Cihangir, Güneşli St. Ankara Apt. 4

Erkul Emin. Dr. Eski Şehremini (Former Mayor). Cihangir, Güneşli St. Nuri D. Apt.

4

Erman Yorgo Kiryakidis. Cihangir, Karadut St. İzmir Palas Apt. 4

Eruluç Hikmet. Firuzağa, Kılıç Ali M. Batarya St. 9/1

Etili Ziya Gevher. Sıraselviler St. Sümer Apt. 3rd Floor, 8

Franguli Garifalu. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. 18 Güzel Yuva Apt. 5

Gavrilidis Yorgaki. Sıraselviler St. 188/190-8

224

Gediz Hadi İhsan. Dr. (Doğum Kadın Hastalıkları). Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Coşkun St.

Coşkun Apt.

Geelmuden Hans. Sıraselviler St., 77 Kritiko Apt. 3rd Floor, 4

Genca Süreyya. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 5

Genç Müzehher. Cihangir, Sıraselviler St. 91/4

Gençtürk Vedad. Cihangir, Sormagir St. 57

Gimza Ömer. Su ve Tütün (Water and Tobacco). Sıraselviler St. 40

Giras Giorgio. Cihangir, Susam St. Cihan Palas 12/1

Gökşahin Hakkı. Cihangir, Özoğlu St. 22

Göktulga Fahri Celal. Dr. Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz St. Egemen Apt. 4

Gören Zeyyat. Uni. Pres. Ame. Agency. Reporter. Cihangir, Oba St. 4/1 Acar Apt.

Görgun İhya. D. Dz. Y. Ve Lim. İş. Uz. Müd. Evi. Cihangir, Firuzağa, Aksu

Yokushu, Coşkun St. 6 Coşkun Apt. 4

Grigoriadis Güner Dimitraki. Attorney. Sıraselviler St. Krepsi Apt. 151/3

Grünberg M. Cihangir, Oba St. 15 Frad Apt. 4

Gustin James R. Amerikan Vis. Konsolosu (US Consul). Cihangir, Akarsu St. 39/5

Güçsav Kemal. Cihangir, Susam St. Dürdane Apt. 1

Güden Nedim. Müt. Y. Betonarme Müt. Cihangir St, Panorama Apt.

Güran Methi Said. Cihangir, Susam St. Ege Palas 2

Hacı Kosti Eli. Cihangir, Karadut St. Modern Apt. 43/4

Hacı Sava Family. Meşelik St. 36 1/3

Hady Elisabeth. Dr. Çocuk Hastalık.(Infantile Diseases). Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Coşkun

Apt. 3

Hamopoulos Yorgi. Sıraselviler St. 99

Hancıyan Herant. Rum Kabristan St. Hrisovergi Apt. 1

Haralambidis Avram. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı St. 13 Huri Apt. 4

Hartley J. E. Cihangir, Susam St. 18/9

Hisar Aimée. Sıraselviler St. 151 Krespi Apt. 3rd Floor, 7

Irakdan Hayreddin. Sıraselviler St. 183

Işın Şerafeddin. Cihangir St. Leo Apt. 4

Işıl Müzeyyen Senar. Meşelik St. Civacı Apt. 1

İkdam Ferid Cevdet. Sıraselvi, 67 Ahmet Cevdet Apt. 6

İlhan Kamil Şakir. Göz Dr. (Ophthalmologist). Cihangir St. 56/4

İlteber Halid. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, Büyük Yavuz Apt. 8

Ilyadis Haralambos. Firuzağa, Karadut St. Emek Apt. 46/5

Imhoff J. E. Fındıklı, İzzetpaşa St. Çam Palas 3

İmre A. Hilmi. İstanbul Pul Müdürü, Cihangir, Lenger St. 17 Demir Apt. 4

Irineu Nikola. Cihangir, Oba St. 1/6

Isolabella Roggero. Cihangir St. Alçakdam Yokushu, 6

Istavridis Nikola. Lüks Garaj. Sıraselviler, Billur St. 15

İzmirli Ali Adnan. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 5

İzmirligil Kardeşler Mustafa and Ziyaeddin. Philips Radio Agency. Sıraselviler St.

180

Jones Vivian. Cihangir, Aslanyatağı St. 21

Jongejon W. F. Cihangir, Susam St. 18 Çelik Palas 6

Kamhi Ayda. Sıraselvi St. 87 Yeni Hayat Apt.

Kapıcıoğlu Mustafa. Cihangir, Defterdar Yokushu, Batarya St. Panorama Apt. 8

Kapsalis Andon. Cihangir, Anahtar S. 5

Karaca Muammer. Operet Taksim Sıraselviler St. 37 Maksim Gazinosu

Karagüloğlu Mimika. Cihangir, Karadut St. 27 Refah Apt. 4

225

Karamustafaoğlu Leyla. Sıraselviler St. 63/3

Karamustafaoğlu Makbule. Sıraselviler St. 63

Karaosman Kani. Manisa Deputy. Cihangir, Sormagir St. 3/5 Pulat Apt. 4

Karaosman Suad. Sıraselviler St. 97 Sümer Apt. 7

Karsak Nejat. Dr. Cihangir, Havyar St. 13

Karsan Aziz. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 29 Taylan Apt. 3

Kasapoğlu Mihran. Cihangir, Oba St. 4 Hacer Apt. 3

Kastro Saul. Sıraselviler St. Zigana Apt. 4

Katanos Kardeşler ve Oğulları (Katanos Siblings and Sons). Nea-Agora. Cihangir

Branch Shop. Cihangir, Oba St. 10

Katanos Stergios. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 39/4

Kavala İsmail. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Cihan Palas Apt. 5

Kavala Tahir. Cihangir, Oba St. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 5

Kehyagil Emin. Cihangir, Pürtelaş, Özoğul St. 17

Kesimidis Mina. Sıraselviler St. Tenis Apt. 185/2-8

Keskinel Kemaleddin. Dr. Cihangir, Susam St. Ege Palas Apt. 7

Kır’al Feridun. Exporter. Sıraselviler St. 22

Kiremitçioğlu İbrahim. Cihangir, Karadut St. 37/5

Kiriazi Hristo. Cihangir, Matara St. Matara Apt. 35/4

Kirkor Margarit and Şki. Cihangir Pazarı. Sıraselviler, Sirkeli Mescid St. 86

Kiryakopoulos Kocho. Dr. Sıraselviler St. 188/190

Kober A. Cihangir, Güneşlilenger St. Olimpia Apt. 3

Kocataş Necmeddin Family. Winter House. Cihangir, Özoğul St. 24

Koç Melik Family. Sıraselviler St. Çığırtkan Apt. 90/2

Kokinos Ligor. Dr. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Kristal Apt. 6

Konstantinidis Andon. Sıraselviler St. Sıvacıoğlu Apt. 114/4

Konstantinidis Süzet. Cihangir, Sakabaşı, Coşkun St. 15

Konstantinidis Yannis. Cihangir St. 29 Baylan Apt. 4

Kopchopoulos Yannis. Dr. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu. Bakraç St. 27/46

Koro Şerif. (Foto Rekor Sa.). Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz St. 43

Kozikoğlu Şakir Kamil. Cihangir, Oba St. Ayşe Apt. 7

Köksal Seyfeddin. Dr. Sıraselviler, Meşelik St. Hrisovergi Apt. 3

Köprücü Halid. Engineer. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 3

Kösemihal Emin Gazi. Cihangir St. Panorama Apt. 7

Krenn Oscar. Cihangir, Coşkun St. 10 Mualla Apt. 3

Kutman Ragıp. Cihangir, Oba St. Acar Apt. 4/2

Lebet Eduard. Sıraselviler, Aslanyatağı St. Rizzo Apt.

Legoux J. Coşkun St, 17 Firuzan Apt. 9

Madianos Dimitris. Taksim, Mezarlık St. Mustafa İsmail Apt. 7

Madra Sezai Ömer. Sıraselviler St. 130 Y. Hayat Apt. 4th Floor

Malhas K. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 9

Mamboury Ernest. Cihangir, Susam St. 10 Cihan Palas Apt. 2/4

Mango Demetr A. Aruzlar St. 38 Rizo Apt. 4/4

Maniadakis Andon. Cihangir , Havyar St. 22/4 Bebi Palas

Manolakis George. Cihangir, Matara St. 19 Manolakos Apt. 2

Manyas Fatma. Cihangir, Matara St. 4 Keskin Apt. 4

Marinu Irene. Sıraselviler St. 48/8 Hrisovergi Apt.

Matalon Salamon. Dr. Office. House. Sıraselviler St. 103/1

Mavridis Nikola. Meşelik St. Hrisovergi Apt. 1

Mavrodi Ligor. Firuzağa, Soğancı St. 9 Mavrodi H. 6

226

Mavromati Yerasimos. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. 1 Kristal Palas 5

Mayoğlu Hristo. Sabun Taciri. (Soap Trader) Firuzağa, Akarsu St. Modern Apt. 43/3

Mayor Şefik. Dr. Dah. Müt. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, Guda Apt. 36/3

Meremetçi Ahmet Rasim. Sıraselviler St. 185 Tenis Apt. 7

Merkada Angel. Kabristan St. Angel H. 5

Mestan Seniha. Firuzağa, Anahtar St. 2/3 Derim Apt. 7

Egyptian Consulate General. Sıraselviler St. 69

Minez Osman. Sıraselviler St. 182 Özen Apt. 4

Mitakides Basile. Sıraselviler St. 188/190 Mitakides Apt. 10

Mitakidis Aleksandros. Cihangir, Susam St. Ferah Yurt Apt. 2

Modiano Reune. Cihangir, Matara St. 19 Manolakos Apt. 5

Mutlu Asım. Architect. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, Yavuz Apt. 9

Nacar İskender. Cihangir, Oba St. Kahyaoğlu Apt. 1-7

Nahum Mahir. Cihangir, Susam St. Kristal Palas Apt. 1/10

Naum George. Sıraselviler St. 48/4

Nea-Agora. Grocery Store. Cihangir, Oba St. 10

Neftici Ferda. Sıraselviler St. Zigana Apt. 29/6

Nemli Mithat. Sıraselviler St. 51

Nemlioğlu Rıza. Sıraselviler St. İlya Apt. 66/1

Nikolavich Evridiki. Cihangir, Lenger St. Recai Apt. 2nd Floor, 5

Nino Kocho. Exports and Commission Agent. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Sümer Apt.

12/3

Nomismatides Alkiviadis. Dr. Firuzağa, Akarsu St. 32 Refah Apt. 6

Obradovich G. Nikola. Ağahamam, Türkgücü St. Şeref Apt.

Ocak İbrahim. Cihangir St. Ender Apt. 41/43-2

Olcay Necdet Ekrem. Eczacı (Chemist). Cihangir, Lenger St. 10

Olgun Abdullah. Imports Commission Agent. Kumrulu Yokushu. 17

Omayer Muhiddin. Dr. Office. Domicile. Sıraselviler St. Hulusibey Apt.

Onakok Nizameddin. Furnisher. Firuzağa, Akarsu St. 48

Onikinci İlkokul (Firuzağa Primary School). Türkgücü St.

Oro Ovadia. Cihangir, Cihangir St. Erfili Apt. 3rd Floor

Tanman Selami. Yarasa Süreyya. Oto Teknik (Auto Technic). Sıraselvi St. 36

Öğe Bedriye. Cihangir, Havyar St. Florya Apt. 44/1

Ögelman Hayri. Mining Engineer. Sıraselviler St. 93

Ögelman Selahaddin. Attorney. Altınbilezik St. 6

Öneş Ali Rıza. Firuzağa, Sakabaşı, Kasatura St. Bağdad Apt. 4

Ören Fuad. Firuzağa, 40 Sabri Z.Fuad Bey Apt. 2/3

Östat Vasfi. Cihangir, Güneşli St. Yücel Apt. 46/7

Özadar İbrahim Mahmud. Cihangir, Havyar St. Sakarya Apt. 4th Floor

Özçıbık Hamid Rıza. Mechanical Engineer. Cihangir, Cihangir St. Cevdet Ferid Apt.

3

Özdem Fatma. Sıraselviler St. Boz Apt. 209/6

Özdem Nevzat. Firuzağa, Türkgücü St. 27

Özler Emin. Constructor. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Santral Apt. 4th Floor

Özveren Fethi. Tophane, İlyas Çelebi St. 7

P. Uçak Hayri. Firuzağa, Soğancı Çıkmazı, Cihangir Apt. 5th Floor

Pagonis Mihal. Fuel Storehouse. Sıraselviler St. 98

Paker Celal. Cihangir, Akarsu Yokushu, Enlis Yokush St. 8

Polamidis Kimon. Sıraselviler St. Yeni Hayat Apt. 6

Pamir Serbülent. Cihangir, Coşkun St. Firuzan Apt. 2

227

Pamukoğlu Kiryako. Cihangir, Susam St. 23 Kadife Palas Apt.

Pansiyon Sıraselvi. Sıraselviler St. 59

Papastrato Panayoti Dr. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 48 Gül Apt. 4

Papatheodorus Kocho. Cihangir, Anahtar St. Klavuz Apt. 2/5

Papazoğlu Kostaki. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 30/32 Erifili Apt. 4

Parasko Dimitraki. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. 18 Güzel Yuva Apt. 2

Parasko N. Cihangir, Oba St. Tan Apt. 2/1

Paskalidis Atina. Sıraselviler St. Kaynak Apt. 144/4

Peker Fuad Sıtkı. Cihangir. Güneşli St. Ankara Apt. 2nd. Floor

Pekin Osman Sabri. Cihangir, Matara St. Manolakis Apt. 19, 3rd Floor

Petrides Bessie Berta. Cihangir, Susam St. Cihan Palas, 4th Floor 6

Petridis Yannis M. Cihangir, Karadut St. 37 Aydın Apt. 4

Polizoes Katina. Firuzağa, Huriye Hanım Apt. 3rd Floor, 3

Rado Şevket. Writer, Publisher. Cihangir, Emanetçi St. Cevdet Ferid Apt.

Radomisliki Hirsh. Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 4

Rahtuvan Sahib Şeref. Sıraselviler, Aslanyatağı St. 20/3

Romanidis Ligor. Cihangir, Karadut St. İzmir Palas, 41/2

Romania General Consulate. Sıraselviler St.

Rossini Gaston. Cihangir, Sormagir St. 108, Akasya Apt. 1

Rozenthal Eli. Cihangir, Susam St. 22

Rufana Mordo. Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz Yokushu, Egemen Apt. 5

Sadak Salaheddin. Attorney. Sıraselviler, Hrisovergi Apt.

Sakelaridis Aleko. Dr. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 38 Nar Apt. 5

Saner Hayri. Cihangir Yokushu. Yüksel Apt. 1

Saraçoğlu Ahmed. Cihangir, Defterdar Yokushu, 119

Sarp Ayetullah Family. Cihangir, Oba St. Hayri Bey Apt. 3

Sarrou Aguste General. Cihangir, Uzunyol St. 3/10 Cevdet Bey Apt. 11

Sarvan Hilmi. Sıraselviler St. Hilmi Apt. 3/3

Savaşkan Fahreddin. İlyas Çelebi St. 20/4

Sevi Zümbül. Cihangir, Karadut, Susam St. Kristal Palas 1/11

Sırımcıoğlu Keti. Meşelik St. 10 Şetvan Bey Apt. 4

Sırımcıoğlu Nikolas P. Cihangir, Aslanyatağı St. Çokşükür Apt. 6

Sinanoğlu Said. Cihangir, Cihangir Yokushu 21/2

Siraji. Rum Kabristan St. 4 Siraji Apt.

Sirel Nijad. Sculptor. Salıpazar, Necatibey St. Salıpazar Apt. 13

Sofroniadis Yannis. Sıraselviler St. Nuribey Çıkmazı.

Sofroniadis Yakovos. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Santral Apt. 5

Sonal İbrahim. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 4/1

Sotiriadis Lina. Fashion House. Sıraselviler St. Kaynak Apt. 144

Sotiriadis Yakovos. Sıraselviler St. Kaynak Apt. 144/10

Sotiriadis G. Sotirios. Sıraselviler St. Galitsi Apt. 5th Floor, 6

Sölözyan Sultan. Sıraselviler St. 101

Sözeri Aziz. Dr. Office.House. Cihangir, Matara St. 21/1

Spiridon S. Sıraselviler St. Hrisovergi Apt. 48

Stangali Marika. Sıraselviler St. 67 Cevdet Bey Apt. 5

Staniukovich Vedat. Sıraselviler St. 97 Sümer Apt. 1

Stavropoulos Mina. Cihangir, Kaptan St.

Su Fikret and Su Rafet. Cihangir, Eski Salıpazarı Yokushu, Mehmet Ali Paşa Konağı Sunal Muvaffak Galib. Sıraselviler St. Hilmi Apt. 4

Şahyan Yetvard. Cihangir, Cihangir St. Mozaik Palas, 27/1-4

228

Şenol Osman. Karadut St. Anahtar St. 2/2, 2nd Floor, 3

Schwarz Alfred. Cihangir, Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas, 2nd Floor

Taki Maksud. Engineer. Cihangir, Sormagir St. Manço Apt. 10

Tanaşoğlu Yuvakim. Dr. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. 2/4 Gül Apt. 3

Tanca Nadide. Kazancılar, Sormagir St. Kanbay Apt. 2

Taneri Virgini Takvoryan. Cihangir, Oba St. 7 Ayşe Apt.

Tanrıkul Oğuz. Office. Fındıklı, Salıpazar Yokushu 8

Tansel Cafer. Cihangir St. 33

Tansuğ Hamid Nazım. Cihangir, Oba St. 2/1 Yakut Apt. 3

Tarancı Sıtkı. Firuzağa, Türkocağı St. 5 Şeref Apt. 4

Taray Selahattin. Cihangir, Susam St. 38/2

Tarhan Lucien Abdülhak Hamid. Sıraselviler St. 67 F. Cevdet Apt. 2

Tarman Enver. Sıraselviler St. 67 Ahmet Cevdet Apt. 3

Taşdur Raşid. Chemist. Mezarlık St. Şirket Apt. 9

Taşören İzzettin. Architect. Cihangir St. 54 Tanverdi Apt.

Tavlan Fehmiye Mahmud. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 39/6 Nuri Demirağ Apt.

Taylan Sedat. Writer. Sıraselviler, Aslan Yatağı St. Çokşükür Apt.

Tek Server. Sıraselviler St. 203

Teodosiadis Anastas. Cihangir, Bakraç St. Yücel Apt. 4

Todorovich Amalia. Grocer. Cihangir, Karadut St. 45/1

Tokay Necat. Dr. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. 25 Emel Apt. 2

Toker Metin. Cihangir, Anahtar St. Dirim Apt. 1

Tolga Muammer. Professor. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 35/37

Tomaidis Nikoli. Cihangir, Akarsu St. 32/3

Topçuoğlu Kazım. Cihangir, Anahtar St. Klavuz Apt.

Toper Süreyya. Cihangir, Matara St. Taş Apt. 2

Director of The Agricultural Products Office.Domicile Address.Cihangir, Tüfekçi

Salih St. Orhan Bey Apt. 4/15

Torkum Daniel. Engineer. Cihangir St. 22

Toygarlı Saib Ali. Operator Dr. Cihangir, Havyar St. Ak Apt. 5

Tracan Hasan Basri. Cihangir, Sakabaşı, Tüfekçi Salih St. Yıltan Apt.

Triandafilidis Dimitri. Cihangir, Lenger St. 17 Demir Apt. 4th Floor

Tugaç Zehra. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. 21 Tugaç Apt. 3

Tugay Hidayet Fuad. Meşelik St. Pistikas Apt. ½

Tunçay Mebus. Defterdar Yokushu, Kemancı Usta St. Gökdeniz Apt.

Tur Cahid. Meşelik St. 10/6

Tüccaryan Annik. Firuzağa, Altıpatlar St. 29

Türegün Tevfik. Cihangir St. 47, Türegün Apt. 3

Türek Said. Mining Engineer. Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz St. Kromit Apt. 8/4

Türen Nuri. Sıraselviler St. Varda Apt. 1

Türker Tahir. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 52 Türker Apt.

Turkey-US-England Trade Yearbook Office. Altınbilezik St. Mes’udiye Apt. 3

Türkoğlu Hasan. Cihangir, Aslanyatağı St. Çokşükür Apt. 4

Ugan Arabiye. Soğancı St. Cihangir Palas 3

Uğurlu Muhtar. Cihangir Yokushu. 23/2

Ulcay Nizameddin. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. 15 Santral Apt. 9

Ulukaya Halil. Candy Shop. Fındıklı, Mecli-i Mebusan St. 71

Uluslu Saide Ahmed Vefik Family. Cihangir 27

Ulusoy Mübin. Cihangir, Matara St. Selma Apt. 18/1

Utkanlı Sabri. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Santral Apt. ½

229

Uzun Hasan Fehmi. Firuzağa, Süngü St. 5

Üçok Hayri H. Cihangir, Sormagir St. 109 Tuna Apt. 3

Ünal Sadi. Dr. Office. Firuzağa, Tüfekçi Salih St. Amasya Apt. 9/5

Ünlü Mithat. Ziraat Bank Director. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 62 Miray Apt. 2

Unvon Français. Kabristan St.

Varnacı Ali Ekrem. Writer. Sıraselviler St. 70/1

Varsakis Emmanuel. Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokushu, Şen Apt. 22/2

Verdi Kemal Dr. Cihangir, Sormagir St. Arel Apt. 85/4

Ververopoulos Yannis. Expert. Accountant. Cihangir, Oba St. Bahtiyar Apt. 13/5

Vezani H. Sokrati. Cihangir, Lenger St. Olimpia Apt. 11/5

Volkan Nureddin. Cihangir, Karadut St. 44 Villa Apt. 5

Volovini Elli. Dentist. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. Kısmet Apt. 7

Wagner Charles. Cihangir, Susam St. Çelik Apt. 7

Yakovidis Vasil. Cihangir, Şimşirci St. 12 Sümer Apt. 1

Yaman Kadri. Cihangir, Havyar St. 21 Nejat Apt. 4

Yasa Kemal Esad. Cihangir, Yeni Yuva St. Sümer Apt. 17/3

Yegani Ali. Cihangir, Altınbilezik St. Birlik Apt. 4

Yeğen Namık. Cihangir, Güneşli St. Demirağ Apt. Ground Floor

Yelimşuh Muzaffer Hatice. Cihangir, Susam St. Karavasil Apt. 4

Yener Ahmed Şükrü. Attorney. Sıraselviler St. Kristal Apt. 6

Yerasimos Mavromati.Cihangir, Şimşirci St. Kristal Palas 5

Yurdakul Kazım. Cihangir, Cihangir St. 58 Güneşli Apt. 4

Yusufidis Bodos. Cihangir, Güneşli St. Yücel Apt. 46/4

Yuvanidis Alkivyadis. Dr. Office. Cihangir, Oba St. 13 Bahtiyar Apt.

Zaimoğlu Ömer. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 45

Zamboğlu Nikoli. Sıraselviler, Meşelik St. 36/4 Hrisovergi Apt.

Ziegler Paul. Firuzağa, Coşkun St. 17 Firuzan Apt. 4/7

Zigomala N. E. Cihangir, Güneşli St. 48 Gül Apt. 2

Zirenk Sadık. Cihangir, Susam St. 26 Dürdane Apt. 3

Ziyal Tarık. Cihangir, Soğancı St. 7 Cihangir Palas 5/6

Ziavopoulo Emilia. Cihangir, Havyar St. Ege H. 4

Zor Seher. Cihangir, Aslanyatağı St. 12/8-1

230

APPENDIX F

WHO LIVED IN CIHANGIR IN 1966?

NAMES AND ADRESSES RECORDED IN CIHANGIR IN THE 1966 OFFICIAL

ISTANBUL TELEPHONE DIRECTORY

Abayan Maryam, Defterdar Yokuşu 58

Abuaf Baruh, Sıraselviler St. 154

Abuaf Ester, Sıraselviler St. 88

Abudara Rahel, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 55/12

Abuisak Sara, Cihangir, Matara St. 16/5

Abuisak Yaşua, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı St. 35

Adalı Panayot, Cihangir, Havyar S. 9-11

Adamontopulos Adamontis, Cihangir, Türkgücü St. 66/11

Adosoğlu Yorgi, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı St. 33

Afenduli Zmaro, Sıraselviler St. 97

Agi Aji Yasef, Cihangir, Türkgücü S. 66/5

Agustini Eleni, Cihangir, Kazancı Yokuşu 14/1

Ahitu Rachel, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 95/97

Akdemir Anna, Cihangir, Hocazade S. 6

Al Pachachi Mahmut, Sıraselviler, Hocazade S. 8

Aleksandridis Aleksandros, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 46/5

Aleksandru Yovakim, Cihangir, Firuzağa Bahçesi S. 1/2

Alektoridis Menandros, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 52/5

Alfred Paluka ve Şerikleri Kol. Ş. Müdür, Cihangir, Akyol S. 20-4

Allaimby Gustave, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 48

Allegra Karmelo, Sıraselviler C. 89/5

Altaras İliya, Cihangir, Pürtelaş S. 9/5

Altınyuva Eleni, Firuzağa, Altıpatlar S.

Amaksopulos Yannis, Cihangir, Liva S. 8

Amaslidis Yannis, Cihangir, Türkgücü S. 51/3

Amaslidis Yannis, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 56/1

Ananiadis Prodromos, Sıraselviler C. 172-174

Anastasyadis Apostol, Cihangir, Akarsu Yokuşu 41

Anastasyadis Haralambos, Cihangir C. 12/8

Anastasyadis Konstantinos, Cihangir, Susam S.

Anastasyadis Niko, Cihangir, Oba S. 11/5

Anastasyadis Yuvan, Cihangir, Matara S. 16/4

Andonio Eleni, Cihangir, Emanetçi S. 1

Andreadis Hristoforos, Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuşu 20/1

Angilanty Henriette, Sıraselviler C. 75/1

Ansaldo Aldo, Cihangir C. 56/5

Apak Fofo, Sıraselviler C. 152/11

Apostolidis Stelio, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 50/2

Apostolidis Stelyonos, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 50/2

231

Apostolopulos George, Firuzağa, Taktaki Yokuşu 3

Arapoğlu Efterpi, Sıraselviler C. 207

Argiropulos Romilya, Sıraselviler, Liva S.

Arguiri Eleni, Cihangir, Akarsu S. 29/3

Arsemiyadis Maryanti, Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih S. 19/3

Arsenyadis Argiri, Cihangir, Şemsi S. 1/7

Arslanoğlu Sava Dr. Sıraselviler C. 184

Artinyan Yervant, Cihangir, Susam S. 26

Arvanitakis Yorgi, Cihangir, Susam S. 22

Arzuoğlu Yanko, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 51/53

Asa Nina, Cihangir, Batarya S. 20/4

Ashover Mary, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 83/6

Assante Elvira, Cihangir C. 5-7

Atanasiadi Miltiadi, Cihangir, Akarsu Yokuşu 16/13

Atanasyadis Panayot, Cihangir, Havyar S. 38/40

Augen Cemil, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 33/9

Ayman Marcella, Firuzağa, Altıpatlar S. 15

Ayvatoğlu Irini, Cihangir, Susam S. 9

Babikiyan Yervant Housep, Sıraselviler C. 97/6

Babia Antuan, Firuzağa, Kadiriler Yokuşu, 60/4

Babayan Nubar Dr. Sıraselviler C. 11

Baranos Yorgos, Ayazpaşa, Ülker S. 35/11

Badetti Adolfo, Sıraselviler C. 58/5

Badetti Silvio, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 96/2

Badetti Umberto, Cihangir, Lenger S. 9/2

Bakuş Michel, Sıraselviler C. 188-190

Baldini Clelia, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 68

Baldini Eugenio, Cihangir, Oba S. 7/4

Ballar Pepo R., Sıraselviler C. 79

Bapoğlu Alber, Cihangir, Susam S. 9/3

Barbuni Tanaş, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 108/110

Barbur Moris, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 50/5

Basmacı Hosep, Cihangir, Pürtelaş S. 31/8

Battiğ Villi, Cihangir C. 66

Baylan Grigori, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 81-83

Bazlamacı Melatios, Cihangir, Altın Bilezik S. 5/6

Bazlamacı Niko, Cihangir C. 42

Behar Albert, Cihangir, Taktaki Yokuşu 10/4

Behar Luis, Firuzağa, Palaska S. 6/1

Behar Nissim, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 33/4

Benbanaste Jozef V. Dr. Sıraselviler C. 25/2

Bencuya Sami Dr., Cihangir, Hocazade S. 3/3

Benli Yervant, Cihangir, Liva S. 3

Betanof Blanche, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 35/5

Beyleryan Yervant Dr. Sıraselviler C. 104

Binbir Sava, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 45

Bonaço Yannis, Cihangir, Havyar S. 33/1

Boncuk Onnik, Cihangir, Pürtelaş S. 14

Bond Helene, Cihangir Yokuşu 13

Bozarcı Yannis, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 28/2

232

Braçanos Leonidas, Cihangir, Oba S. 2/2

Bruckner Ellg, Cihangir, Soğancı S. 19

Buçinski Romuald, Sıraselviler C. 89

Budris Hristoforos, Defterdar Yokuşu 94

Bugeja Julius F., Cihangir, Aslanyatağı S. 13

Büyükgedikoğlu Onufyos, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 25/4

Büyükhamporsumyan Sofi, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 46/3

Cagliarini Alexandr, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 27

Calusa Demetre W., Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuşu 18/2

Canidi Luka, Havyar S. 41/43

Caravelo Ezio, Cihangir, Batarya S. 14

Caragia Stavro, Firuzağa, Palaska S. 7

Cario Giorgio, Cihangir, Matara S. 13/1

Caruana Eleni, Cihangir, Oba S. 5

Cassa Assi Mina, Cihangir C. 56/5

Cerrutti Antonio, Sıraselviler C. 189

Cevahiridis Tasiye, Cihangir, Akyol S. 42

Ciğersizoğlu Spiro, Sormagir S. 58

Cilasis Anastasia, Defterdar Yokuşu 66/5

Comneno Jozefin, Cihangir, Türkgücü S. 66

Coşkunoğlu Stavri Pilimiridis, Cihangir, Coşkun S. 7-9

Couteaux Adrien and Charles, Cihangir, Aslanyatağı S. 33

Czech Anton, Liva S. 5/2

Çakopulos Marika, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 114

Çangapulos Antonio, Cihangir, Sağıroğlu S. 39

Çangapulos Filitos, Cihangir, Sağıroğlu S. 39/1

Çeklioğlu Fresilya, Cihangir, Aslanyatağı S. 10/3

Çelikoğlu İspiro, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 46/3

Çetkoviç Eftimiya, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 80

Çiçopulos Petro, Cihangir, Anahtar S. 2/6

Çiçovich Yani, Cihangir, Oba S. 2/2

Çikopulos Pano, Cihangir, defterdar Yokuşu 20-22

Çileni Romilos, Cihangir, Yeniyuva S. 14/3

Çilingiroğlu Yorgi, Cihangir, Aslanyatağı S. 35/9

Çömlekçioğlu Yorgi, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 61

Daday Avram, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 64

Dakos Fotis Dr., Cihangir, Somuncu S. 7, Domicile, Cihangir C. 29/2

Dakus Polimnia, Sıraselviler C. 91/3

Damyanidu, Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuşu, 18/4

Danieldu Daniel, Cihangir, Şimşirci S. 19/4

Danon Jozef, Sıraselviler, Hocazade S.

Dapei Eloi, Sıraselviler C. 87

De Santi Islanda, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 58/4

Değirmenciler Istepan, Sıraselviler C. 101-103

Değirmencioplu Parashkeva, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 41

Delli Yorgo, Firuzağa, Dalgıç S. 15/3

Demirci Vasil Viran, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 48/4

Demirci Yosif, Cihangir, Sağıroğlu S. 22/4

Denho Yusuf, Cihangir, Havyar S. 17

Depolo Constantin, Cihangir C. 35-37

233

Develiyadis Yannis, Cihangir C., 72/4

Diamandidis Teologos, Cihangir, deftedar Yokuşu 51-55

Didonakis Alexandros, Sıraselviler C. 105

Dikmen Emil, Sıraselviler C. 185

Dilberyan Madilen, Sıraselviler C. 152

Dimadu Dimitraki, Defterdar Yokuşu 96/4

Dimitriadis Efrosini, Sıraselviler C. 71

Dimitriadu Dimitri, Altıpatlar S. 10/4

Dimitriyadis Elefterias, Cihangir, Yeniyuva S. 4

Diyakaki Anastasia, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 41/2

Doka Dimitri, Firuzağa, Palaska S. 15/3

Eden Istrati, Cihangir, Havyar S. 42

Edmundson Ollie, Cihangir, Akyol S. 12

Efstratiadis Yorgi, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 28/4

Eftis Ilya, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 10/14-8

Eftis Yorgi, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 10/14-1

Ehrngruber Margrit, Cihangir, Sarayarkası S. 30/1

Ekmekçi Kiryakula, Cihangir, Havyar S. 5/1

Ekonomidis Yorgo, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 42

Elefteropulos Yorgi, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 10-14

Emanoilidis Haralambos, Defterdar Yokuşu 53-55

Emanoilidis Kondilenya, Cihangir, Şimşirci S. 9

Emanoilidis Nikoli, Cihangir, Susam S. 25/5

Emanuilidis Manol, Cihangir, Susam S. 25

Ergingül Arokalos, Cihangir, Matara S. 25-27

Ernst Ferdinand, Cihangir, Susam S. 22

Eskinazi Yako, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 13/5

Etnopulos Alexandros, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 28

Etnopulos Prokopios, Cihangir, Şimşirci S. 1

Fettu Armond, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 27/6

Feustel H. W., Cihangir, Susam S. 18

Filipoçi Stella, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 2

Filipuçi Marika, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 61/5

Filmenidis Yovakim, Cihangir, Susam S. 14/7

Fois Leonardo, Sıraselviler C. 75/1

Foskolos Andon, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 62/3

Frangakis Hristo, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 35-37

Franko Fernando, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 71

Franko Prodromos, Firuzağa, Türkgücü S. 53

Franko Paul, Sıraselviler C., 154

Fransa Sefareti( French Légation), Akyol C. 16/5

Fransız Haber Ajansı (French News Agency), Cihangir, Akarsu Yokuşu 39/7

Frederici Fethiye, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 16

Frederici Şahika, Cihangir, Özoğul S. 22

Frenkel Bak, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 44/2

Freudiger Angele, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 13

Frimmel Helly, Cihangir, Oba S. 3

Fumelli François, Cihangir, Matara S. 19/6

Fumelli Leon, Cihangir, Anahtar S. 2/2

Fuyaski Niko, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 87/1

234

Galanos Yorgos, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 54

Gamba Benedetto, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 5-7

Gaon Yako, Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuşu 20

Garamantanis Spiro, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 33/5

Gaser Alek, Cihangir, Soğancı S. 19

Gavrilidis Yorgos, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 62

Gavrilioğlu Anastasya, Cihangir, Yeni Yuva S. 24/2

Gaziadi C., Altıpatlar S. 6/3

Gazika Sotiri, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 60/3

Gedikoğlu Onufrios, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 25/3

Geelmuyden Hans, Sıraselviler C. 77

Gikakis Dimitri, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 39/4

Giovanni Messina, Cihangir, Altın Bilezik S. 14/2

Georgieff Milka, Cihangir, Havyar S. 48

Graevenitz Werner Von, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 28

Gravina Iro, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 23

Grilani Valantin, Cihangir, Kazancı Yokuşu 51

Grollo Leonardo, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 7/3

Grunberg Adela, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 9

Guarracino F. H., Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 68

Guglielmi Felix, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 68/5

Guillois Jeanna, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 27

Gun Abram Jozef, Cihangir, Sıraselviler, Aslan Yatağı S. 23

Guyer Karl H., Cihangir, Susam S. 26

Hacı Kosti Eli, Cihangir, Karadut C. 43/4

Hacımihalidis Efterpi, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 41/6

Hacopulos Alex, Cihangir, Şimşirci S. 6

Hahamyan Levon Dr., Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih S. 13

Hanazoğlu Julia, Cihangir, Akyol C. 14/8

Haralambidis Avram, Cihangir, Coşkun S. 13/1

Haralambidis Dimitri, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 184/4

Haralambidis Vasil, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 45/A

Haralambidis Yorgi, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 199/2

Hardy Philippe, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 9-11

Harisiadis Despina and Dimitri, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 33/10

Harvolya Andoniya, Cihangir, Liva S. 5/3

Havlucu Sol, Cihangir, Şimşirci S.

Havlucu Yako, Cihangir, Matara S. 18

Hayaloğlu Prodromos, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 33/6

Hayaloğlu Yorgi, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 3/1

Hazan Leon, Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuşu 39/1

Hındamyan Agavni, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 97/1

Hırzel Edgar, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 45/4

Hitzigrath Domanica, Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih S. 7/4

Honegger Gabrielle, cihangir, Aslan S. 23

Hrisafapulos Koço, Cihangir, Bakraç S. 9

Hrisokefalos Todori, Cihangir, Susam S. 9

Hrisopulo Yorgi, Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuşu 27/4

Hrisopulos Istilyanos, Cihangir, Bakraç S. 27/4

Hristidis Apostol, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 52/4

235

Hristidis Yulia and Yoakim, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 27/3

İdareciyan Andon Vartan, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 62

İlyadis Eli, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 46

İlyadis Haralambos, Akarsu C. 39/5

İrineu Nikola, Cihangir, Lenger S. 17

İsakkidus K. Elefteriya, Cihangir, Akarsu Yokuşu 16/15

İstavropulos İstavri, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 9/11

İstemat Kseniadis, Cihangir, Lenger S. 11/5

İstilyanidis İlya, Cihangir, Coşkun S. 17

Jones C.R., Aslan Yatağı S. 13

Kafyera Giovanni, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 45/3

Kağliya Antonid, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 57/1

Kalemkeryan Misak, Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz S. 26-28

Kalfopulos Dimitri, Cihangir, Sarıoğlu S. 41/1

Kalınoğlu Zaharya, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 53-55

Kamhi Ayda, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 58/2

Kanagini Teodora İra, Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih S. 7

Kanaki Petro, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 48/1

Kangelidis Lazar, Cihangir, Yeni Yuva S. 23/4

Kaplanidis Yorgi, Cihangir, Yeni Yuva 39/2

Kapsalis Andon, Cihangir, Anahtar S. 5

Karabila Hristo, Sıraselviler C. 94

Karabiberis Zahariyas, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 9-11

Karagüloğlu Mimika, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 51

Karagüloğlu Yannis, Cihangir, Türkgücü C. 66/2

Karakaş Yakavos, Cihangir, Karadut S. 40-42

Karakaş Yakavos, Cihangir, Batarya S. 2

Karakaşoğlu Todori, Cihangir, Kumrulu S. 6

Karakiriş Andrea, Cihangir, akarsu C. 53/1

Karalı Kerope, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 61

Karalis Vasil, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 61

Karamalakis Konstantin, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 48/7

Karamanos Elefteriya, Cihangir, Susam S. 9/A

Karamanos Elefteriya, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 8

Karamuratoğlu Bodos, Cihangir, Matara S. 8/3

Karamuratoğlu Sofia, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 16

Karanikiç Sofia, Cihangir, Matara S. 12/2

Karavolas Stefanos, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 33/A

Kardella Alfonso, Cihangir, Kumrulu Yokuşu 58

Kartalis Vasil, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 144/7

Karyadaki Doretta, Cihangir, Karadut C. 22/4

Karystinos Styliani, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 5/7

Kasapidis Niko, Cihangir, Susam S. 10/3

Kasapidis Vasil, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 32/3

Katranidis İspiro, Cihangir, Bakraç S. 2

Kayıkçıoğlu Yuvan, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 199

Kayserilideğirmenciler İstepan Mıgırdıç, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 101-103

Kazakiya Hanne, Cihangir, Coşkun S. 17/5

Kazancıoğlu Yordanki, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 77/2

Kazas Leon, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 46/1

236

Kazas Nevrik, Cihangir, Batarya S. 13/1

Kazas Alexandro, Altıpatlar S. 3/ 4

Kazaz Leon, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 46/1

Kenda Viktor, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 33

Keşişoğlu İstefo, Cihangir, Sormagir S. 32/4

Keşişoğlu Ligor, Cihangir, Altın Bilezik S. 12

Kırıkçı Rejina, Cihangir, Akyol C. 12

Kırmızıboyacıyan Zaruhi, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 142/3

Kiremitçioğlu Yannis, Cihangir, Şimşirci S. 6

Kiriçis Mihal, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 24/4

Kiriçis Yorgi, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 24

Kiryakopulos Atina, Cihangir, güneşli S. 51/6

Kiryakopulos Istavros, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 51/1

Kiryazis Karalambos, Cihangir, Havyar S. 41-43

Kiti Viktor and Çavadis Niko, Cihangir, defterdar Yokuşu 63

Klimantopulos Anastas, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 25

Koçoğlu Alexandros, Cihangir, Akyol C. 44/3

Kokal Efstratios and Dimitri, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C.

Koliç Lionel, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 33/1

Kolumba Niko, Cihangir, Şimşirci S.

Kominos Ballidis, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 81/83/5

Koncopulos Marika, Cihangir, Aslan Yatağı S. 33

Kondakçopulos Gligor, Cihangir, Anahtar S. 2/3

Kondansaki Anastasya, Firuzağa, Türkgücü C. 66/4

Kondaksis Todori, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 9/11

Kondopulos Lazari Romilos, Cihangir, Anahtar S. 17/4

Konstantinidi Konstantinia, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 30/3

Konstantinidis Menelaos, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 38

Konstantinidis Yannis, Cihangir, Susam S. 30

Konstantino Niko, Cihangir, Havyar S. 33/5

Konstantinos Mihalidis, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 24/4

Konti Petro Dr. Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 52

Kosta Makrina, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 121

Kosta Nikolaidis, Cihangir, Susam S. 9-11

Kostanos Mihal, Cihangir, Tüfekçi Salih S. 19/2

Konstantinidis Evdokiya, Cihangir, Lenger S. 17/1

Kostantinidis Koço, Cihangir, Cihangir C. 9/11

Kotaki Paskal, Cihangir, Susam S. 1/10

Kotakis Stratis, Cihangir, Lenger S. 9/4

Kvincke Hermann, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 119

Kotopulo Kostantin, Cihangir, Pürtelaş S. 5/7

Kotopulos Yorgi, Cihangir, Terakki Yokuşu 14/7

Kozmidi Kosti, Cihangir, Susam S. 23/2

Kozmidis Andriya, Cihangir, Güneşli S. 61

Köseoğlu Katerina, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 16-16

Krafft Jean Paul, Cihangir, Tavukuçmaz C. 2/A

Krassas Konstantin, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 88

Krenn Oskar, Cihangir, Coşkun S. 10

Ksenaki İstelyanos, Cihangir, Akarsu C. 58/2

Ksenaki Sotiri Grigor, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 144

237

Kuçurumbus Dimitri, Cihangir, Defterdar Yokuşu 62/1

Kulyaca Milo, Cihangir, Şimşirci S. 2/4

Kulyaca Mitar, Cihangir, Batarya S. 13

Kurban Freddie, Cihangir, Susam S. 47/5

Kurban Michel, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 152/12

Kurt Kleopatra, Cihangir, Sıraselviler C. 207/2

Kuyumcuyan Artin, Cihangir, Kazancı Yokuşu 63/5

Kürükoğlu Sideri, Cihangir, Oba S. 17/4

Kyritsis Anastas, Cihangir, Soğancı S. 10/5

Lambidis Aristidis, Anahtar S. 2/2

Laskari Kaludi, Yeni Yuva S. 23

Laskanidis Leonida and Hanidis İstilyanos, Kadir Bey Yokuşu 68/1

Lawton John, Özoğul S. 9

Lazaro Rene, Cihangir C. 12

Lenas Philip, Cihangir C. 24

Leonidiadis Hristaki, Pürtelaş S. 25

Leonidas Yotakis Dr., Sıraselviler, Mücadele Çıkmazı 7

Lepkovski François, Şimşirci S. 15

Lepori Aristide, Güneşli S. 8

Lessio Rizopulo Kornilya, Sıraselviler C. 87

Levante Livio, özoğlu S. 1

Levi Viktor, Sormagir S. 96/6

Liberman Bernard, Tüfekçi Salih S. 154

Limoncuoğlu Fros, Havyar S. 22/1

Lindiridis Kornelia, Türkgücü C. 45/3

Liolaki Efstatia, Güneşli S. 31

Liontiadis Vali, Türkgücü C. 70-72/10

Logotedi Kostantin, Sıraselviler C. 152/6

Lolaki Yorgo, Güneşli S. 31

Lukidu Evyeriya, Defterdar Yokuşu 60/7

Luleopulos Lambo Dr. Sıraselviler C. 4

Lutikof Kuzman, Alçak Dam Yokuşu 16

Madenci Panayot, Şimşirci S. 1/12-A

Maditinos Tanaş, Alçak dam Yokuşu 16

Magaryan Meline, Susam S. 9

Magos Yorgi, Cihangir C. 46-52

Mahak C. A., Sıraselviler C.

Makri İstavri, Altın Bilezik S. 14/4

Makris Dimitri, Lenger S. 4

Mamboury Leonie, Şimşirci S. 10

Manailoğlu Dimitri, Hocazade S. 20

Manavyan Aram, Cihangir C. 44/2

Mandelidis Nikolas, Akarsu C. 40-42

Mangina Tanaş, Sıraselviler C. 205

Mangos Malama, Matara S. 4/4

Maniadakis Andon, Havyar S. 22/1

Manolakos George, Matara S. 19

Marengo Alexandr, Tüfekçi Salih S. 11-13

Maresia Fortunato, Yeni Yuva S. 10

Markiz, Defterdar Yokuşu 68/12

238

Mastika Koço, Sıraselviler C. 108-110

Mauromati Hanri, Sıraselviler C. 111

Mavridi Niko, Oba S. 11/6

Mavrodi Ligor, Oba S. 9

Mavroğlu Leandros, Oba S. 4/1

Mavromati Yannis, Akarsu C. 38/3

Mavromati Yerasimos, Cihangir C. 35-37

Mavromatis İstavri, Akarsu Yokuşu 38

Mayaoğlu Efrosini and Simeon, Kazancı Yokuşu 53

Mayapulos Alexandros, Akarsu C. 58/1

Mayoğlu Hristo, Akarsu C. 43

Mayoğlu Lefter, Defterdar Yokuşu 1/3

Mayoğlu Nikola, Batarya S. 5

Mazıcı Piyer, Pürtelaş S. 75

Melon Prodromos, Lenger S. 15

Meneşyan Eliz, Batarya S. 13/3

Mengi Sopulos Niko, Coşkun S. 8

Metapulo İspiro, Matara S. 3

Meyer Anne Marie, Cihangir C. 68/7

Mıhcıyan V. Jirayir, Sormagir S. 41

Mısırlıyan Ishuki, Kazancı Yokuşu 16/4

Mihailidis Afksendios, Sıraselviler C. 199

Mihailidis Kosta, Kumrulu yokuşu 25/2

Mihailidis Konstantin, Sıraselviler C. 144/3

Mihailidis Nikolaos Dr., Sormagir S. 45

Mihailidis Teodoro Dr. Sormagir S. 45/Sormagir S. 54/1

Mikropulo Manol, Defterdar Yokuşu 64

Milovich Maria, Sıraselviler C. 23

Misailidis Misail, Sıraselviler C. 184/1

Mitafidis Dimitri, Şimşirci S. 1/ 2

Mitakidis Ioannis, Sıraselviler C. 188-190

Mitakidis Vasil, Sıraselviler C. 188-190

Mitakopulos Polihron, Aslan Yatağı S. 35

Mitolidis Yannis, Güneşli S. 44/2

Morano Ercole, Sıraselviler C. 110/5

Moreau Henri, Altın Bilezik S. 2

Moskovich Sami, Sıraselviler C. 9

Mosku Petro, Altın Bilezik S. 14/3

Möner Alfred, Güneşli S. 65

Mumci Omiros, Defterdar Yokuşu 33/8

Muratoğlu Artin, Yeni Yuva S. 11

Mushuri İzmaradga, Sıraselviler C. 90/2

Nani İstavri, Kumrulu Yokuşu 24

Narlı Yorgo, Defterdar Yokuşu 81-83

Narlı Niko, Defterdar Yokuşu 20

Narlıoğlu Yorgi, Coşkun S. 10/4

Naum Yorgi, Sıraselviler C. 48/4

Nazaryan Mihitar, Sıraselviler C. 201/2

Neville Siran, Yeni Yuva S. 38

Nikolaidis Hristo, Kumrulu S. 14

239

Nikolaidis Konstantin, Kumrulu S. 41/2

Nikolaidis Todori K., defterdar Yokuşu 62/5

Nikolaidu Triandafilyo, Sıraselviler C. 199

Nikolas Toma, Cihangir C. 29/1

Nikolaviç Ebridiki, Lenger S. 5

Nikolayeva Anna, Cihangir C. 2/3

Nikolopulos Mihal, Sıraselviler C. 54/2

Nomidis Sofia, Altın Bilezik S. 7

Nomiko Oranye Tereze, Batarya S. 14/5

Nomismatidis Katina, Akarsu C. 32

Orallı Aksanti and Anesti, Defterdar Yokuşu 64

Ossman Alexander, Defterdar Yokuşu 68/1

Özşahin Olimpia, Sıraselviler C. 74-82

Palasis Konstantin, Defterdar Yokuşu 96/5

Pamukoğlu Kiryako, Susam S. 23-23/5-23/1

Panayotidis Savaş, Sıraselviler C. 174

Panayotidis Kleopatra, Sormagir S. 91

Panayotidis Mihail, Oba S. 3

Panayotidis Yorgi, Susam S. 9

Pandacidis Hristoforos, Firuzağa C. 16

Pandelidis Elefteriya, Pürtelaş S. 42

Pantazi Foti, Sıraselviler C. 93

Pantazi Kiryakiça, Sıraselviler C. 93/A

Papadis Sotiri, Akarsu C. 28

Papadiyamandopolos Toma, Susam S. 47

Papadopulo Eli, Sıraselviler C. 182/6

Papadopulo Efrosini, Cihangir C. 23/A

Papadopulos Aleko, Cihangir C. 35-37

Papadopulos Alexandros, Defterdar Yokuşu 81-83

Papadopulos Emilos, Havyar S. 9/3

Papadopulos Konstantin, Altıpatlar S. 9/3

Papadopulos Miltiyadis, Defterdar Yokuşu 51-57

Papadopulos Niko, Firuzağa, Türkgücü C. 57

Papadopulos Petro, Defterdar Yokuşu 81-83

Papadopulos Petro, Cihangir C. 5-7

Papageorgiu Nikolas, Soğancı S. 7

Papastratos Korneliya, Güneşli S. 48

Papateodori Semiramis, Yeni Yuva S. 10/4

Papayorgiu Yorgi, Firuzağa, Türkgücü C. 53

Papazian Levon, Defterdar Yokuşu 58

Papazoğlu Dimitri, Susam S. 6

Papazoğlu Kostaki, Cihangir C. 30

Parloğlu Katina, Güneşli S. 24

Parmaksızoğlu Anastas, Altın Bilezik S. 11/4

Pasadeos Andronikos, Susam S. 28

Paskalidis Atina, Sıraselviler C. 144

Pavlidis Yannis, Aslan Yatağı S. 33/1

Payotis Mihalaki, Oba S. 5/4

Peretti Giovanni, Sıraselviler C. 185/5

Petridis Dimitri, Şimşirci S. 15/8

240

Petridu İrini, Havyar S. 16-18

Pietro Landi, Cihangir C. 2/8

Piperidis Koço, Aslan Yatağı S. 35/7

Platonidis Pindarus, Lenger S. 17

Polihronidis Feride, Türkgücü S. 53-55

Polioğlu Anti, Cihangir C. 68/3

Poliyenidis Prodromos A., Sıraselviler C. 77

Pretti Rinaldo, Sıraselviler C. 67/6

Prifti Pole, Sıraselviler C. 48

Privileggio Foster, yeni Yuva S. 23

Privileggio Juan, Cihangir C. 35

Psalti Zinova, Akarsu Yokuşu 33/7

Pulidis Katina, Sıraselviler C. 66

Radeglia Mildred, Türkgücü C. 53-55

Raidl Rudolf, Sormagir S. 75/10

Ralaki Hristo, Cihangir C. 29/3-Akarsu C. 39/6

Raptopulos Niko, Akarsu C. 35

Remo Brerna, Akarsu Yokuşu 3/3

Repanellis Maksimos, Kazancı Yokuşu 64/5

Rocca Marcel, Coşkun S.

Roç Petro, Yeni Yuva S. 48/3

Rodeglia Carmela, Matara S. 29-31

Rusiyadis İlya, Sıraselviler C. 95

Rusos Kiryakula and Alexandros, Sıraselviler C. 185

Russo İtalo, Şimşirci S. 10/6

Rücker Erika, Cihangir C. 2/5

Sadık Hrisi, Yeni Yuva S. 7/3

Safleko Tiryantafilos, Batarya S. 10/3

Sakellaridis Aleko. Dr., Güneşli S. 38

Sakin Hanri, Sıraselviler C. 154/1

Saklaridis Nikola, Batarya S. 7/10

Saltıel A. Moiz, Kumrulu yokuşu 16/11

Samancıoğlu Minos, Batarya S. 13

Samaras Marika, Anahtar S. 7/4

Sanduka Alexandra, Akarsu C. 38/2

Saraydar Haçik, Sıraselviler C. 62/1

Saris Flora, Kumrulu Yokuşu 10-12

Scarpello Emil, Özoğul S. 20

Schanda Wentzel, Aslan Yatağı S. 35/5

Schifferdecker Arnold D., Tavukuçmaz S. 16/2

Seçtakof Dimitri, Sıraselviler C. 25

Seçtakof Nevanko, Bakraç S. 21/3

Shariat Mortaza, Coşkun S. 3/9

Sırımcıoğlu Nikolas, Aslan Yatağı S. 37

Sıvacıoğlu Hristo, Cihangir C. 42/6

Simas Kostantinos, Cihangir C. 29

Simitcis Eftim, Cihangir C. 23/5

Simon Rainer, Akyol C. 14

Simpatyan Noyemi, Sıraselviler C. 58/4

Simuhin Alexander, Firuzağa, Türkgücü C. 71/2

241

Skanavis Manol, Sıraselviler C. 209

Skuras Evangelos, Bakraç S. 1/7

Slaftoviç Katina, Defterdar Yokuşu 53-55/9

Sofikidu Vasiliki, Sıraselviler C. 91

Sofroniadis Yakovos, Şimşirci S. 15

Sotiriadis Androniki, Sıraselviler C. 144

Sotiropulo Eleni, Sıraselviler C. 117/A

Sotiryadi Zoi, Sormagir S. 95-97

Spiridion S. Sıraselviler C. 48

Spondilis Nikola, Cihangir C. 23

Stamargaki Niko, Yeni Yuva S. 18

Stanisiç Simo, Aslan Yatağı S. 19-21

Stavropulo Mina, Cihangir, Kaptan S. 12

Stavropulo Stavro, Havyar S. 58

Stefanidis Alexandros, Defterdar Yokuşu 62/2

Steryo Nikola, Akarsu Yokuşu 23/5

Stilianidis Yakovos, Pürtelaş S. 18/2

Stori Peter, Susam S. 28/4

Strakis Yannis, Sormagir S.

Strancalis Sotiri Dr., Akarsu Yokuşu 16-14

Strltzl Ernest Von, Özoğlu S. 16/4

Strakos Yorgi, Yeni Yuva S. 12/4

Sürmelis Georges, Coşkun S. 8/2

Şaşati Remi, Cihangir C. 49

Şehbender Edvar, Cihangir C. 2/2

Situni Todori, Batarya S. 6/3

Şoris Selma and Feride, Defterdar Yokuşu 68

Tanatar Yako, Sıraselviler C. 199

Tanaşoğlu Y., Şimşirci S. 2

Tanburoğlu Argiri, Defterdar Yokuşu 51/3

Taneri Virgini Takvoryan, Oba S. 7

Tardif Jacque, Aslan Yatağı S. 33/10

Tarhan Lucien, Sıraselviler C. 67

Teberikoğlu Yannis, Kumrulu Yokuşu 32/2

Teker Vahe, Cihangir C. 9-1

Teodorides Elefteria, Anahtar S. 11/4

Teodosyadis Fotini, Defterdar Yokuşu 127/5

Teofilaktides Andon, Havyar S. 16/4

Terzibaşıyan Setrak, Bakraç S. 25/3

Tipos Magda, Havyar S. 16/3

Todorovich Amalia, Karadut C. 45

Tomaidis Foti, Karadut C. 23

Tomaidis Toma, Cihangir C. 72/3

Tomayidis Nikoli, Sıraselviler C. 151

Tomoğlu Rosaline, Cihangir C. 35-37

Triandafilidis Aspasiya, Oba S. 5

Triandafilidis Dimitri, Lenger S. 17

Triandafilidis Jordan, Sıraselviler C. 181-183

Triandafilidis Hristo, Kadirler Yokuşu 84/7

Triandafilidis Nikola, Güneşli S. 28

242

Tronos Aleko, Aslan Yatağı S. 23/5

Turanko Olimpia, Tüfekçi Salih S. 20

Tutel Maria, Havyar S. 6-8

Tülbentçi Jirayr, Sıraselviler C. 117/1

Uğurluoğlu Yeranuhi, Kumrulu Yokuşu 56

Uludağ Teodos, Batarya S. 5

Uncu Mihran, Sormagir S. 37/A

Vakalopulos Yorgi Dr., Anahtar 2/3

Valsamidis Yorgi, Defterdar Yokuşu 66/4

Vant Hoff Frans, Coşkun S. 7-9

Vapuridis Alexandros, Cihangir C. 58/6

Varber Natan, Kumrulu Yokuşu 32

Vasiliu Danayi, Güneşli S. 48/6

Velesko İstavri, Soğancı S. 19

Veltras Marina, Cihangir C. 10-14

Venyamin Yuvanna, Oba S. 5

Ververopulo Yannis, Liva S. 3/1

Vidali Petro, Tavukuçmaz S. 57

Viriyeniyos Aleko, Sıraselviler C. 205/5

Vlahopulos Dimitri, Defterdar Yokuşu 127

Vlahopulos Konstantin, Defterdar Yokuşu 127

Voliçi İlya, Cihangir C. 2

Vorepulos Kalyoply, Akarsu C. 44/3

Vucetic Yovanko, Matara S. 29-31

Vulgaris Yannis, Oba S. 11/3

Weissen Bacher Herta, Alçak Dam Yokuşu 7

Weisshaeupl E. R., Aslan Yatağı S. 33/3-Kumrulu 26/7

Wilkinson William H. N. Susam S. 18/4

Wilkinson Charles, Batarya S. 14

Wilson François, Sıraselviler C. 205

Yuvanidis Eleni, Oba S. 13/3

Yuvanidis Koço, Coşkun S. 10

Yuvanidis S. Platon, Oba S. 9/3

Yanço İslavço, Altın Bilezik S. 9/8

Yardımcı Viktorya, Sıraselviler C. 74-82

Yemenicioğlu Yorgi, Yeni Yuva S. 8/5

Yerasimos Atina, Sıraselviler C. 58/6

Yerasimos Mavromati, Cihangir C. 35-37

Yerim Tanaş, Sıraselviler C. 74/82

Yeşko Andon, Sıraselviler, Liva S. 13/4

Yoannidis Hristos, defterdar Yokuşu 64/4

Yoğurtçuoğlu Anesti, Oba S. 17/1

Yorgiadis Vangel, Cihangir C. 40

Yovanidis Platoni, Cihangir C. 41-43

Yufoğlu Paraşkavula, Sıraselviler C. 64

Yuli Lukas, Cihangir, Altıpatlar S. 19/2

Yunacopulos Temistokli, Cihangir C. 1

Yusufidis Anastas, Cihangir C. 8

Yusufidis Bodos, Oba S. 5

Zacum Janti Abr, Defterdar Yokuşu 66

243

Zahariadis Aleko, Sıraselviler C. 191

Zaharya Vitali, Özoğul S. 7-9

Zaharyadis Fani, Güneşli S. 12/14-2

Zambeliç Milica, Aslan Yatağı S. 3

Zarifis Alexandros, Havyar S. 22

Zekeriya Salvator Yeşuva, Özoğlu S. 7-9

Zerbin Niko, Tüfekçi Salih S. 18

Zervoudaki Georges, Matara S. 29-31

Zervoudakis Demetrius, Aslan Yatağı S. 13

Zervoudaki Antuanet and Konstanti, Güneşli S. 29

Zigomola Alexander, Defterdar Yokuşu 53-55/3

Zimbirikaki Alexandiros Dr., Sormagir S. 29

Zinguli Marsel Limoner, Sıraselviler C. 191/4

Zulidis N. Dimitri, Cihangir, Kadirler Yokuşu 58

244

APPENDIX G

RUM POPULATION IN STREETS OF CIHANGIR ACCORDING TO 1968 RUM

ORTHODOX CHURCH RECORDS

Akarsu Street: 112 Rum Inhabitants

Altın Bilezik Street: 6 Rum Inhabitants

Anahtar Street: 2 Rum Inhabitants

Aslanyatağı Street: 62 Rum Inhabitants

Bakraç Street: 65 Rum Inhabitants

Cihangir Street: 273 Rum Inhabitants

Defterdar Yokuşu: 7 Rum Inhabitants

Emanetçi Street: 14 Rum Inhabitants

Güneşli Street: 127 Rum Inhabitants

Havyar Street: 108 Rum Inhabitants

Kazancı Yokuşu: 6 Rum Inhabitants

Kumrulu Street: 67 Rum Inhabitants

Kumrulu Yokuşu: 5 Rum Inhabitants

Lenger Street: 53 Rum Inhabitants

Liva Street: 20 Rum Inhabitants

Matara Street: 53 Rum Inhabitants

Meşelik Street: 37 Rum Inhabitants

Oba Street: 111 Rum Inhabitants

Sıraselviler Street: 332 Rum Inhabitants

Soğancı Street: 3 Rum Inhabitants

Somuncu Street: 4 Rum Inhabitants

Sormagir Street: 79 Rum Inhabitants

Susam Street: 78 Rum Inhabitants

Şimşirci Street: 91 Rum Inhabitants

Tavukuçmaz Street: 1 Rum Inhabitant

Türkgücü Street: 2 Rum Inhabitants

Yeni Yuva Street: 114 Rum Inhabitants

245

APPENDIX H

STREETS AND ADDRESSES IN CIHANGIR IN L’INDICATEUR OTTOMAN,

ANNUAIRE ALMANACH DU COMMERCE DE L’INDUSTRIE, DE

L’ADMINISTRATION ET DE LA MAGISTRATURE, DEUXIEME ANNEE 1881,

HEGIRE 1298, CREE PAR RAPHAEL C. CERVATI ET PUBLIE PAR

CERVATI FRERES & D. FATZEA

PERVOUZ AGHA (rue)

De la rue Syra Selvi a la rue Roum Mézaristan

Nos.

59. Caravokyros (M.), pharmacien (pharmacist)

61. Theodorides (Alex.), encaisseur de la maison Mir et Cottereau (collector)

Michel Bey, médecin (doctor)

SYRA-SELVI (rue)

De la rue Kichla Djaddessi (Taxim) au Quartier turc

Nos

15. Hadjian (H. A.), banquier (banker)

53. Ibrahim (Hayder), ex-ambassadeur de Turquie a Vienne (former Turkish

ambassador in Vienna)

55. Le Chevalier (Georges), avocat (attorney)

246

APPENDIX I

STREETS AND ADDRESSES IN CIHANGIR IN ANNUAIRE ORIENTAL DU

COMMERCE DE L’INDUSTRIE DE L’ADMINISTRATION ET DE LA

MAGISTRATURE, 12EME ANNEE 1893-94

DEFTERDAR YOCOUCHOU (rue)

De la rue Tchoukour Bostan a la rue Pervouz Agha

Hôpital Royal Italien (Italian Royal Hospital)

Hôpital Municipal (Municipal Hospital)

PERVOUZ AGHA (rue)

De la rue Defterdar Yocouchou a la rue Syra Selvi

Nos.

24. Thanas (F.)

Hôpital Allemand (German Hospital)

39. Kirinopoulos (A.), employé au Camelia. (employee at the Camelia)

115. Catelin (J. de), administrateur délégué de la société des mines de Balia-Karaidin

(administrator-delegate/representative)

117. Alexiadis (Jean), draps (sheets/clothes)

110. Wilson (Mme Vve)

118. Tewfik Bey, colonel

119. Vallauri (Alex.), architecte

120. Benklian (Arakel), marchand (merchant)

122. MAISON GRAVIER.

1. Diricq, gérant de l’entreprise de constructions du port de Constantinople

(manager)

Azarian (Pouzik), caissier a la Cie des quais (cashier)

2. Ferckel (Fried.), commissionnaire

3. Kun, sous directeur des chemins de fer d’Anatolie (director of railways)

4. Rigaudias, employé a la banque ottomane (employee at the Ottoman Bank)

123. Polichrono (Yannis), épicier (grocer)

125. Marini (lieut.-colonel Pierre), attaché militaire de l’ambassade d’Italie

Stelting (baron de)

Laveau (comte de)

126. Bellet

127. Mussurus Bey, (E.)

127. MAISON GEORGIADES

1. Hassoun (Albert), employé au crédit lyonnais (employee)

2. Aslan (Vve)

3. Callerio (Pierre François), consul juge d’Italie (consul judge)

4. Dimopoulo (X.), courtier (broker)

5. Chan (Me)

129. Sbyrakis (N. D.), nazir adjoint de la régie des tabacs

129. Ohannes Khan, 1re drogman de l’ambassade de Perse

247

130. Chiro, employé a la société des tramways

131. Wondra (Famille)

132. Lanzoni (Joseph)

133. Georgiadis (Famille)

134. Lavridis (Lazari), bois de construc.

Allahverdi (Nazareth Bey)

136. Huber (Joseph), négociant (merchant/businessman/dealer)

140. Arnoux (comte)

142. Eschref, vitrier (glazier)

144. Serpossian (Yervant)

146. Manolopoulos (Georges)

148. Decossio, médecin (doctor)

150. Albini (Vve)

156. Paccarad (Kievork Efendi), chef du bureau des traductions du minist. des

travaux publics

160. MAISON CRITICOS (Tour Eiffel)

1. Michlen.

2. Soulouhanyan (Archag.)

3. Hadji Christou, directeur du collège de ce nom (college director)

Mazlimian (Diran)

162. MAISON APOSTOLIDES

1, 2. Apostolidés (N.), avocat (attorney)

3. Naoum

4. Seber (A.), employé au consulat de Russie (employee at the Russian

Consulate)

SOANDJI (rue)

De la rue Pervouz Agha a la rue Djean Kir (Cihangir)

Nos.

40. Sarian (Joseph), ferblantier

43. Toloyan (Ohannes), propriétaire du journal Medjoumai Ahbar

Gérard (Famille)

SYRA SELVI (rue), No.1 a 61

De la rue Kichla Djaddesi (Taxim) a la rue Pervouz Agha

Nos.

5. Hadjian (Andon), banquer (banker)

7. Hilmi Pacha

7. Ali Osman, orges (barleys)

9. Ivanoff (Th. Th.), agent principal de la Cie de nav. a vapeur russe.

11. Hadjopoulo (J.), banquier (banker)

13. Vahanian Efendi (Vahan)

15. Astardjian (Hagop), négociant (merchant/businessman/dealer)

17. Ibrahim Bey (R.), introducteur des ambassadeurs

19. Plessos Frères, employés

20. Soukri (Georges), pharmacien (pharmacist)

23. Leclereq (A.), ingénieur (engineer)

27. Collège grec de Hadji Christou

27. bis. Hadji Christou (P.), médecin

31. Melhamé (Sélim Eff.), ministre de l’agriculture et des mines et forets

248

33. Aznavour (Ohannes), architecte

35. Scheider (Edouard), ingénieur

37. Ralli (Constantin), banquier

41. Kiem (Bedros), employé a la douane des pêcheries

43. Atamian (Meguir Bey)

47. Kritopoulos, soieries (silk factory)

55. Bosdari (M.de), de la maison Thalasso et Bosdari, banquiers

55. Azarian (Grégoire), rentier

55. Ananiadis (D.), négociant

57. Zogheb (vicomte G. de), directeur de la société du Tombac

59. Kebedgy

93. Apostolidis (D.), empl. au Camélia

249

APPENDIX J

STREETS AND ADDRESSES IN CIHANGIR IN ANNUAIRE ORIENTAL DU

COMMERCE DE L’INDUSTRIE DE L’ADMINISTRATION ET DE LA

MAGISTRATURE, 29ME ANNEE 1909, PUBLIE PAR LA THE ANNUAIRE

ORIENTAL & PRINTING COMPANY LIMITED, 21, RUE DE POLOGNE,

PERA, CONSTANTINOPLE

ARASLAR (rue)

De la rue Ouroudjilar a la rue Soumoundjou

Nos.

3.Kruyff (A. L. Sint Yoost de), publiciste, président de l’association de la presse

étrangère

4. Zafiriadi (Dem.), agent de change

5. APPARTEM. JONES

1. Jones (W. J.), mécan.-construct.

2. Hamoudopoulos (A. D.), avocat

3. Ikiadés (Ant. Efendi), Kapou Kehaya du patr. Oecuménique

4. Coulant (E.), ingénieur

5. Toustain Pacha (Vve de)

Odabachi: Nakachian (Ohannés)

6. Ladopoulos (Nicolas), épicier

7. Bollos (Alex.)

Spanoudis (Hippatios), mécanicien

9. Paximos (Nic.), employé

9. Vassiliadés (Jean), court. Maritime

11. Lahaille (Alphonse), conseiller de légation royale de Roumanie

11. B. Padel (W.), 2me drogman de l’amb. d’Allemagne

14. Hannay (Charles J.), caissier de la maison Gilchrist, Walker et Cie

38. APPARTEM. RIZZO

1. Eugénidi (Etienne), de la banque E. Eugénidi

2. Marling (Charles M.), conseiller de l’ambassade d’Angleterre

3. Théodoli (marquis Alberto), délégué des bondholders italiens a la dette

publique ottomane

4. Goldstücker (C.), ingénieur en chef du matériel et de la traction a la Cie

d’exploitation des chem. De fer orientaux

5. Sofiano (D.), négociant

Odabachis: Cassar (Paul) et Cosulich (Jean)

DEFTERDAR YOCOUCHOU (rue), 1 a 65

De la rue Tchoukour Bostan a la rue Pervouz Agha

Traversée a dr. et g. par des ruelles aboutissant dans le mémé quartier

Nos.

3. Drossinos (A.), pharmacie

5. APPARTEM. YAZIDJI ZADE

1. Lalas (Dim.), café

2. Argyrides (Odyssée), épicier

3. Armand (Jules)

250

4. Hekimian (O.), courtier

Hekimian (Zabel), actrice

5. Kalbourdji (Haral.), orthopédiste

6. Zgourdéo (Vve)

8. Isler (Henry), mécanicien

9. Haralambidis (H. G.), vitrier

11. Djenanidés (Pand.), bijoutier

12. Pavlovitch (Vido), employé

Zenovitch (Joko), employé

Odabachi:

11. Elmassian (Mesrop), 3me commis de l’office sanitaire

14. Pappadopoulos (Kyriaco), menuisier

51. Saris (Aspasie), propriétaire

55. Hôpital Italien

60. Hussein Husni, pharmacie

60. Theodoridis (Vassilios), épicier

64. Osman Agha, charbon de bois

Fontaine

FATMA-HANOUM (Impasse) (Dead end)

Dans la rue Pervouz Agha

Nos.

1. Azarian (Dicran), cuisinier

1. Avramopoulos (Nic.), courtier

2. Avramidés (B.), courtier en céréales

4. Iconomidis (Pavlaki), employé a la chambre de comm. de Cons/ple.

6. Pavlidis (D.), homme d’affaires

KAZANDJI (rue), 1 a 89

De la rue Syra Selvi au Quartier turc

Nos.

32. Wegsmann (Robert), comptable a la pharmacie britannique

64. Constandacopoulos (C.), charbon de bois.

68. Deukmedjian (Manouk), horloger

68. Abdullah (Hovhannés Efendi), ex-adjoint du gouverneur général de Scutari

d’Albanie

Ecurie

70. Caramanian (Sahak), employé

75. Maniadaki (Coralia), couturière

77. Vladinidis (Alex.), encaisseur a la Wiener bank Verein

77. Sakouliadis (Paraschos), coiffeur

80. Sphicas (D.), débit de tabacs

81. Hatchérian (N.), avocat

Hatchérian (H.), employé au crédit lyonnais

83. Plitas (D.), changeur de monnaies

83. Zanetopoulos (Alex.), employé Chez Singer

87. Anastassiadis (Th.), courtier en tapis

89. Veziri (Sophocle J.), courtier en cér.

OUROUDJILAR (rue)

251

De la rue de Syra Selvi a la rue Soumoundjou

Nos.

3. Coumakis (Michel), agent de la Cie de nav. John Mac Dowal & Barbour

4. Zaphiriadés (Démétrius), agent de change

7. Haralambidés (Etienne), empl. a la banq. imp. Ottomane

9. Contoyannis (Const.), tenancier du café au débarcadère de Scutari

11. Sgouroff (Th.), employé a la régie

15. a. Condjegulian (Ohannés), courtier

17. Hannous (Edouard), tailleur

PERVOUZ AGHA (rue)

de la rue Defterdar Yocouchou a la rue Syra Selvi

Plusieures rues latérales sans noms aboutissant aux quartiers turcs. N.B. Les numéros

de cette rue ne se suivent pas.

Hôpital Allemand

Corps de garde

Nos.

38. Ohannessian (Kircor), cordonnier

40. Izzet, confiseur

41. Maranghidis (Z. G.), courtier-marit.

49. Livadas (C.), secrétaire de l’éphore de l’école comm. le de Hakli

53. Vichinesky (Paul), tailleur

59. Aréos (Achille), employé

61. Gasparakis (Georges), cordonnier

73. Rossetto (C.), empl. chez Singer

79. Licouris (Michel), typographe

81. Bancalaro (Mme A.), sage-femme

87. Pitarides (G.), typographe

88. Abadjoglou (M.), épicier

90. Caloumenou (Varvara), couturière

91. Coumarianos (Zanni), employé

92. Horayan (K.), repasseur

94. Nicolaidis (Apost.), mécanicien

96. Vithvnos Bey (J.)

99. Chichmanian (Carlo), repasseur

99. APPARTEM. BAY.

1. Mérab (G.), poêlier

2. Parissis (Achille), de la maison M. Parissis Fils

3. Stamatiadis (Nic. B.) homme d’affaires

4. Photiades (Georges), empl. a la banq. imp. otom.

5. Photiades (Pavlaki), empl. a la régie

6. Missirlioglou (Jean), marchant

Fontaine

Mosquée

103. Yannovitch (Vve)

103. Calogheros (Const.), charbon de bois

105. Mihran Efendi, directeur propriétaire du journal Sabah

107. Spandony (E.), homme d’affaires

252

109. Luledjian (Ant.), maçon

SOANDJI (rue), 1 a 37

De la rue Pervouz Agha a la rue Djean Kir

Nos.

10/1. APPARTEM. HAMID BEY

1. Chrisson (Vve Anthi)

2. Drossos (Dim.), empl. chez Carlmann

3. Missirian (M.), marchand

4. Kalogridés (J. M.), pharmacien

5. Keussy (Silvio), profess. de piano

6. Calliades (Callias), caissier a la Deutsch Orientbank.

Odabachi: Andronicoglou (G.)

10/2. APPARTEM. STERIO CALFA

1. Iacovidis (Stavro I.I, débardeur

2. Sterio (A.), architecte

3. Pekmez (Paul A.), emp. a la dette publique ottomane

4. Cavadas (Emm.), direct. du bureau des établiss. phil. Grecs.

5. Barcoulis (S.), commissionnaire

6. Constantinides (Spyridon=, adjoint au Capou Kehaya du patriarcat

oecuménique

10/3. APPARTEM. MAVROUDIS

1. Velasti (A.), empl. a la société du chem. de fer ottomane d’Anat.

2. Baltas (Léon), de la maison Baltas Frères

3. Hadjopoulos (Georges A.), négoc.

4. Phazzis (G.), avocat

5. Mertzaris (Panayotti), changeur de monnaies

6. Mavroudis (Georges G.), couleurs et vernis

Odabachi: Gheorghiadis (An.)

10/4. APPARTEM. GEORGES APOSTOLIDES

1. Caradjidés (Georges), dédouaner

2. Enotiadis Pacha (Vve Pinelopie)

3. Phalère (Jean), emp. a la régie des tabacs.

4. Athanassiadis (Nic.), marchand

5. Parseghian (Famille)

Parseghian (Aram), empl. a la dette publique ottomane

6. Vassel (Camile), empl. a la banq. impériale ottomane

Odabachi: Pachalidis (Nic.)

10/5. APPARTEM. GEORGES APOSTOLIDES

1. Iliadis (Stefanos), empl. a la banq. de Mélelin.

2. Metassariki (Ep.), empl. aux chem. de fer orientaux

3. Cozzonis (Marius), empl. a l’office sanitaire

4. Yannovich (Et.), empl. a la banq. impériale ottomane

5. Zotos (Alex.), prêtre

6. Glavany (Auguste), employé a la dette publique ottomane

7. Haidar (Ferid Bey), employé a la banque impériale ottomane

8. Rossetto (Georges), encaisseur a l’administ. des hopit. Grecs

9. Zachariades (Laz.), chef comptable a la Cie de navig. russe

10. Crawford (Robert), agent de Cies d’assurances

253

11. Dalgalian (Antoine), tailleur

12. 12. Kouroulis (Panai), mécanicien

17. APPARTEM. PHOTIADES

1. Carvonidis (D.), employé à la Cie de navig. a vapeur Egée

2. Brandis (comte Ferdinand), secrétaire de légation de l’ambass d’Autriche

Hongrie

3. Millioris (F.), commissionnaire

4. Photiades (P.), architecte

5. Hurer (Léon), chef de l’exploit. a la Cie des eaux.

27. Glossothis (Jean D.), courtier marit.

33. Theodoridés (M.), relieur

35. Anastassiadis (A.), repart. de bicyclettes

SOMOUNDJOU (rue)

De la rue Araslar a la rue Soandji

Nos.

1.Guglielmi (Gaelano), architecte

1. Guglielmi (Ernest), architecte, attaché au bureau technique de la dette publique

ottomane

5. Anrizzoyanni (Georges), employé chez Bomonti

5. Polichroniadis (Alex.), employé a l’imprimerie française

9. Dikianos (Jean), épicier

9. Mavridis (Gligori), avocat

9. Poulissi (Jean), chang. de monnaies

9. Caloghera (Jean), chang. de monn.

Hôpital Allemand. Asile des vieillards.

12. Goudas (Vve Artin)

14. Pazoumian (Vve Artin)

16. Handjian (Mike), agent d’affaires immobile

18. APPARTEM. DIMAKIS

1. Stavrakis (Th.), coiffeur

2. Dimakis (G.), chang. de monn.

3. Chrissafidis (Jean)

4. Spiridis (C.), caissier a la société des tramways

5. Sangas (M.), professeur

6. Placotaris (J.), de la maison Placotaris et Ghikadis

22. APPART. POULISSI ET CALOGHERA

1. Anghelidis (A.), chang. de monn.

2. Nouridjian (E.), avocat

4. Pinatellis (A.), employé

5. Christodoulidis (D.), de la maison Christodoulidis Frères

6. Papacosta (Ep.), drogman-adjoint du cons.-genéral de Roumanie

7. Souvadjoglou (D.), chang. de monnaies

Odabachi: Anastassiou (Dim.)

24. Chrysostomos (Th. C.), couleurs et vernis.

30. Rizoglous (Sotiri), empl. a l’hôpital allemand

Oundjian (M.), employé

34. Varyemes (Paul), coiffeur

36. Spanoudis (Const. L.), négociant

254

SYRA SELVI (rue), 1 a 162-164

De la rue Kichla Djaddessi (Taxim), a la rue Pervouz Agha

Rues latérales:

a g. Kazandji

a dr. Roum Kabristan

Nos.

1.Ougourlian (M.), pharmacie

3. Petropoulos (Theod.), vins et mastic.

Petite porte de l’Eglise Grecque Ste Trinité

14. Kassapian (Jean), menuisier

15. Astardjian (Vve Boghos)

16. Hatsios (Ster. A.) et Eft. D. Eftimiadés, épicier

17, 19. Noradounghian (Gabriel Eff.), ministre du Commerce et des Travaux Publics

18. Christophoridis (O.), vins et mastic.

27. Collège greco-français

37. Ralli (Constantin D.), banquier

37. Ralli (Georges), empl. a la Wienner bank-verein

39. Légation Royale de Roumanie

40. APPARTEMENTS CHRYSSOVERGHI

1. Perlachis (Georges), agent de change

2. Bureaux de la Légation de Roumanie

3. Hadjopoulo (Famille Assimaki)

4. Lascaridés Frères, commerçants

5. Stavro (Famille Mihail)

6. Psathy (Tr. N.), courtier de change

7. Vacalis (G.)

8. Scanavy (C.), directeur des revenus concédés a la dette publique ottomane

9. Corassinos (Alfred), employé a la régie des tabacs

10. Spyridion (S.), de la maison M.P. Sifneo et S. Spyridion

Odabachi: Efthimion (Spiro)

43. Hübsch (Mme)

45. Pappazoglou (Anastase), beurres

47. Kritopoulos (P. N.), soieries

51. Holmsen (Colonel d’état major I.), attaché militaire de l’ambassade de Russie

53. Plessos (Jean), empl. a la régie

53. Sarafides (Jean)

53. Wieting (D.), médecin

55. Vallauri (Alex.), architecte

59. Légation de Belgique

80. Dallian (Joseph), laquage de meubles

82. Tchiboukdjoglou (Const.), orge et seigle

88. Tchanakian (Oussep), repasseur

88. Minassian (Manouk), tailleur

115. Lenguich (Henry), agent principal de la Sété d’Heraclée

117. Dilsizian (Gaspar), de la maison Dilsizian Frères

118. Eleftheriadés (V.), employé a la banque d’Athènes

119. Vallauri (Mme)

120. Humruz (Seraphim)

Humruz (G.), architecte

Humruz (M.), entrepreneur

255

122. APPARTEM. GRAVIER

1. Elefteriadi Bey (Georges), médecin

3. Dupuis (Isidore), sous-directeur de la Banque Impériale Ottomane

4. Vitalis (Leonard), directeur de l’agence de la banq. impé. ottom. a Stamboul

5. Metzdorf (C.), secrétaire de la chancellerie de l’ambassade d’Allemagne

Odabachi: Makelarides (Jean)

123. Hurmunidis (Alex.), épicier

123. bis. Polychroniadis (Alex.), vins.

124. Pantazopoulos (N. Th.), négociant

124. Vuccino (Paul)

125. Ghouliara (G.), vins.

125. Reno (Ant.), épicier

126. Mango (Démetre A.), de la maison Foscolo, Mango et Cie.

126. bis. Tchacos (G.), avocat

127. APPARTEM. GEORGIADES

1. Hasson (Albert), employé au crédit lyonnais

2. Kün (Vve)

3. Théotokas (Michel G.), avocat

4. Dimopoulou (Mele)

5. Alphandjis (Const. N.), vins.

Odabachi: Antonopoulos (St.)

129. Souvazoglou (Famille B.)

131. Sartynsky (Jean C.), rédacteur a la dette publique ottomane

131. bis. Basmadjian (Onnik), avocat

132. Seéfelder (Vve Georgette)

133. Matheou (Jean Const.), charbon et bois

134. Hadji Stavrou (A.)

136. Koumarianos (N.), médecin

137. Nias (Arthur), directeur général adjoint de la banq. impér. ottom.

139. Strempel (major), attaché militaire de l’ambass. d’Allemagne

140. Pissard (Léon), directeur général de la dette publique ottomane

142. Ananiadis (Jean), manufactures

146. Naoum (Christo), chang. de monn.

148. Strati (G.), commissionnaire

150. Lacomblez (Charles), professeur de littérature française au lycée imp. de

Galata-Sérai

154. Molochadés (G.), médecin

156. Vatelot (Georges), professeur, directeur du lycée greco-française

160. APPARTEM. CRITICOS (Tour Eiffel)

3. Alexiadis (Jean), draps

4. Asloglou (A. P.), commissionnaire

5. Criticos (J.), propriétaire

Odabachi: Sermes (Petro)

162, 164. APPARTEM. APOSTOLIDES

1, 2. Mertens (J.), cons. gén. d’Allem.

3. Apostolidés (Georges), avocat

4. Aslan (Ph.), inspecteur général a la dette publique ottomane

5. Parseghian (Aram), empl. au bureau du timbre de la dette publique

ottomane

Odabachi: Yani

256

1. Apostolidés (Simon), médecin-névrologue

2. 2. Apostolidés (Alhanase), avocat

TCHECHME YOCOUCHOU (rue)

De la rue Soumoundjou a la rue Soandji

Nos.

2. Ihsan Bey, adjoint du sous-secrétaire d’Etat du minist. des Affaires Etrangéres

3. Callias (Dem.), employé chez Baker

Callias (Georges), de la maison Callias Frères

6. Nicolaou (Georges), 2me sacristain de l’église grecque Ste.-Trinité

257

APPENDIX K

MAISONS AND APPARTEMENTS ON SIRASELVI ST., FIRUZAGA ST. AND

CIHANGIR RECORDED IN THE ANNUAIRE ORIENTAL 1909

Apostolidés, Syra Selvi St., 162

Apostolidés, Soandji St., 10/4, 10/5

Bay, Pervouz Pacha (Agha), 99

Chryssoverghi, Syra Selvi St., 40

Criticos, Syra Selvi St., 160

Dimakis, Somoundjou St., 18

Georgiadés, Syra Selvi St., 127

Gravier, Syra Selvi St., 12

Hamid Bey, Soandji St., 10/1

Jones, Araslar St., 5

Mavroudis, Soandji St., 10/3

Photiadés, Soandji St., 17

Poulissi et Calloghéra, Somoundjou St., 22

Rizzo, Araslar St., 38

Sterio Calfa, Soandji St., 10/2

Yazidji Zadé, Defterdar Yocouchou, 5

258

APPENDIX L

STREETS AND ADDRESSES IN CIHANGIR IN ANNUAIRE ORIENTAL,

ORIENTAL DIRECTORY LAIT HOLLANDIA GRANDES BRASSERIES LA

HAYE BIERE LHB, MARQUE LE LION, TEOLIN, AMIDONROYAL REMY,

CACAO VAN HOUTEN, AGENTS GENERAUX SOCIETE COMMERCIALE

NEERLANDDAISE, 1921

ARASLAR (rue), Péra

De la rue Ouroudjilar a la rue Soumoundjou.

Nos.

3. Rom (Pierre)

4. Zafiriadi (Dem.)

5. APPARTEM. JONES

1. Nazmi Bey (Vve)

2. Reisfeld (Jacques)

3. Jones (W. J.), mécan.-construct.

4. Conlant (E.), ingénieur

5. Savidas (Sava), nég.

6. Pios (Ant.), attaché a la Cie d’Assurances Union de Paris

6. Calavrias (Nic.), électricien

7. Théocharidis (Georges), architecte

9. Vassiliadés (Vve Marie)

11. Miranski (Vve)

11. Tubini (Hyacinthe), banquier

38. APPARTEM. RIZZO

Rez-de-chaussée

Eliasco (John), directeur général de la Banque d’Athènes

1. Picard (F.), ingénieur

1. Mandanakis (Périkles E.), nég.

2. Mimico (Vve)

3. Constantinidi (Jean), directeur de la Banque d’Athènes

4. Bellet (Félix), directeur du Crédit Lyonnais

DEFTERDAR YOCOUCHOU (rue), Péra

De la rue Tchoukour Bostan a la rue Pervouz Agha

Traversée a dr. et a g. par des ruelles aboutissant dans le mémé quartier

5. APPARTEM. YAZIDJI ZADE

1. Ploutsis (Spiro), employé

2. Atechoglou (Vve V)

3. Naoumis (Mme)

4. Economiadis (Nic.), tailleur

5. Vassiliadou (Vve Marina)

6. Haralambidis (H. G.), vitrier

7. Ioannidis (Pierre), employé chez Orosdi Back

259

8. Scordakis (Chissos), pelletier

10. Anastassiadis (S.), employé

12. Potamianos (Dionissios)

14. Pappadopoulos (Kyriaco), menuisier

36. APPARTEM. STOUCA

1. Devopoulos (Vve Marie)

2. Nicolaidis (Nic.), négociant

3. Ghelberis (Georges), cuisinier

5. Christodoules, chang. monn.

6. Roken (Marius), courtier

52. Ecole Populaire Italienne

55. Hôpital Italien

60. Theodoridis (Vassilios), épicier

64. Osman Agha, charbon de bois.

Fontaine

KAZANDJI (rue), Péra

De la rue Syra Selvi au Quartier turc

Ecurie

79. Ekmekdjian (Ar.), bijoutier

81. Hatchérian (H.), employé

83. Khayatt (Ant.), empl. a la dette publique ottomane

85. Suleiman Faik Bey, rentier

87. Maffioli (Gustave), employé a la dette publique ottomane

89. Veziri (Anastassia)

89. APPARTEM. LOUKIANOS

1. Stephanidis (Nic.), poêlier

2. Drossinos (Ath.), fondeur

3. Dimitrakopoulos (Emile), comm.

4. Dimitriadis (Vve Catina)

5. Loukianos (Vve Loukia)

91. Seidner (Henri), employé

OUROUDJILAR (rue), Péra

De la rue Syra Selvi a la rue Soumoundjou

3. Schmill (Elia), employé

3. Rew (Benj.), négociant

5. Pappadopoulos (Comsa), courtier

9. Contoyannis (Const.)

9. Paléologos (Dim.), court. En céréales

11. Karavaglidis (Dim.), employé chez Constantin Pappa.

11. Cheuhlaian (Mlle Flora), institutrice de langues

PERVOUZ AGHA (rue), Péra

De la rue Defterdar Yocouchou a la rue Syra Selvi

Plusieures rues latérales sans noms aboutissant aux quartiers turcs

N. B. Les numéros de cette rue ne se suivent pas Corps de garde

4. Liotsis (Pétro), boucher et légumes

5. Margaritidis (G. D.), pharmacie

260

7. Ibrahim Eff. Menuisier

9. Georgiadis (Théod.), épicier

39. Ali Cherefeddin, avocat

41. Maranghidis (Zacharia G.)

41. Antoniadis (Const.), empl. a la régie

43/1. Panayotakis (Georges), combustible

43/1. Diani (Pascal), tapissier de voitures

45. Stratigaki (Const. I.), épicerie

45. APPARTEM. TCHELIK ZADE ALI BEY

1. Rappaport (S.), commerçant

2. Kocri (F.), commiss.

3. Théodoridis (Théod.), commiss.

4. Tomitca (Sava), officier Serbe

5. Samuel (Moise), nég.

6. Tchorbadjioglou (Victor), fonctionn. d’Etat

7. Jacovidis (Christo D.), de la maison Alexis et Jacovidis

8. Scordos (Vve E.)

9. Tchelik Zadé Ali Bey, propriétaire

10. Sarris (Polivios), commiss.

12. Volgo (Jules), empl. a la Cie des Eaux

13. Capodaini (Vincent), de la R. O. T.

14. Sarris (Jean N.), ingénieur

55. Castellano (Denis), typographe

57. Efstr.tiou (Georges), vins et mastic.

61. Livadas (Pierre), professeur de grec

63. Gasparakis (Georges), cordonnier

67. Dépasta (Nic.), et Dim. Zamboulidis, combustible

71. Licouris (Michel), typographe

73. Caloudis (Jean), cordonnier

76. APPARTEM. CARAVIOTIS CONST.

1. Manoulakos (Jean), cuisinier

2. Georgandas (Athan.), bijoutier

3. Italidis (Mme V.)

4. Karayossifidis (Nic.), nég.

5. Nouri Bey, employé

6. Iliadis (Nic.), chang. de monnaies

77. Pitaridés (G.), typographe

78. APPARTEM. CRESPI

1. Keussy (Sylvio), prof. de chant et de piano

2. Artémiadés (A. J.), médecin

3. Paro.i (Emile), de l’Ambassade d’Italie

4. Tinghir (Michel)

5. Ikiadis (Dim.), ingénieur a la soc. des Routes

6. Photiadis (Photi), employé a la régie

7. Mouradyan (Const.), quincaillier

8. Djiras (C. . .), chef du dépot a Galata de la régie de tabacs

9. Ioa.nou (Athanase), professeur

10. Rousselle (Paul), sous chef du secrétariat du conseil de la Dette Publique

Ottomane

66. Nomico (Vve S.)

261

68. Voskeridakis (Ant.), forgeron

68. Melengoglous (Dim.), courtier

88. Lyanos (Const.), cordonnier

90. Helmis (Nic.), menuisier

99. APPARTEM. CONSTANT.

1. Stavrakis (Nic.), coiffeur

2. Ferrari (U.), mécanicien

3. Sgouroff (Themis.), empl. a la rég.

4. Photiadés (Georges), empl. a la Dette Publique Ottomane

6. Constant (Vve), propriétaire

Fontaine

Mosquée

93. Andréadis (Petro), épicier

96. Arostopoules (Vassil)

97. Sarris (Georges), épicier

107. Stéphanidis (K.), combustibles

109. Mihran Efendi, directeur-propriétaire du journal Sabah

113. Spandony (Ephrossini)

80. APPARTEM. GHEORGOPOULOS

1. Sinodis (Aristoklis), commiss.

2. Michailidis (Alex.), manuf.

3. Kokorongos (Jean), poêlier

4. Haralambidis (Dim.), confiseur

5. Kouzoukdjian (Simon), médecin

6. Apostolos (P.), cordonnier

SOANDJI (rue), Péra

De la rue Pervouz Agha a la rue Djean Kir

1. APPARTEM. CONSTANTINIDIS

1. Spatha.is (Auréle A.), avocat

2. Manoukian (Mme)

3. Rossolato (Mme)

4. Constantinidis (A.)

5. Tchaoussoglou (Isaac), fourn. du gouvernement

6. Constantinidis (Nic.), pharmacien

6. Constantinidis (Alex.), employé a la régie

6. Constantinidis (Jean), empl. chez Orosdi Back

5. APPARTEM. HAMID BEY

1. Chrissou (Vve Anthi)

2. Naris (Trayanos), avocat

3. Missirian (Mirza), marchand

4. Sinadinos (Georges), empl. a la Dette Publ. Ottom.

5. Martinetti ( ), empl. a la régie

6. Cocchino (Amédée), modes et nouveautés

5. APPARTEM. MARINO

1. Stathakis (E.), nég.

2. Stamounis (Aléco)

3. Psilakis (Jean), boulanger

4. Miltiadis (Georges), nég. commis.

262

5. Hadjopoulos (John), combustible

6. Kalivopoulos (Dém.), commiss.

7. APPARTEM. STEPHAN EFFENDI

1. Provini (Mme)

2. Isler (Bernard), mécanicien

3. Ioannidis (Michel), commiss.

4. Georgiadis (Mme K.)

5. Chefik Bey

6. Kamelir (Christo), nég. en huiles.

9. APPARTEM. MAVROUDIS

2. Tchelibidés (Stavro), agent-maritime

3. Salem (Max), nég. commiss.

4. Caloyenidés (Sava), nég.

11. APPARTEM. MAVRIDIS FRERES

1. Mavridis (Kyriaco), épicier

2. Mavridis (Thomas), nég.

3. Davinoff (Eugéne)

4. Mehmed Bey, ingénieur

5. Cosmas (nic.), nég.

6. Ghedayan (Joseph), directeur de la B. Russe

17. APPARTEM. PAPPADOPOULOS

1. Hanémoglou (John), empl.

2. Lascaridis (Vve H.)

3. Joblin ( )

5. Pappadopoulos (Achilles), propriét.

6. Bostandjioglou (Andréa), employé

27. Fouad Ali Bey

33. Varvas (Const.), agent de change

35. Fassoulakis (Jean), cuisinier

37. Anastassiadis (Philippe), empl. chez B. J. Mouradian Frères

37. Anastassiadis (Anastasse), électric.

SOMOUNDJOU (rue), Péra

De la rue Araslar a la rue Soandji

5. Paganellis (Michel), nég. en denrées colon.

5. Polychroniadis (Alex.), homme d’aff.

7. Stamopoulos (Sava), employé

9. Caloghera (Georges)

9. Poulissi (Jean), chang. de monnaies

9. Karagheorghis (Georges), escompt. de bons.

10. Sillas (Jean), employé chez Théodore Titonis

12. Goudas (Vve Elisabeth)

14. Pazoumian (Vve Artin)

16. Handjian (Miké), commiss.

18. APPARTEM. DIMAKIS

1. Tchalas (Mme)

2. Georgiadis (Jean), commiss.

3., 4. Chrissophidis (Jean), commiss.

6. Fitilis (Z. G.), avocat

22. APPARTEM. POULISSI (JEAN)

263

3. Potessaras (Jean)

4. Milliori (Joseph), de la B. I. O.

5. Pignatelis (Vve)

6. Saseblo (Anast.)

SYRA SELVI (rue), Péra

De la rue Kichla Djaddesi (Taxim), a la rue Pervouz Agha

Rues latérales:

-a g. Kazandji

-a. dr. Roum Kabristan

Petite porle de l’Eglise grecque Ste. Trinité

9. Pappadopoulos (D.), médecin

11. Manuelidis (S.), dentiste

13. Vahan (Vve Vahan)

15. Apostolidés (Pierre), directeur du Lycée Français

17., 19. Noradounghian (Gabriel Efendi)

31. Légation Royale de Bulgarie

33. Melhamé (Nedjib Pacha)

37. Lascaridis (Const.)

39. Légation Royale de Roumanie

40. APPARTEM. CHRYSSOVERGHI

1. Pascalidis (Mme Lucie)

2. Pappadopoulos (Thésée), médecin

3. Parlachis (Georges), agent de change

4. Coyounoglou (Géorges N.), nég.

5. Manouelidis (Stép.), dentiste

6. Psathy (Tr. N.), courtier de change

7. Kouroubacalis (G.), négociant

8. Scanavy (Vve C.)

9. Papazoglou (Gligoris), employé

10. Spyridion (S.), de la maison M. P. Sifneo et S. Spyridion

45. Papazoglou (Anast.), négociant

46. Sallandrouze De Lamornaix, vice président du conseil d’administr. de la R. O. T.

51. Eliasco (Elia), banquier

53. Schaffer (Henri), vétérinaire

53. bis. Zumbuloglou (Vve Georges)

55. Vischinewsky (Paul), tailleur

55. Zotos (X.), médecin

59. Légation de Belgique

81. Sardis (Grigoris), brasseur

83. APPARTEM. CAPSALI

1. Kanailidis (Iraclis), chauffeur

2. Spatharis (Vve Evghenia)

3. Hadjicos (D.), droguisie

4. Amiragli (Michel), employé a la Banq. Imp. Ottom.

5. Lyne (Henry E.)

7. Valioulis (Const.)

8. Constantinidis (Spiro), empl.

9. Metaxa (Luca), courtier

264

10. Barry (Vve Agnès)

11. Vassiliadis (Vve Jules)

12. Myridés (Andréa), pharmacien

13. Stavridis (G. A.), droguiste

14. Della Tolla (Vve G.)

87. Pitaridis (Georges), horloger

89. Ahmed Bey, médecin

99. APPARTEM. SOUVADJIOGLOU

1. Souvadjioglou (Marengo), propriétaire

2. Figaris (Mme Eléni)

3. Sgouroff (Mme Eléni)

4. Photiadis (Const.), employé

5. Souvadjioglou (Vve Olga)

6. Kassaboglou (Vve Marie)

100. Hôpital Allemand

103. Servanis (Dr), médecin

103. Tevfik Djenani Bey, nég.

104. Eleftheriadés (V.), directeur chez Gilchrist, Walker et Cie.

105. Nacachian (Miran), imprimeur

106. Tevfik Bey

108. APPARTEM. GRAVIER

1. Singros (Kyriaco)

2. Rossi (Mme M.)

3. Dupuis (Isidore), directeur de la Banq. Imp. Ottom.

4. Kendros (Photi), de la maison G. et Fils.

5. Djizmedjian (Mme)

110. Constandulaki (Alex.)

111. Ravel (Pierre), nég.

114. Mango (Démétre A.), de la maison Foscolo, Mango et Cie.

116. Braggiotti (Michel), avocat

117. Barbaritch (Vve Marie)

119. APPARTEM. HERACLEE

1. Perdikis (Mme)

2. Ioannidis (Vve)

3. Athanassiadis (Mme)

4. Théodossiadis (V. P.), gérant de la maison J. Arvanitidis Fils.

5. Tchaoussoglou (Issak), négoc.

6. Kaloyannidés (Michel D.), bijout.

119. Alexiadis (S.), dentiste

122. Hadjea (Stavro), de la maison P. Hadjea Frères

124. Foscolo (Nic.), négociant

124. bis. Pantazopoulos (N. Th.), négoc.

127. APPARTEM. ALEXIADIS

1. Olagian (Mlle Olga)

2. Alexiadis (Vve Photini)

4. Stavro (Victor), ingénieur

128. Seraphimidis (Vassil), nég. en papier a cigare

129. Gounaris (Socrate), négociant

130. APPARTEM. KEHAYOGLOU

1. Antipas (Dr), médecin

265

2. Foscolo (Georges), négociant

3., 4. Salem (Emm.), avocat

5. Menahem (Mme)

6. Francés (Robert), ingénieur

7. Tomaidis (Christo), avocat

8. Yumuchian (Mme)

9. Tripos (Georges), négociant

10. Kehayoglou (Jean), négociant

11. Choublier (Max), directeur de la Société des Routes

12. Cruppi (Marcel), chef des services admin. a la Société des Routes

13. Behar (Robert), banquier

14. Duz (Hrant Bey), fonct. du Gouv.

131. APPARTEM. STAMBOULIAN

1. Stamboulian (Léon), propriétaire

2. Fernandez (Mme)

3. Théocharidés (Mlles)

6. Stephopoulos (Vve)

132. Naoum (Christo), chang. de monn.

132. bis. Croix Rouge Américaine

133. APPARTEM. IOAKIMOPOULOS

1. Rassam (Elias), avocat

2. Matalon (Albert), chef du service de la comptabilité a la Société des Routes

3. Ananiadis (D.), dentiste

4. Botten (Isaac de), directeur de l’agence de Stamboul du Wiener Bank

Verein

5. Gerard (Const. A.), imprimeur

6. Ioakimopoulos (Stavro), propriét.

134. Démétriadis (L.G.), médecin

136. Mastracas (André), commissionnaire

136. Galitsis (L.), médecin

137. Fuger

139. Levi (Marco), banquier

140. Behdjet Bey (Famille)

142. Ananiadis (Gligoris)

160. APPARTEM. CRITICOS (Tour Eiffel)

1. Courtezakis (Nic.), négociant

2. Antoniadis (Const. A.), agent de Compagnies d’Assurances

3. Christidis (A.), commissionnaire

4. Asloglou (A.P.), commissionnaire

5. Critico (Jean), denrées coloniales

154. Sourlas (Dr), médecin

162, 164. APPARTEM. APOSTOLIDES

1. Théotocas (Michel), avocat

2. Siméonoglou (Mme)

3. Kalemenis (B.), médecin

3. Apostolidés (Georges), avocat

4. Aslan (Ph.), directeur de la Dette Publique Ottomane

TCHECHME YOCOUCHOU (rue), Péra

De la rue Somoundjou a la rue Soandji

266

2. Prelorenzo (François), menuisier

3. Tevfik Bey

4. Koumarianos (Djani), employé chez Const. Tripo.

4. Pappayoanou (Christo), fonctionnaire au Patriarchat grec.

8. Vaphiadis (Arist.), fondé de pouvoirs chez Mercurios

9. Pavlidis (Const.), architecte

11. Yancovitch (Yovan)

267

APPENDIX M

PHOTOGRAPHS AND MAPS OF CIHANGIR

Fig. 1 Cihangir from the Bosphorus, 1880

268

Fig. 2 Panorama of Cihangir from the Bosphorus, 1900

Fig. 3 Cihangir from the sea, 1900

269

Fig. 4 Cihangir Mosque from the sea, 1900

Fig. 5 View from Defterdar Yokuşu, 1966

270

Fig. 6 An old wooden house in İlyas Çelebi Street, 1994

Fig. 7 An old abandoned house in Cihangir, 1994

271

Fig. 8 A decaying house in Cihangir

Fig. 9 A postmodern house next to an old house in Güneşli Street, 1990

272

Fig. 10 Tavukuçmaz, 1937

Fig. 11 Güneşli Street and Cihangir Park, 1989

273

Fig. 12 A decaying apartment building in Cihangir, photograph taken by the

author, 2006

Fig 13. A gentrified street in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006

274

Fig. 14 A renovated apartment building in Cihangir, photograph taken by the

author, 2006

Fig 15. A renovated house for sale, photograph taken by the author, 2006

275

Fig. 16 A renovated house in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006

Fig. 17 An apartment building under renovation, photograph taken by the author,

2006

276

Fig. 18 An old apartment building, photograph taken by the author, 2006

Fig. 19 Apartment buildings in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006

277

Fig. 20 House formerly belonging to a Polish Ottoman pahsa, photograph taken

by the author, 2006

Fig. 21 Apartment buildings, photograph taken by the author, 2006

278

Fig. 22 Renovated apartment buildings, photograph taken by the author, 2006

Fig. 23 Akarsu Street, photograph taken by the author, 2006

279

Fig. 24 Houses in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006

Fig. 25 Apartment building in Akarsu Street, photograph taken by the author,

2006

280

Fig. 26 Firuzan Apartment in Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006

Fig. 27 View from Cihangir, photograph taken by the author, 2006

281

Fig. 28 Pervititch Map, Djihanghir, Foundoukli, 1926

282

Fig. 29 Pervititch Map, Pervouz-Agha, Sali Bazar, 1926

283

Fig. 30 Pervititch Map, Péra, Syra-Selvi, 1927

284

Fig. 31 Sıraselviler and Cihangir, Istanbul City Guide, 1934

285

Fig. 32 Map of present day Cihangir

286

APPENDIX N

Fig. 33 Residence certificate of a Rum inhabitant in Cihangir, the 1970s

287

Fig. 34 The 1964 decree annulling the 1930 Greco-Turkish Convention, the Republic

of Turkey, Official Gazette, 17 March 1964

288

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Ayşe M., pet-shop owner in Cihangir, interview by author, note taking, Istanbul,

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Aysel Y., a Cihangirli, interview by author, note taking, Istanbul, Turkey, March

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Burçak Ü., café manager in Cihangir, interview by author, note taking, Istanbul,

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Deanne D., an expatriate in Cihangir, interview by author, note taking, Istanbul,

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Emrah A., boutique manager in Cihangir, interview by author, note taking, Istanbul,

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Erol İ., coiffeur in Cihangir, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey,

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Feridun D., owner of a historic candy shop in Pera and a Cihangirli, interview by

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Melahat Ü., a Cihangirli, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey,

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Mehmet A., shop owner in Cihangir, interview by author, note taking, Istanbul,

Turkey, February 2006.

Mehmet Ali O., coffeehouse owner in Cihangir, interview by author, note taking,

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Süheyla P., a Cihangirli, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey, June

2006.

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Turkey, February 2006.

Şakir P., real estate agent in Cihangir, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul,

Turkey, June 2006.

Yannis Y., a Cihangirli, interview by author, tape recording, Istanbul, Turkey,

February 2006.

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