Population of Bundlekhand

Current Population Bundelkhand has a (Census 2001) population of around 15. 5 million.

The total population of UP Bundelkhand districts was around 8.2 million and the population of MP Bundelkhand districts was around 7.3 million, according to Census 2001 data.

The largest population was found in Sagar district (20.2 lakhs) and lowest population was found in Datia district (6.2 lakhs).

The table below shows three key characteristics of Bundelkhand's demographics:

By India standards, the region is marked by low population density. By Census 2001 figures, the population density of UP Bundelkhand as a whole works out to 280 persons per sq km - less than a third of the state average.

Related to low population density is low level of urbanisation. In all districts of Bundelkhand, except Jhansi and Sagar, over three-fourths the population was living in rural areas, according to Census 2001; in Chitrakoot district, less than 10% of the population resided in urban areas.

There is a clear variation in intra-regional distribution of population. There is higher population density in the Bundelkhand Plain areas (particularly in Jalaun and Banda), and Bundelkhand Intermediate region areas (particularly in Jhansi and Tikamgarh), and lower population density in Bundelkhand Upland (particularly in Panna and Chhatarpur) and the southern Damoh and Sagar plateaus.

However, in recent decades Bundelkhand has witnessed high population growth, as can be seen from population growth trends.

Basic demographic data (Census 2001) of Bundelkhand districts

District Population Persons per sq km

Rural Pop (%)

Jhansi 17,44,931 347 59.2

Lalitpur 9,77,734 192 85.5

Jalaun 14,54,452 319 76.6

Hamirpur 10,43,724 232 83.3

Mahoba 7,08,447 263 78.1

Banda 15,37,334 337 84.1

Chitrakoot 7,66,225 250 90

Total UP districts 82,32,847    

Datia 6,28,240 224 78.1

Chhatarpur 14,74,723 171 78

Tikamgarh 12,02,998 238 82.3

Panna 8,56,558 122 87.4

Damoh 10,83,949 148 81.1

Sagar 20,21,987 197 70.8

Total MP districts 72,68,455    

Total UP + MP districts 15,50,1302    

UP state average   690 79.2

MP state average   196 73.5

India average   325 72.2

The table shows three key characteristics of Bundelkhand's demographics:

By India standards, the region is marked by low population density. By Census 2001 figures, the population density of UP Bundelkhand as a whole works out to 280 persons per sq km - less than a third of the state average.

Related to low population density is low level of urbanisation. In all districts of Bundelkhand, except Jhansi and Sagar, over three-fourths the population was living in rural areas, according to Census 2001; in Chitrakoot district, less than 10% of the population resided in urban areas.

There is a clear variation in intra-regional distribution of population. There is higher population density in the Bundelkhand Plain areas (Jalaun, Hamirpur, Banda), and Bundelkhand Intermediate region areas (Jhansi, Tikamgarh), and lower population density in Bundelkhand Upland (Panna) and the southern Damoh and Sagar plateaus.

However, in recent decades Bundelkhand has witnessed high population growth, as can be seen from population growth trends.

Religious Groups in Bundelkhand

Bundelkhand's population is overwhelmingly Hindu. The percentage of Hindu population in UP Bundelkhand is much higher than the percentage in UP as a whole. It is also higher than the MP average in MP Bundelkhand, and including both parts of Bundelkhand, the percentage of Hindu population is much higher than the India average as well (see table).

Coexisting with mainstream Hinduism are various streams of folk religion that continue to exert powerful influence in rural areas (read about cults and local deities). Notable also is worship at sati shrines.

Bundelkhand’s main religious groups (Census 2001)

District Main religious groups (% of total pop)

UP districts  

Jhansi Hindus (91.3), Muslims (7.4)

Lalitpur Hindus (94.8), Muslims (2.5), Jains (2)

Jalaun Hindus (89.3), Muslims (10)

Hamirpur Hindus (91.9), Muslims (8)

Mahoba Hindus (93), Muslims (6.7)

Banda Hindus (91.5), Muslims (8.2)

Chitrakoot Hindus (96.2), Muslims (3.5)

MP districts  

Datia Hindus (94.5), Muslims (3.7), Buddhists (1.5)

Chhatarpur Hindus (95.2), Muslims (3.9)

Tikamgarh Hindus (95.6), Muslims (3), Jains (1.2)

Panna Hindus (95.8), Muslims (3.5), Jains (1)

Damoh Hindus (93.7), Muslims (3.8), Jains (2.2)

Sagar Hindus (92.4), Muslims (4.1), Jains (3)

UP state average Hindus (80.6), Muslims (18.5)

MP state average Hindus (91.2), Muslims (6.4)

India average Hindus (80.5), Muslims (13.4), Christians (2.3), Sikhs (1.9)

Percentages derived from Census figures. Only religious groups constituting over 1% of population mentioned.

Languages and Dialects of Bundelkhand Bundeli, also called Bundelkhandi, is the main language of Bundelkhand. However, there is much local variation.

In Banda and Chitrakoot districts, though the main language is called Bundeli, it is actually a `Bagheli variety of eastern Hindi influenced by Bundeli’, noted the Banda district gazetteer[ p 70].

The gazetteer of Jhansi district noted that `from tehsil to tehsil’, there are changes in the way Bundeli is spoken, in the form of the verb, the forms of adverbs and of some nouns and pronouns [p 81].

Local dialects and sub-dialects are known as Tirhani (Tirhari), Gahora, Jurar, Aghari, etc. In the western portion of Hamirpur district, a peculiar speech form known as Lodhiyon ki boli is used.

There are several such variations, which make conversation between local people of different districts quite difficult.

Hindi is the lingua franca in urbanised areas, and among educated people. All local and regional newspapers are in Hindi.

Urdu is spoken by around 5% of the population in Banda, Jalaun and Hamirpur districts.

References Uttar Pradesh District Gazetteers: Banda. Lucknow, Govt of UP: 1977 Uttar Pradesh District Gazetteers: Jhansi. Lucknow, Govt of UP: 1965

Castes in BundelkhandAs in most other parts of India, society in Bundelkhand is stratified by caste. A significant feature of the region is high percentage of population belonging to scheduled castes (SCs).

Brahmins, who traditionally enjoyed highest ritual status, are subdivided in Bundelkhand  mainly as Jajhotias and Kanyakubjas (Kanujias). Both groups are claimed to have come from the ancient city of Kannauj, located along the Ganga in Kanpur division.

'Jajhotia', or Jujhotia, is probably derived from an ancient name for Bundelkhand (see Chandela period).

Traditionally ranked below the Brahmins are groups that claim Rajput and Kshatriya lineage. Also known as Thakurs, their main subdivisions in Bundelkhand include Dikhit,

Bais, Bundela, Panwar, Chauhan and Dhundera. Historically Dhunderas and Panwars were linked to Bundelas by marriage ties.

Descended from ruling clans or their allies, Rajputs, or Thakurs, were the biggest landlords of Bundelkhand. According to an 1889 assessment reported in the Jhansi district gazetteer [p 82], they owned around 40% of the land. In 1947, the figure had come down only marginally to 36%; in the same year, Brahmins owned close to 20% of the land in the district.

Vaishyas, who traditionally formed the third-ranking caste group, are subdivided in Bundelkhand as Agarwals, Gahois, Parwars, Agraharis, and other groups.

Traditionally these groups did not own much land; their principal occupations were trading and moneylending. With increased agriculture distress, many moneylenders became large landlords.

Kayasths, traditionally scribes, were also in a good position to acquire land, as they were the first social group to understand the intricacies of the land ownership regime brought into force by the British. Of the 12 traditional subdivisions of Kayasths, Srivastavas form the majority.

All these caste groups, come under the 'general' category of castes and constitute around 10-15% of the rural population of Bundelkhand.

Traditionally ranked below the general category are a large number of groups, often named after their traditional occupation, which come under the other backward class (OBC) category.

Across Bundelkhand, as in most parts of India, OBCs form the largest proportion of the population.

Distribution of social groups among rural households (2002)

District Total rural households % ST %

SC% OBC

% Other

Mahoba 129304 Neg 28 54 18

Banda 251748 Neg 20 62 17

Chitrakoot 140619 Neg 30 48 21

Datia 101954 2 30 55 13

Chhatarpur 239272 5 28 51 15

Tikamgarh 202947 6 27 59 9

Panna 173469 18 22 42 18

Damoh 218272 14 21 54 10

Sagar 418242 13 21 55 11

Source: 2002 BPL Survey data. Data for other UP Bundelkhand districts incomplete/not available. Percentages derived from absolute figures and rounded off to nearest integer (hence do not total to 100 in all rows). 'Other' includes general category castes and religious minorities. Neg= <1%.

Among major OBC groups in Bundelkhand are Ahirs (Yadavs), traditionally cattle-breeders and milkmen; Gadariyas, who traditionally reared sheep; Koris (weavers), Kurmis (cultivators), Kachis (vegetable cultivators); Lodhis, who were traditionally landowners and cultivators aligned to ruling families; Arakhs, a martial tribe known for its hunting prowess, Telis (oil-pressers), Sonars (goldsmiths), Nais (barbers), Darjis (tailors), Dhobis (washermen) and Kumhars, or potters.

Many OBC households were beneficiaries of post-Independence land reforms and have emerged as a dominant economic and political force.

As in the rest of the country, OBC and SC categorisation varies across MP and UP, and across districts. Dhobis are SCs in UP, but not so in MP, except in three districts. Kumhars are SCs in Chhatarpur, Datia, Panna and Tikamgarh, but not in the rest of Bundelkhand.

Though determined by traditional taboos and prescriptions, the social ranking of caste groups is subject to much change, according to economic and political circumstances.

The case of the Lodhis of Bundelkhand is a good example. In the 19th century they were placed by the British 'lowest among the agricultural castes' in northern India.  In south Bundelkhand, their ranking rose dramatically, following migration to the region and alliance with ruling clans.

However, SCs, scheduled tribes (STs) and other highly marginalised groups considered 'criminals' during British rule continue to be at the bottom of the social and economic ladder.

Scheduled Tribe Groups in BundelkhandCompared to the India average, Bundelkhand has a low percentage of ST population.

In UP as a whole, ST groups constitute only 0.1% of the population, and the situation is no different in UP Bundelkhand districts.

District-wise largest ST groups

District ST Pop (% of total) Largest ST groups

Jhansi 0.06  

Lalitpur Neg Sahariya*

Jalaun Neg  

Hamirpur Neg  

Mahoba Neg  

Banda Neg  

Chitrakoot Neg  

Datia 1.6 Sahariya

Chhatarpur 3.5 Khairwar, Saur, Gond

Tikamgarh 4.3 Saur, Saonr (Savare), Gond

Panna 15.4 Gond, Bharia Bhumia, Khairwar

Damoh 12.6 Gond, Saur, Bhil

Sagar 9.7 Gond, Saur, Kol

UP state average 0.1  

MP state average 20.3  

India average 8.2  

Source : District-wise Basic Data Sheets of Census 2001. Only groups with population above 1000 listed. Neg= negligible

*Sahariyas of Lalitpur were designated an ST group in 2003

However, it must be pointed out that the Sahariyas of Lalitpur district were designated SCs till 2003, when they were granted ST status, but Kols, who numbered around 40,000 in Chitrakoot district according to Census 2001, continue to be considered SCs in UP, though they are STs in MP.  This anomalous situation is the result of lacunae in the process of 'scheduling' tribes.

In MP Bundelkhand, ST groups formed a significant proportion of the population in all districts, but even in the hilly and forested Panna district, their proportion was less than the state average.

According to Census 2001 figures, Gonds constituted the largest ST group in the region, with a population of over 300,000 across MP Bundelkhand districts; in MP as a whole they were the second largest ST group, after Bhils.

Other sizable ST groups in MP Bundelkhand were Kols, Sahariyas, Saurs, Khairwars and Bharia Bhumias. Of these, the last three did not rank among the major ST groups of MP as a whole.

ST groups have undergone progressive assimilation with mainstream culture and economy over the centuries.

Ancestors of some Gonds were one of the major ruling clans of central India for several centuries and even after the kingdoms perished, they continued to claim Kshatriya status. Consequently, a `caste system’ emerged, with groups called Raj Gonds and Khatolias claiming aristocratic status, above other Gond groups.

Census 2001 reported that over 95% of MP’s ST population were `Hindus’; in Bundelkhand, the proportion would be close to 100%.

However, most ST groups continue to revere their traditional deities. Deities of the Gonds include Thakur Dev, Dula Dev, Narayan Dev, Ghamsen Dev, Nageshwar Dev and Khunta Dev.

ST groups also largely follow their own customs with regard to marriage, child-rearing, death ceremonies, etc.

Among many ST groups like the Kols of Patha, the practice of demanding dowry from parents of the bride is relatively new and had not become the norm.

All ST groups of Bundelkhand have taken to settled agriculture. However, over the years, they have lost much of their land to powerful outsiders, due to debt (or related alcoholism), or their land is of very poor quality, unfit for cultivation.

Without access to good land, suffering low educational attainment and far from development processes, ST households are generally at the bottom of the social and economic ladder. Read a related story about Sahariyas in the ABSSS website.

Folk Culture Forms of BundelkhandSeveral local religious cults exist in Bundelkhand independent of mainstream Hindu religious tradition (see Cults and Local Deities).

Many folk arts have evolved around regional festivals, such as 'Navami' drawings and designs made on the occasion of Kajri Navami in the monsoons.

The drawings are made with a solution of pounded rice on floor cleaned with cattle dung, in a dark room of the house in which women place cups made of leaves containing mud from a particular field. Seedlines of wheat or barley are grown in the cups and worshipped for 15 days. Only then are sowing operations commenced.

Over the centuries, a rich and diverse tradition of song and dance emerged across the region.

Specific forms are related to seasons or life events: Hori or Phag is sung in the spring and is appropriately romantic and sensual Kajri is sung in the monsoons

Sohar is sung on the occasion of the birth of a child

Rai dance is performed by women dancers as well as men during Dashera

Diwari dances are performed during Diwali by acrobatic male groups holding long poles and dressed in very colourful and unusual attire.

Some forms are specific to certain occupational caste groups, and sung during work, such as when drawing water from a well, or when grinding flour by hand.   

Many forms of folk song and dance in Bundelkhand appear to have evolved as a response to harsh social and economic circumstances, and most folk artistes are from scheduled caste groups.

Among the well known forms are: Achri, a folk song form performed in honour of mother goddesses especially

during Navratri Alha songs celebrating the heroic exploits of mythologised historical figures Alha

and Udal, who fought on the side of the Chandelas in the war against Prithiviraj Chauhan

Lamtera songs sung in honour of Ganesh and Shakti

Pahunai song and dance performed to welcome guests

Got (pronounced 'goat'), a song form with a strange rhythm sung through the night to seek good health for all cattle in the village

Kacchiyahi, song and dance performed by women and men of the backward Kacchi caste

Kahri songs sung to welcome the rains

Khayal, a competitive form of singing performed by two groups of singers

Tambura Bhajans, which are songs usually sung to Kabir's lyrics, celebrating a nirguni (formless) godhead, and 

Kolhai song and dance peculiar to the Kol tribals of the Patha region.

Accompanying instruments include percussion instruments like the dholak, nagadiya and pakhawaj; string instruments like the one-string tambura; wind instruments like the flute and shennai; and several rare instruments like the algoja, a double flute.

With the exception of Alha and Phag, the forms seemed to have come down the ages unchanged.

The Alha repertoire of lyrics has been continuously enriched by different authors at different times.

Phag was enriched in the early twentieth century by a folk poet Isuri (born 1881, in Mauranipur, Jhansi) who is credited to have composed over a thousand love songs.

Some attempts have been made to compose and popularise new folk songs with messages on issues such as literacy, assertion of rights and empowerment of women.

Valorised and Real Status of Women in BundelkhandBundelkhand's history has many valiant women figures. Historical incidents of sati are also celebrated in folklore and popular history as examples of women 'daring' to take extreme steps 'to save their honour' (read about sati shrines).

However such reverence bears no relation to the actual status of women.

As in most other rural parts of the country, women in Bundelkhand's villages toil from dawn to dusk - cooking, working in fields, grazing cattle, collecting dung, collecting water, collecting firewood, doing manual labour at construction sites - and their contribution is not realised.

A study by Suman Manju of the Indian Grassland and Fodder Research Institute, Jhansi, found that on average farm women in Bundelkhand worked for 8.75 hours a day, whereas men worked for only 4.72 hours [Manju].

When they work for wages, women get lower daily wages. This is an unchallenged norm; in the entire Bundelkhand region, there is no strong and extensive women's rights movements, although many small, localised efforts exist.

(Notable amongst women-led initiatives is Khabar Lahariya - Bundeli for 'News Waves' - a fortnightly rural newspaper written, edited, illustrated, produced and marketed by a group of women in Chitrakoot and Banda districts).

Domestic violence is common in Bundelkhand and largely uncontested. Among the forms of violence practised are literal demonstrations of the phrase naak katwana - the woman's nose is chopped off.

Women from SC groups are also vulnerable to sexual assault exercised by upper caste men.

A 2004 nine-state study of violence against women, supported by Oxfam (India) Trust, reported this narration of an SC woman from Chhatarpur district [Kriti, p 27]:

I work as an agricultural labourer. My husband does not work at all…My two elder sons and two daughters are married but I still have three young children to think about. I also rear chicks to supplement my income. Last year Raghavendra [name changed] came to my house at 7 pm and demanded that I sell chicken to him. He is a thakur by caste and lives in the village. I told him that I have already promised the chicken to someone else and even taken the money in advance from that person. He did not pay any attention to me and took the chicken, without paying for it. He then came to my house again the same night at 2 am with two other men. I was sleeping with my husband and children. He shouted at me and said that the chicks have flown back to my house. I said how could that happen when you have already eaten it. He got angry and started beating my husband. The other men with him were armed. They were carrying axes. They then tied up my husband and dragged me away from home towards the field. On the way they tore off my clothes. I did not have any clothes on me. Two men pulled me from each side and they kicked and punched me when I resisted. I was crying and shouting for help. But no one came out to help me. As they were dragging me, Raghavendra saw another woman who had come out to defecate. He tried to take her also, but her husband was standing nearby. He called out for help so Raghavendra and others left the woman and hurried away from them taking me with them. They took me near a tree at the outskirts of the village. They kept me there for the entire night and the next day. I had scratches and marks all over my body…I was bleeding profusely…I begged them to let me go. Finally my husband came looking for me with two policemen. When they saw the policemen with my husband, Raghavendra and his men fled…This man had raped three-four women before he raped me. The women were all from the dalit community…Some years back he had used bottles and sticks to rape a woman…This man is an animal. Once he gets drunk he loses all sense…There are only three or four thakur families in this village. All other families belong to scheduled castes or other backward castes but no one does anything about this man. No one protests because they are all scared of him.

There is no data on how many such cases take place in Bundelkhand - and we have no way of knowing how many such cases go unreported - but some indication can be got from state-wise figures.

According to a January 2008 report by Shuriah Niazi of the Womens News Network, in 1,300 days - from Dec 7, 2003 to June 30, 2007 - 1,217 gang rapes were reported in Madhya Pradesh as per State Assembly records.

Of these, 362 victims were from  SC groups, 310 were from ST groups, 381 were from the other backward classes and 169 were from the general category. In 726 cases, the victims were minors.

Efforts to raise women's status in Bundelkhand are stymied by:

low levels of female literacy poor health condition of women

force of tradition and feudal values

lack of economic opportunities for women

A largely unrecognised issue is the large number of poor young widows struggling to survive in the region.

Feudal Culture in BundelkhandFrom the time of the Chandelas, Bundelkhand's ruling clans claimed high Rajput status and behaved accordingly. A feudal culture emerged, which remains quite strong, especially in some MP Bundelkhand districts like Tikamgarh. The chief features of the feudal culture include:

a high sense of honour open display of guns

'rule' of 'dadus', which often leads to land-related violence

fiefdoms where the state apparatus is inconsequential

Sense of honourTraditionally, much value is put on honour in Bundelkhand. Honour is understood in the region as 'pat' (rhymes with 'cut' in English). Historically, the most noble deeds were those that secured the 'pat' of 'swami' (religious leader), clan and the state. A line from a popular folk song implored the mother goddess, Mori maya pat rakhiyon bare jan ki ((Dear Mother, uphold the honour of all people).

The sense of honour has been extolled in folk songs and tales, celebrated in historical novels and approvingly mentioned in many academic and semi-academic discussions on Bundelkhand culture.

What is not often mentioned is that the sense of honour was extremist. It encouraged violence and limited choice. Women of higher castes were compelled to kill themselves 'voluntarily' after their husbands lost in battle.

For rulers, 'pat' was more important than creating stable, prosperous kingdoms. The exaggerated sense of honour fuelled relentless internecine warfare in Bundelkhand, and was a major cause of political instability in the region till the British took over.

The exaggerated sense of honour and attendant sense of self pride persisted among members of erstwhile ruling clans even after they were completely overpowered and deposed by the British.

A remarkable description of Bundela pride is provided in the section on Bundelas in a voluminous colonial era publication, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. The authors noted that the Bundelas were 'proud and penurious to the last degree, and quick to resent the smallest slight' [Russel, pp 439-440]. They made good shikaris but 'were so impatient of discipline that they have never found a vocation by enlisting in the Indian Army.' Their characteristics were described in a doggerel verse:

The Bundelas salute each other from miles apart, their pagris are cocked on the side of the head till they touch the shoulders.A Bundela would dive into a well for the sake of a cowrie, but would fight with the Sardars of Government.

Even after losing all power and privileges, the Bundelas were highly conscious of their claimed upper caste status. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India reported that any low-caste person who passed by a Bundela house had to salute them with the words, 'Diwan ji ko Ram Ram'. No bania could go past their house riding on a pony or holding up an umbrella. Women had to take their footwear off to pass by.

Claimed social status was not diminished by changed economic status. The authors related an incident involving a Bundela, 'very poor and wearing rags', who was brought before a British magistrate on charges of assaulting a tahsil process-server and threatening him with his sword. Asked by the magistrate whether he had indeed done so, the Bundela replied, 'Certainly not. The sword is for gentlemen like you and me of equal position.' If he had wished to beat the tahsil official, the Bundela added, he would have used his shoe.

(Another story told by the authors is of a Bundela who went up to the table of an overbearing tahsildar and said, 'Will the sarkar step aside with me for a moment, as I have something private to say.' The tahsildar got up and walked aside with him, on which the

Bundela said, 'That is sufficient, I only wished to tell you that you should rise to receive me.')

Open display of gunsA key mode of assertion of higher kshatriya status is display of one's weapon; in earlier times, it would have been a sword; later it was the gun. Bundelkhand is the only part of India where until recently, people not belonging to armed forces or militant groups were seen openly and proudly carrying guns.

Guns and gunmen are hot status symbols across UP's political class, but in Bundelkhand, even ordinary peasants, riding cycles or travelling in crowded public buses, could be seen with double-barrel guns, with a belt of cartridges slung over the shoulder.

However, in recent years, open display of guns has become noticeably less except during festivities, when expensive cartridges are indiscriminately fired in air. However, guns continue to be used to assert power, or grab wealth.

'Rule' of 'dadus'Across Bundelkhand's villages, and in its local newspapers, one routinely comes across people being harassed or terrorised by 'dadus' - equivalent of 'dabang', a common North India word for one who exercises power through use of force.

In Bundelkhand, the dadu is usually a member of a family that had enjoyed feudal privileges in the past, and has not accepted the realities of democratic politics and society.

Dadus continue to lord over many villages, maintaining control over key resources like land and water bodies, panchayat affairs, and expenditure of public money. There can be more than one dadu in a village, and they usually work together, with areas of control implicitly demarcated.

While returns from agriculture are uncertain and generally not very attractive in Bundelkhand, dadus have found other methods of making money. Many are contractors for government projects, where they indulge in filching of material or under-payment of labour. They can get away with this because they are politically aligned; they play an important role in bringing or preventing people in large numbers from voting. Many dadus try to maintain a 'good' image by sponsoring religious feasts and other such events.

When a dadu is opposed, he reacts with violence. But he rarely beats up people himself. He has many men to do this job. The dadu's men swear by him, and if required, are ready to spend a few years in jail. The dadu can be from any caste, but is usually from a middle or upper caste; his chelas (followers) could include men from scheduled caste (SC) groups. Many dadus have personal security men carrying guns.

Often, the provocation for dadu violence appears petty. But invariably it involves suppression of assertive people from SC groups or forcible possession of land.

In a typical 'dadu' incident which occurred in August 2004, in Dhaurisagar village of Lalitpur district, the son of a woman called Sarjubai drove out some cattle belonging to a village dadu that was grazing in their fields. Some days later, when Sarjubai and her son were travelling in a bus, the dadu's men got into the bus and trashed them. 'No one tried to stop them,' Sarjubai recalled. 'I was so badly beaten in the chest that I could not speak.' Driving away cattle seems too petty a reason for such violence.

The incident becomes clear when one learns that Sarjubai was an SC woman, a vocal member of the village panchayat, and when she was beaten up, she was returning from a training programme organised by Bundelkhand Sewa Samiti (BSS), an NGO partner of ABSSS.

In a majority of instances of violence related to dadus, the root issue is land (see Land-related Violence).

FiefdomsIn some parts of Bundelkhand, especially in Tikamgarh district, erstwhile feudal clans virtually run fiefdoms. PV Rajagopal ('Rajaji'), founder of Ekta Parishad, described them as follows in a diary he maintained during a padyatra through MP in 1999-2000 [Rajgopal, pp 11-12]:

A friend drew up a list of 14 families in Tikamgarh district who the run the parallel government there. They have carved out their own spheres of influence, and those inhabiting their fiefs are bound to obey them. I was told of block and district elections where candidates were elected unopposed. No candidate opposes the nominee of a given household within that fief. This household holds all the resources therein - contract for fish, control over ponds and other common property resources and control over good land.

'The presence of the government is felt but rarely', Rajaji noted. 'Where such presence is felt, it seems more of some local state than a government ruled from Bhopal. All resources are concentrated in the hands of those who direct the bureaucracies and run the state.'

The fiefdoms were not restricted to rural areas. In Kharagpur, a small town in Tikamgarh district, Rajaji found that the hold of a feudal household had made the state apparatus 'inconsequential'.

Within Kharagpur city, around 29 acres of land have been distributed not on the orders of the tehsil office, but by the writ of the feudal household; all decisions on pricing, renting and leasing are taken by the [feudal] household rather than the tehsildar. The government

that pulls down jhuggis [slums] of the poor and evicts tribal people from the forest is unable to confront the feudal setup.

The struggle for justice and rights in the Bundelkhand region, he concluded, was 'not only against those functionaries of the state who have abdicated their duty, but also against the feudal families that have under patronage of the government exploited the hapless citizenry.' It was difficult to hope for help from political parties in this struggle, he added. Both ruling and opposition parties are connected to the feudal overlords.

The fiefdoms are also found in remote areas, such as the Rawatpura region of Mahoba district, which juts into MP, and falls into something like a no-man's land sandwiched between two states.

Arunoday Sansthan, an NGO associated ABSSS, tried to enter this region in 2005 after a violent incident involving an SC youth. About 30 landless SC families had been allotted surplus land by the UP government. However, the land was cultivated by gun-wielding upper-caste landlords. The SC families were forced to work as labourers on their own land.

In February 2005, an SC youth who protested against the cutting of mahua trees on land allotted to his family was severely beaten up and had to be hospitalised. When a field worker of Arunoday Sansthan went to the village to enquire about the incident, he was shown the gun and told to keep away. Abhishesh Mishra, head of Arunoday Sansthan, said this was not an exceptional case in the Rawatpura region. 'There are many villages in this area we cannot enter.'

Continued presence of fiefdoms is one reason for continued prevalence of bonded labour in Bundelkhand.

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