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A 19th Century Urban Port Town Merchant’s Residence in Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas, Danish West Indies

Christian Williamson and Douglas Armstrong

Syracuse University

Abstract: The study of the Magens house in the Kongens Quarter of Charlotte Amalie, formerly Danish West Indies, provides a venue for the exploration of the examination of the emergence of an urban port town in the nineteenth century. This paper focuses on the multi-scalar nature of social interaction reflected in a site that emerged as a result of Charlotte Amalie’s rise to prominence as a transshipment entrepot in the Caribbean. While the site has yielded considerable data on the spectrum of social interaction between merchant landowners, enslaved laborers, servants, and mid-level managers and renters on the property, this paper will focus on the social history of the landowners as reflected by the material and historical records. Résumé: L'étude de la maison de Magens dans le Quart Kongens de Charlotte Amalie, les Antilles autrefois danoises, fournit un lieu à l'exploration de l'examen de l'apparition d'une ville de port urbaine au dix-neuvième siècle. Ce papier se concentre sur la nature multiscalaire d'action réciproque sociale reflétée dans un site qui a émergé à la suite de Charlotte Amalie se montrent à la hauteur de la proéminence comme un entrepôt de transbordement dans les Caraïbes. Pendant que le site a produit des données considérables sur le spectre d'action réciproque sociale entre les propriétaires fonciers marchands, a asservi des ouvriers, des domestiques et un milieu des directeurs de niveau et les locataires sur la propriété, ce papier se concentrera sur l'histoire sociale des propriétaires fonciers comme reflété par les dossiers matériels et historiques. Resumen: El estudio de la casa de Magens en el Cuarto Kongens de Charlotte Amalie, anteriormente las Antillas danés, proporciona un local a la exploración del examen de la aparición de una ciudad de puerto urbana en el siglo diecinueve. Este papel se concentra en la naturaleza multiescalar de la interacción social reflejada con un sitio que surgió a consecuencia de la subida de Charlotte Amalie a la prominencia como un transbordo entrepot en el Caribe. Mientras el sitio ha cedido datos considerables del espectro de la interacción social entre terratenientes mercantes, esclavizó a trabajadores, criados, y mediados de gerentes de nivel y arrendatarios en la propiedad, este papel se concentrará en la historia social de los terratenientes como reflejado por los archivos materiales e históricos.

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Introduction

The study of the Magens house compound in the Kongens Quarter of Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas, provides a venue for examining life within an urban port town in the nineteenth century (Figures 1-2). This setting was linked to the tremendous growth and expansion of multi-scalar trade and the need for a free port in which ships and agents of many nations could engage in the transshipment of goods on a local and global scale. At Charlotte Amalie the goods of the Caribbean were connected in trading networks that linked island to island, and the Caribbean to centers of commerce and trade around the globe: including Europe, the Americas, Africa, and a wide range of ports of trade in the Far East (Armstrong and Hauser 2009, Hauser 2008).

Though initially slow to develop as a trading center, by the late eighteenth century the Danish free port at Charlotte Amalie on St. Thomas rapidly expanded as a entrepot for local and global trade, particularly after the sacking of St. Eustatius in 1781. St. Thomas held a favorable position in this inter-island and intercontinental network well into the late nineteenth century. This study will examine elements of that trade on a local and global basis by examining the history of the Magens house compound and the activities associated with its second phase of ownership. Initially built in the 1820s by Danish colonial officials in a setting strategically placed adjacent to a grouping of buildings and residences associated with Danish Colonial officials in the Kongens Quarter, in 1847 the property was sold to Duncan McDougal, a Scottish trader. This sale corresponds to an era of significant change as slavery was abolished in 1848. During this period port trade had dramatically outpaced land based plantation and provision production on the island. This trade provided a livelihood for the McDougal family as well as the array of other persons who resided on the property, including a series of clerks who rented houses in the Magens house compound and a continual flow into the island of domestic and skilled laborers who lived in the servant (former enslaved laborer) and kitchen/cook’s house on the property.

Gates to Include and Exclude: Building a Complex Urban Compound

In reconstructing the cultural setting at the Magens house compound we draw from a combination of historical documents and archaeological findings. These data allow us to examine the lives of the people who lived on the site and the changing world in which they lived and interacted. While the site has yielded considerable data on the spectrum of social interaction between merchant landowners, enslaved laborers, servants, mid-level managers and renters on the property, this paper will focus on the social history of the landowner Duncan McDougal as reflected by the material and historical records (see Armstrong et al. 2007; Williamson 2009; Williamson and Armstrong 2009).1

1 The island of St. Thomas in the Danish West Indies was occupied late in the colonial expansion into the Caribbean by marginal European power Denmark as a foothold in the contested region that could serve as a center for trade and as an outlet for slaves acquired in Africa without directly challenging the British, French or Spanish possessions (Armstrong 2003; Dookhan 1994; Gjessing and Maclean 1987; Hall 1985; Larsen 1954; Svensson 1980; Tyson 1986, 1991; Westergaard 1917; Woods 1992). St. Thomas would eventually rise to international prominence as a transshipment hub in the region for European and Caribbean commodities. The island’s central location and its continued neutrality during various European conflicts that spilt to their colonial counterparts contributed to its success and growth. Like other European colonies that lacked military might in the region (the Netherlands and Sweden), the Danes had to establish niche markets that could lure merchants, traders and settlers to their island through a free port status. St. Thomas served as a venue for traders from countries lacking Caribbean colonies, primarily

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The McDougal family, like many other persons from diverse backgrounds who engaged in warehousing and transshipment of goods, traders on St. Thomas built fortunes at this free port by importing and exporting goods and providing shipping services, and storage space for the transshipment of a wide range of goods. At the same time this venue provided a setting of least marginal opportunity for people of color. In contrast to the broader agricultural economy based on sugar produced by enslaved laborers, on St. Thomas census data show that by 1803 the majority of blacks were already free. Many were engaged in skilled trades of the shipping industry and corresponding support industries of the port town. Though free, many worked in subservient positions on the wharfs and in the warehouses and in service positions in domestic settings (Knight and Prime 1999). This pattern of freedom with limitations continued in the post-emancipation era. The successes and failures of the inhabitants and the port itself are intricately linked to this broader economic and historical patterns occurring in Europe and the Caribbean at large.2

In the nineteenth century many of the wealthier residents of Charlotte Amalie chose locations like the Magens house site because they provided a short walking distance to the town to take advantage of urban conveniences (Figure 1). Great, terraced estates dotted the hillside leading straight down into town (Figure 2). These quarters were separated into walled compounds, but nearly all had a view of the harbor, benefit of the soft breezes of the tradewinds. Access between houses compounds were provided by a series of gates (Figure 3). The Magens house compound had six gates providing direct access to each of the neighboring house compounds, many of which were occupied by relatives. The Magens complex also had a series of walls and gates that separated and connected spaces within the compound (Figure 4). In contrast to the relatively large house and complex compounds on the hill, more modest properties were located in the valleys or on the leeward sides of the hills (though smaller many were equally complex).3

In 1847 Scottish merchant Duncan McDougal purchased the house compound from the Magens children after the death of J. M. Magens.4 McDougal came to St .Thomas in 1829 at the age of 19 to start his own trade company - D. McDougal & Co. The young McDougal acted as merchant and a lawyer for several other British and Scottish merchants in St. Thomas connected Germany and the Mediterranean countries, to acquire goods for their respective countries. The Danish lured settlers from throughout the Caribbean and Europe including Dutch, English, French, Russian, German and Jewish as planters, traders, merchants, sailors and craftsmen. 2 St. Thomas developed around the port at Charlotte Amalie, intricately tied to the maritime economy that sailed through its harbor. Charlotte Amalie however did not develop as a planned town but was instead dictated by the demands of the harbor and its trade. Harbor access was the single most important factor for success in the commercial trade, with the shoreline subdivided into long, narrow lots for loading and warehouse space. The town is composed of three historic districts, known as quarters: Kongens (King’s) Quarter, Dronningens (Queen’s) Quarter, Kronprindsens (Crown Prince’s) Quarter. Kongens Quarter, where the Magens house compound is located, was the primary business, administrative, political and social sector of town as well as the home for all three branches of the government and over twenty historic places. 3 A history on the site’s earliest occupants has been compiled from historical records including tax rolls, censuses and newspaper accounts. Captain L. J. Rohde, the harbormaster of St. Thomas, acquired the double lot at 26,27 Kongensgade and 28,29 Dronningensgade in 1822 for the seven children of his deceased sister Maria Rohde and his brother-in-law Joachim Melchior Magens (St. Thomas Land Lists, STLL; Dyhr 2001). By 1825, tax records demonstrate that structures were built on the property, likely the initial portion of the main house. JM Magens was a member of a temporary member of the Royal Council, served many mid-level governmental posts and acted as an attorney and representative for several family members. Magens became famous for his documented disagreements with Peter von Scholten, Governor-General of the islands, regarding the lack enforcement of piracy and the illegal slave trade through the port of St. Thomas. After J.M. Magens’ youngest daughter Sarah Julie Magens married next door neighbor Hans Haagensen in 1837, the children began to consolidate the property ownership and advertise the property for either sale or rent (STLL, St. Thomas Census or STL, Freiesleben 2001). 4 Hans Haagensen, who was married to Magans daughter and whose family lived on the west side of 99 steps, immediately west of the Magens house compound acted as attorney for the Magens children (St. Thomas Deeds).

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through business partnerships. As an active member of the St. Thomas business community, McDougal would also serve on the board of directors for the Bank of St. Thomas, the Marine and Strangers Asylum and the Marine Slip Repairing Company. In 1845 he had solidified his position on the island by marrying Anna Maria Juliette Weinmar, the daughter of a prominent planter family in St. Thomas. They had seven children together, two of whom would continue the family trading business in St. Thomas. Soon after the marriage McDougal dissolved his initial company to partner with William Briscoe & Son of Wolverhampton, England to form Briscoe, McDougal & Co. in 1845.

Local Business and Global Trade Briscoe, McDougal & Co. became a global trading company based on St. Thomas. It had warehouse and shipping interests and offices in Jamaica, Argentina, Australia and New Zealand. Briscoe Brothers continues to be a successful hardware chain in Australia and New Zealand. In St. Thomas, the company was listed as a hardware and general merchandise business as well as a forwarding agent for the various mail ships that docked in the harbor. Their export specialties are listed as timber, hardware, paint, grindstones, bricks, iron, earthenware, cordage, steel and hollow-ware. Many of the goods sold through their warehouses are represented on the site in the materials recovered from the archaeological site, including a vast array of architectural hardware and ornate cast iron elements that were used as part of the houses ornamental cast iron porches (Figure 5).

The company frequently advertised ships for charter and variety of hardware and general merchandise for sell. Briscoe, McDougal & Co was also the official agent in St. Thomas for the Phoenix Fire Assurance Company. In addition, the company made frequent contribution to relief funds for victims of hurricanes and fires not only on St. Thomas but throughout the Caribbean. The company even made a sizable donation ($2566.25) to the government of Santo Domingo in 1867 for supplies furnished in the war against Spain, likely to help secure another Caribbean market for their global expansion.

Local Residence but Global Tie

The 1850 census shows Duncan McDougal (age 29) living at 28, 29 Dronningensgade with his wife, 2 daughters and 2 servants (STC 1850, Figure 6). The family is listed as members of the Dutch Reform Church.5 The tax records confirm McDougal’s ownership of the property through the 1850s, but the 1855 census shows that Duncan McDougal was renting out the property to a group of 15 people. At the same time (1855) the census shows that the growing McDougal family had acquired another property across the street at 32 & 33 Kongensgade (STC 1855). It is to this residence that Duncan McDougal (now 45) moves his family, and where they most of the family would remain until the property was sold in 1905 to the German Hamburg American shipping line.

The 1857 census gives a close-up look at how quickly the households changed (STC 1857). In 1857 the two parcels are grouped as one and the census indicates a continued pattern of habitation by merchants and clerks and an in-flow into the household (and town) of persons from

5 The main house was frequently listed on the census records as 28, 29 Dronningensgade with the two house fronting the street being 26, 27 Kongensgade.

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new areas including Glasgow, other areas of Scotland, England, Calcutta, St. Eustatius, Tortola.6 The demography of these households is consistent with that of a port town engaged in warehousing of and transshipment of goods. Most of the clerks were employees or associates of McDougal whose warehousing businesses expanded during this period. Two Scottish renters David Jamieson and Henry Leckie, often appeared in legal documents representing the company and Leckie would eventually marry one of McDougal’s daughters and start his own company.

The company changed to McDougal & Co following the retirement of William Briscoe. The company owned waterfront warehouses in Dronningens Quarter (1874) & Kronprindsens Quarter (1862), prime commercial real commercial properties near the center of the harbor, and was doing well enough to open (Figure 7) a branch office in Fredericksted, St. Croix in 1892. In his will, Duncan McDougal split his estate equally between his sons James Taylor McDougal and Herman Wilhelm McDougal. After the death of his brother J.T. McDougal in 1888, lawyer Herman Wilhelm McDougal took over the family business. Herman served as the British consul for the Danish West Indies and on the board of directors of both prominent banks and the gas light company (note British flag for consulate). McDougal & Co officially ceased doing business on St. Thomas in 1905, shortly before Herman’s death in 1908. His wife Helen MF McDougal moved back to the main residence at the Magens House Compound (double lot at 26,27 Kongensgade and 28,29 Dronningensgade) after his death.

Diverse Array of Structures and Social Contexts

The structures extant on the property in the late 19th century are clearly demarcated on an 1897 insurance map (Figure 8). The Goad Insurance Map of 1897 provides a coded map of buildings on the property. In contrast to the earlier maps, this document identifies all structures large and small and provides information on construction (wood, stone or brick), roof type, and porches. It also provides information on the size of each building. Three sets of buildings are identified within the walled compound with the surrounding wall simply marked as a dotted line. The main house is at the center of the property. This map shows the main house connected with the privy and cook house, the same building as depicted in the 1837 map but with more extensive connecting roofing and porches (Figure 9, Hingelberg 1837). It also shows a cistern, formal steps and an attached porch (Figure 8). Up slope from this complex is a building still standing that was probably a servants quarters along with another building that was either a privy or cook house.

The wood frame and shingled servants quarters was likely present from the earliest period of occupation (serving then as a enslaved laborer quarters) at this property, but was simply omitted from the early maps as it housed the enslaved rather than the household of the owners/renters (Figure 9). The building behind (north) this structure is now a cement slab on which a rusting iron cistern has been placed. At the very back of the property is a long narrow building that may well have been a two story structure, the foundation for which we have identified via archaeological testing. This structure was probably used as a combination shed (for tools and animal stock) and perhaps also a residence. The top may well have been used to house horses, donkeys, and carriages and it was probably designed to face out to Dronningensgade. It is probable that all of the structures from the middle of the property to Dronningensgade composed a household network of owners/renters and their servants and assistants.

6 This pattern of diversity in points of origin is consistent with earlier demographic patterns from the Magens period of ownership and pre-emancipation era even as the specific points of origin shift the mercantile and clerical roles of those in residence and their utilization of household servants, cooks, and a nurse remains in place.

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The final grouping of buildings were at the lower portion (south) of the property. These were probably rental properties used to house employees of the company. The main structure to the east of the walkway corresponds directly to the position of a building on the 1837 map. Immediately behind it is a building there was probably a stone cookhouse, the foundation of which is still extant and visible within a garden terrace. The building on the left side of the central walk appears to be in a slightly different position than depicted in the 1837 map. Both buildings have been extensively remodeled through the years and it is possible that this map (1897) represents a simplification of positioning as the current structure in this spot is in fact slightly closer to the road than the adjacent structure. In the years between 1837 and 1897 the owners of the property extended the formal boundary of their property to the south and essentially took a portion of what had formerly been a road bed. This was a common unofficial practice involving fill and walling in terraces. The boundary of the road bed was formally set by 1850 after the Royal Council issued a formal warning against McDougal other property owners who were claiming portions of Kongensgade, so no further encroachment occurred. Incidentally, the extension of this and the adjacent property (Hotel 1929) led to the addition of at least 4 steps to the figurative “99 Steps” which is now 103 steps.

Not shown on the map are the series of walls and terraces that break the property into terraced segments (Figure 10). In fact, stairs allowing movement up and down are found outside the property at 99 Steps, up through the center of the property (even the roofed area depicted in the 1897 map covered staircases leading the upper terraces), and on the far west side of the property. In keeping with laws designed to protect everyone from the spread of fires buildings there were fire breaks between all properties. Certainly the roadway at 99 Steps fills this function, but one finds that on the west side of the property there is a more acute demonstration of these breaks in the spaces between the buildings and the west wall of the house compound, and the additional narrow passageway between this property and its neighbors. The interconnectedness of properties, perhaps a result of both kinship and social interaction is seen in the placement of formal doorways in the wall at intervals on both the east and west side of the property. Thus one can imagine someone passing directly via these gates from the Haagensen House through the Magens House, and on to the Crown House. Not insignificantly, there were Magens family siblings in residence in all three of these houses and their associated compounds for much of the early 19th century. Of interest is the array of structures and their special configuration is the presence of persons representing at least three tiers of social and economic relationships throughout the nineteenth century (Figure 10).7

Duncan McDougal bought the property and initially expanded it to suit his needs and those of his family. However, given the expansion of his means based on the growth of his business, he was also able to acquire a property on the other side of Kongensgade and expand it for his family’s use. He retailored the Magens-McDougal property to be used as a rental for mid-level and lower level managers in his employ and others who came to St. Thomas as merchants, clerics, and clerks as the port grew through international transshipment. 7 The fact that there is considerable turn-over in specific persons present through time relates to the shifting economic and social foci of the port town environment. The Magens, a third generation West Indian, was essentially a low level Danish Colonial Administrator, who was never completely able to crack the upper echelons of administration and repeatedly ran into problems with newer arrivals who rose more quickly in government ranks. His children and later owners of the property were more closely tied to the warehousing and business interests of the island and had better success in negotiating better positions via capital production and an expanding economic base within the port town. Where Magens attempts to expand and enhance the buildings on the property were repeatedly stifled by his lack of social mobility in the colonial system, his children fared better via marriage and business engagements. In comparison to size and scale the house built by Magens was smaller than that of his neighbors and placed less prominently on the property.

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Material Remains Reflect Global Trade and Local Production

The deposits yielded well stratified remains spanning the early 19th through 20th

centuries.8 To date fifty eight 1x1s have been excavated (Figure 10). These include samples from all terraces have yielded over seventeen thousand artifacts with substantial amounts of animal bone, European ceramics, glass, tobacco pipes, construction materials and other than in the house floor (Figure 11). Subsurface finds included surprisingly little intrusive modern material typically associated with urban sites. Findings include distinct differences in the cost and diversity of materials associated with the main residence when compared with material from the servant and slave quarters as well as the rental houses occupied by clerks and mid-level managers at the lower end of the property.

Data also include substantial quantities of processed bone and bone buttons, found on the terrace above the servant/slave quarters and in strata associated with the period of slavery (prior to 1848; Figure 12). The Magens house compound provides important data that are both site-specific and relevant to neighborhood, town, island, region and international questions involving the economic and social forces that shaped the various contexts. Larger historical processes like changes in the technology and focus of the shipping industry and the impact of Danish neutrality in a contested region set the stage for the individual, everyday drama that occurred on the site and neighborhood contexts. This project adds important regional and site-specific data that illuminates the daily lives of a wide range of people (merchants to government officials to clerks to slaves) within a tight chronological and historical context that contributes to our general understanding of nineteenth century urban life in a capitalist driven maritime economy.

8 In order to demonstrate the archaeological potential of the Magens property, preliminary background research and excavations were carried out in spring and summer of 2007 followed by Syracuse University field schools in March and June of 2008 and recently in June 2009. The site was mapped and a total of 58 1x1 meter units (totaling over 279 excavated levels) were dug to define subsurface remains and to plot the slope of the hill in relationship to construction over time on the property. The initial excavation units were placed along a North-South line running from the upper portion of the site on Dronningensgade across the various terraced levels down to the ruins of the main house. Additional units were placed inside the house floor, behind the kitchen and across the terraces at other possible structures. The most recent field school in June of this year investigated the terraces below the main residence as well as the areas fronting the street just south of the two lower houses.

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Bibliography Armstrong, Douglas. V., 2003, Creole transformation from slavery to freedom : historical archaeology of the East End community, St. John, Virgin Islands. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, Florida. Armstrong, Douglas V. and Mark Hauser, 2009, A Sea of Diversity: Historical Archaeology in the Caribbean, In International Handbook of Historical Archaeology. Teresita Mahewsku and David Gaimster (editors). Springer, New York. Armstrong, Douglas V., Christian Williamson and David Knight, 2007, The Magen’s-Pedersen House, Charlotte Amalie: Archaeology an Urban House Compound in the former Danish West Indies. XX Congress of the International Association of Caribbean Archaeology, Kingston. July 2007. Dookhan, Isaac, 1994, History of the Virgin Islands. Canoe Press, Kingston, Jamaica. Dyhr, Sebastian Adorján, 2001, Joachim Melchoir Magens, f.4/3-1715, St. Thomas, Dansk Vestindien, Denmark. <http://home6.inet.tele.dk/sadyhr/magens.html> Freiesleben, Birgit, 2001, The History of Haagensen’s House on St. Thomas. Forlaget ACER: Denmark. Gjessing, Frederik C. and William P. Maclean,1987, Historic Buildings of St. Thomas and St. John. MacMillan Education Ltd., London. Hall, Neville A. T., 1985, Maritime Maroons: “Grand Marronage” from the Danish West Indies. The William and Mary Quarterly 42(4): 476-498. Hauser, Mark, 2008, An Archaeology of Black Markets: Local Ceramics and economics in Eighteenth-Century Jamaica. Gainesville: University Press of Florid.: Knight, David W. & Laurette de T. Prime,1999, St. Thomas 1803: Crossroads of the Diaspora. St. Thomas: Little Nordside Press. Larsen, Jens, 1954, Virgin Islands Story. Fortress Press, Philadelphia. Lawaetz, Hermann C. J., 1999, Peter von Scholten: West Indian Period Images from the Days of the Last Governor General (Translated by Anne-Louise Knudsen), Herning, Denmark, The Poul Kristensen Publishing Company (originally published in Danish in 1940 by Gyldendal Publishing). Svensson, Ole, 1980, Three Towns: Conservation and Renewal of Charlotte Amalia, Christiansted, and Fredericksted of the U.S. Virgin Islands, Hanne Ringsted, translator. Department of Town Planning, the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, Copehagen, Denmark.

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Tyson, George F., 1986, Socio-economic History of the St. Thomas Harbor. In The St. Thomas Harbor: A Historical Perspective, George Tyson, editor, pp. 11-29. St. Thomas Historical Trust, St. Thomas, USVI. Tyson, George F. (editor), 1991, The St. Thomas Harbor: A Historical Perspective. The St. Thomas Historical Trust, St. Thomas, USVI. Williamson, Christian, 2009, A Merchant of Old Main Street, Destinations U.S. Virgin Islands Volume 9: 70. Williamson, Christian and Douglas Armstrong, 2008, A Stop on the Tour: Representing St. Thomas History at an Urban House Compound. Society for Historical Archaeology 2008 Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Williamson, Christian and Douglas Armstrong, 2009, Sundries in the Sun: Unearthing Urban History from a Merchant House Compound in the Port of St. Thomas. Society for Historical Archaeology 2009 Conference, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Westergaard, Waldemar Christian, 1917, The Danish West Indies under company rule (1671- 1754) with a supplementary chapter, 1755-1917. The Macmillan company, New York, NY. Woods, Edith deJongh, 1992 The Royal Quarters of the Town of Charlotte Amalie. MAPes MONDe, Ltd., St. Thomas.

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Figure 1: Single frame from steriooptical photograph of government Hill. Charlotte Amalie, ca. 1860-1861.

Figure 2: Sterioptical photograph of the Magans house. Published Ca 1900 as part of a Travel series by Montgomery Ward Company of Chicago. Caption: “Beautiful Harbor of St. Thomas, West Indies (Class A. No. 20).

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Figure 3: Views of exterior gates in the walled Magens compound

Figure 4: Interior gates within the walled compound. Used to separate spaces within the compound

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Figure 5: Ornamental ironwork. These reflect styles of the mid-19th century. Ironwork is a local permutation of global trade and ties to specific products the McDougal family were engaged in warehousing and trading.

Figure 6: 1850 Census data for the site.

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Figure 7: McDougal warehouse on the harbor front. Business operated by the owner of the Magens house in the second half of the nineteenth century.

Figure 8: Maps and plans of the Magens house compound.

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Figure 8: Magens house kitchen and enslaved laborer/servants quarters

Figure 9: Map showing Magens house structures, walls, terraces, and excavated areas

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Figure 10: Examples of ceramics imported and used on the site during the nineteenth century.

Figure 11: Examples of ceramics imported and used on the site during the nineteenth century (ointment jar lid and porcelain).

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Figure 12: Material residue of a local craftsman’s workshop. Bone button blanks from the terrace behind (up-hill from ) the laborers house.