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60YearsAfterBrown:TrendsandConsequencesofSchoolSegregation
SeanF.ReardonStanfordUniversity
AnnOwens
UniversityofSouthernCalifornia
Version:November8,2013
Forthcoming,AnnualReviewofSociology
SeanF.ReardonGraduateSchoolofEducationStanfordUniversity520GalvezMall,#526Stanford,CA94305‐[email protected](650)736‐8517AnnOwensDepartmentofSociologyUniversityofSouthernCalifornia851DowneyWay,HSH204LosAngeles,[email protected](213)821‐5730Keywords:SchoolSegregation;Race;Income
60YearsAfterBrown:TrendsandConsequencesofSchoolSegregation
Abstract
SincetheSupremeCourt’s1954Brownv.BoardofEducationdecision,researchersand
policymakershavepaidcloseattentiontotrendsinschoolsegregation.WhileBrownfocusedon
black‐whitesegregation,herewereviewtheevidenceregardingtrendsandconsequencesofboth
racialandeconomicschoolsegregation.Ingeneral,theevidenceregardingtrendsinracial
segregationsuggeststhatthemostsignificantdeclinesinblack‐whiteschoolsegregationoccurred
attheendofthe1960sandthestartofthe1970s.Althoughthereisdisagreementaboutthe
directionofmorerecenttrendsinracialsegregation,thisdisagreementislargelydrivenby
differentdefinitionsofsegregationanddifferentwaysofmeasuringit.Weconcludethatthe
changesinsegregationinthelastfewdecadesarenotlarge,regardlessofwhatmeasureisused,
thoughthereareimportantdifferencesinthetrendsacrossregions,racialgroups,andinstitutional
levels.Limitedevidenceonschooleconomicsegregationmakesdocumentingtrendsdifficult,butin
general,studentsaremoresegregatedbyincomeacrossschoolsanddistrictstodaythanin1990.
Wealsodiscusstheroleofdesegregationlitigation,demographicchanges,andresidential
segregationinshapingtrendsinbothracialandeconomicsegregation.
Oneofthereasonsthatscholars,policymakers,andcitizensareconcernedwithschool
segregationisthatsegregationishypothesizedtoexacerbateracialorsocioeconomicdisparitiesin
educationalsuccess.Themechanismsthatwouldlinksegregationtodisparateoutcomeshavenot
oftenbeenspelledoutclearlyortestedexplicitly.Wedevelopageneralconceptualmodelofhow
andwhyschoolsegregationmightaffectstudentsandreviewtherelativelythinbodyofempirical
evidencethatexplicitlyassessestheconsequencesofschoolsegregation.Thisliteraturesuggests
thatracialdesegregationinthe1960sand1970swasbeneficialtoblacks;evidenceoftheeffectsof
segregationinmorerecentdecades,however,ismixedorinconclusive.Weconcludewith
discussionofaspectsofschoolsegregationonwhichfurtherresearchisneeded.
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60YearsAfterBrown:TrendsandConsequencesofSchoolSegregation
1. Introduction
Inthe60yearssincetheSupremeCourt’s1954Brownv.BoardofEducationdecision(347
U.S.483)outlawingdejureracialschoolsegregationinAmericanpublicschools,thepatternsof
residentialandschoolsegregationintheUnitedStateshavechangeddramatically.Thesechangesin
segregationpatterns,however,havebeeninconsistentacrosstimeandplaceinboththeirpaceand
direction.PriortoBrown,black‐whiteschoolsegregationwasabsoluteintheSouth,andveryhigh
inmanyschooldistrictsinotherpartsofthecountry.Severalforceshavealteredthesepatterns
overthelastsixdecades,includingcontinuingchangesinthelegalandpolicylandscape,
demographicchanges,changesinresidentialsegregationpatterns,andchangesinpublicattitudes
regardingthevalueandfeasibilityofschoolintegration.
Inthisarticle,wereviewtheevidenceregardingthesetrendsandtheirconsequences.We
alsoexamineevidenceontrendsinschooleconomicsegregation,which,whilenotthefocusof
Brown,shapestheschoolcontextsandopportunitiesavailabletostudents.Inparticular,webegin
withanextensivereviewoftheempiricalresearchdescribingtrendsinschoolsegregationinthesix
decadessinceBrown.Becausethesetrendsdifferdependingonthetypeofsegregation(black‐
white,Hispanic‐white,multiracial,orsocioeconomic,forexample)andthelevelofaggregation
(national,metropolitan,district,orschool‐level)ofinterest,thereisnosingleanswertothe
questionofhowschoolsegregationhaschangedoverthelast60years.Moreover,segregationcan
bemeasuredinanumberofways,whichfurthercomplicatessimpledescriptionsofsegregation
trendsandpatterns.Ourgoalinthisfirstsectionofthearticle,then,istoprovideareviewofthe
evidenceonsegregationtrendsandpatternsacrossthesemultipledimensions.
Second,wediscussthecausesofthetrendsinracialandsocioeconomicschoolsegregation.
Aswenote,segregationpatternshavechangedforanumberofreasonsinthelast60years.A
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numberofSupremeCourtdecisionshavechangedthelegallandscapeofdesegregationefforts.
Demographicchanges,particularlytherapidgrowthoftheHispanicpopulation,havechangedthe
compositionoftheschool‐agepopulation.Decliningresidentialracialsegregationandrisingincome
segregationhavechangedthespatialdistributionoffamiliesandpatternsofschoolsegregation
overthelast50years(Jargowsky1996;Charles2003;Loganetal.2004;Watson2009;Logan&
Stults2011;Reardon&Bischoff2011a;2011b;Glaeser&Vigdor2012;Iceland&Sharp2013).
Finally,publicopinionpollsindicategrowingracialtoleranceovertime,butincreasingopposition
tobusingandotherschooldesegregationpractices(Orfield1995),particularlyrace‐based
desegregationpolicies.
Third,wereviewtheevidenceregardingtheconsequencesofschoolsegregationfor
students.Oneofthereasonsthatmanyscholars,policymakers,andcitizensareconcernedwith
schoolsegregationisthatsegregationishypothesizedtoexacerbateracialorsocioeconomic
disparitiesineducationalsuccess.Ourreviewoftheliterature,however,suggeststhatthe
mechanismsthatwouldlinksegregationtodisparateoutcomeshavenotoftenbeenspelledout
clearlyortestedexplicitly.Indeed,muchoftheresearchpurportingtoassessthelinksbetween
segregationandstudentoutcomestestsinsteadmeasurestheassociationbetweenschool
compositionandstudentoutcomes.Suchresearchcanbeconsideredatestoftheeffectsof
segregationonlyinalimitedsense,undertheassumptionthatsegregationaffectsstudentoutcomes
primarilythroughschoolcompositionmechanisms,ratherthanthroughotherpossiblemechanisms
suchastheunequaldistributionofresourcesanddisparitiesinschoolandteacherquality.
Compositionalstudiesdonotoftenexplicitlyidentifyaconceptualmodelofhowcomposition
measuressegregationorwhataspectofsegregationitcaptures.Thus,webeginourreviewofthe
literatureontheconsequencesofsegregationwithabriefdiscussionandformalizationofageneral
conceptualmodelofhowandwhyschoolsegregationmightaffectstudents.Followingthis,we
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reviewtherelativelythinbodyofempiricalevidencethatexplicitlyassessestheconsequencesof
schoolsegregation.
Despitetheextensivebodyofresearchontrendsandpatternsofschoolsegregation,and
thesomewhatthinnerbodyofresearchonitseffects,anumberofquestionsremain.Weconclude
withdiscussionofquestionswherefurtherresearchwouldbevaluable.
2. TrendsinSchoolSegregation
Trendsinschoolsegregationmaydifferdependingonthegroupsofinterest(racial/ethnic
orsocioeconomicgroups)andthegeographicscaleandorganizationalunitsofinterest(schools,
districts,metropolitanareas,andthenation).MostsegregationresearchintheUnitedStateshas
focusedonblack‐whitesegregationbetweenschoolsandwithinschooldistricts.Inpart,theblack‐
whitefocusisdrivenbythehistoricallegacyofslavery,effortstomeasuretheeffectoftheBrown
decision,andthecontinuingsalienceofblack‐whiteinequality;thewithin‐district,between‐school
focusisdrivenbythefactthatlegal,policy,andpracticalconstraintsmakeiteasiertoaffect
between‐schoolsegregationwithindistrictsthansegregationatlarger(between‐district)or
smaller(within‐school)institutionallevels.Nonetheless,anycompleteaccountingofsegregation
patternsandtrendsmusttakeintoaccountsegregationamongotherracial/ethnicgroups
(includingHispanic‐whitesegregation)andsocioeconomicsegregationpatterns,aswellas
between‐districtsegregation.Wereviewsegregationtrendsalongeachofthesedimensions,tothe
extentthereisavailableresearch,below.First,however,wedigressbrieflytodiscussthe
measurementofsegregation.
2.a.MeasuresofSegregation
Schoolsegregationistypicallymeasuredusingoneoftwotypesofsegregationindices:
measuresofisolationorexposureandmeasuresofunevenness(MasseyandDenton,1988).These
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differentwaysofmeasuringsegregationoftenyieldverydifferentconclusionsaboutthedirection
andmagnitudeoftrendsinsegregation.
Indicesofunevennessmeasuretheextenttowhichastudentpopulationisunevenly
distributedamongschools.Forexample,theblack‐whitedissimilarityindexrepresentsthe
proportionoftheblack(orwhite)populationwhowouldhavetochangeschoolsinordertoyielda
patternofschoolenrollmentinwhicheachschoolhasidenticalracialproportions(Duncan&
Duncan1955;James&Taeuber1985;Massey&Denton1988).Otherindicesofunevennessinclude
Theil’sinformationtheoryindex,thevarianceratioindex,andtheGiniindexofsegregation(James
&Taeuber1985;Massey&Denton1988).Thesemeasuresgenerallyarescaledfrom0to1,with0
indicatingnosegregation(everyschoolhasthesameracialcomposition)and1indicatingcomplete
segregation(nochildattendsschoolwithanyotherchildofadifferentrace);valuesabove0.60are
consideredindicativeof“highsegregation”(Massey&Denton1989).
Indicesofexposureorisolation,however,measuretheextenttowhichstudentsare
enrolledinschoolswithhighorlowproportionsofagivenracialgroup.Forexample,theblack
isolationindexisdefinedastheaverageproportionofblackstudentsinblackstudents’schools;
likewise,thewhite‐blackexposureindexistheaverageproportionofblackstudentsinwhite
students’schools(Colemanetal1975;Lieberson&Carter1982,Massey&Denton1988).
Additionalmeasuresofisolationthataresometimesusedaretheproportionsofstudentswho
attend“highpoverty”or“raciallyisolated”schools;oftendefinedasschoolswithahighproportion
ofpoororminoritystudents,respectively(see,e.g.,Orfield,2001).Massey&Denton(1989)
describeisolationindicesabove0.70(or,equivalently,exposureindicesbelow0.30)asindicating
“highsegregation.”
Theunevennessmeasuresandtheexposure/isolationmeasurescapturedifferent
dimensionsofsegregation.Toseethis,consideraschooldistrictinwhich90%ofstudentsare
black.Ifallschoolsinthedistricthadenrollmentsthatwere90%black,wewouldhavelow
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unevenness,buthighblackisolation(or,equivalently,lowblack‐whiteexposure),becausethe
averageblackstudentwouldattendapredominantlyblackschool.Conversely,inaschooldistrict
withveryfewblackstudents,isolationmightbelowevenifstudentswereveryunevenly
distributedbyrace.Putdifferently,exposureandisolationmeasuresaresensitivetotheoverall
racialcompositionofaschooldistrict,whiletheunevennessmeasuresarenot.
Thisdistinctionhasimplicationsforanyassessmentoftrendsinsegregation,because
changingracialpopulationcompositionmayleadtoincreasesinmeasuredisolation,evenifthe
extenttowhichstudentsareevenly/unevenlydistributedamongschoolsdoesn’tchange.However,
thereisnotone“correct”measureofsegregation.Totheextentthatwethinkthatsegregation
affectsstudentsthroughpeerorcompositionaleffects,ormechanismscorrelatedwithschool
composition,thenexposuremeasuresareanappropriatemeasure.Totheextentwethinkthat
segregationoperatesbyexposingstudentstodifferentschoolenvironments,however,unevenness
istheappropriatemeasure,becauseunderzerounevenness,allstudentsexperiencethesame
averageschoolenvironments.
2.b.TrendsinBlack‐WhiteSegregation
2.b.1.Black‐WhiteSegregationintheDesegregationEra,1954‐1980
Black‐whiteschooldesegregationtrendscanbedividedroughlyintotwoperiods:the
periodfrom1954throughthe1970s,andtheperiodfromthe1980stothepresent.Inthefirst
period,black‐whitesegregationdeclineddramatically,particularlyintheSouth,thoughmostofthat
declinehappenedafter1968.ImmediatelyfollowingtheBrownv.BoardofEducationdecisionin
1954,statesandschooldistrictsdidlittletoreduceracialsegregation.IntheSouth,manyschool
districtsinitiallyputintoplaceso‐called“freedomofchoice”desegregationplans,whichwere
arguablydesignedlargelytopreserveracialsegregationbyputtingtheonusonblackfamiliesto
enrolltheirchildreninwhiteschools,anoptionunappealingtomostblackfamiliesgiventhe
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animosityofmanywhitefamiliestointegration(Colemanetal.1975;Welch&Light1987;
Clotfelter2004).
Notsurprisingly,suchplansachievedrelativelylittledesegregation:Clotfelter(2004)
estimatesthat81%ofblackstudentsintheSouthand72%ofthoseintheborderstatesstill
attendedmajorityblackschoolsasof1968;likewise,Orfield(2001)estimatesthatintheSouth
99%ofblacksin1964and86%in1967attendedmajorityblackschools.Segregationwasnearlyas
highintherestofthecountry,byanymeasure.Nationally,77%ofblackstudentsattended
majorityblackschoolsin1968(Orfield2001);overhalfofblackstudentsattendedschoolwhere
90%ormoreoftheirclassmateswereblack(Orfield2001;Welch&Light1987);andtheaverage
blackstudentwasenrolledinaschoolwhereonly22%ofstudentswerewhite,despitethefactthat
thepublicschoolstudentpopulationwas79%white(Colemanetal.1975).Studiesusing
unevennessmeasureslikewisereportveryhighlevelsofsegregationin1968:theaveragewithin‐
districtindexofdissimilaritybetweenblackandwhitepublicschoolstudentswasabout0.80
(Logan&Oakley2004;Johnson2011);theaveragewithin‐districtvarianceratiosegregationindex
was0.63(Colemanetal.1975).AllofthesemeasuresexceedMassey&Denton’s(1989)threshold
valuesfor“highsegregation.”
In1968,theSupremeCourt’sGreendecision(Greenv.CountySchoolBoardofNewKent
County,391US430)requiredschooldistrictstoadoptmoreeffectiveplanstoachieveintegration.
Bythemid‐1970s’shundredsofschooldistrictsweresubjecttocourt‐ordereddesegregationplans
(Logan&Oakley2004).Asaresult,schoolsegregationlevelsdeclinedsubstantiallybetween1968
andthemid‐1970s.Theaveragewithin‐districtvarianceratioindexdroppedfrom0.63in1968to
0.37in1972;theblack‐whiteexposureindexincreasedfrom0.22to0.33overthesametime
period(Colemanetal.1975),withthelargestdeclinesinsegregationoccurringintheSouth
(Colemanetal.1975;Welch&Light1987;Johnson2011).Theindexofdissimilaritydeclinedby
about0.30overthesametimeperiod,againdecliningmoreintheSouththantheNorth(Logan&
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Oakley2004;Welch&Light1987).By1980,onlyone‐thirdofblackstudentsattendedschools
where90%ormoreoftheirclassmateswereblack—stillasubstantialproportionbutmuchlower
thaninthelate1960s(Orfield1983;Welch&Light1987).
Atthesametimeaswithin‐districtsegregationwasdecliningfrom1968to1972,between‐
districtsegregationwasincreasing(Colemanetal.1975).ThiswasparticularlytrueintheNorth
whereschooldistrictsare,onaverage,muchsmallerthandistrictsintheSouth,wheredistricts
oftenencompasswholecounties.Colemanetal.(1975)findthatwithin‐districtsegregation
(definedbyameasureofunevenness)declinedineveryregionfrom1968to1972,particularlyin
theSouthandMidwest,butthatbetween‐districtsegregationincreasedineveryregion.Particularly
inthenon‐South,declinesinsegregationwithinschooldistrictswereoffsetbyincreasesbetween
districts.
2.b.2.ResegregationorStalledProgress?Black‐WhiteSegregationSince1980
Theevidenceisgenerallyclearthatschoolsegregationbetweenblacksandwhitesdeclined
substantiallyfrom1968tothemid‐1970sandcontinuedtomodestlydeclineintothe1980s;thisis
truewhetheronereliesonmeasuresofunevennessorexposure.Theevidenceontrendsin
segregationsincethelate1980s,however,islessclear.Ontheonehand,Orfieldandcolleagues
havearguedthattheperiodfrom1988tothepresentischaracterizedbyagradualtrendof
“resegregation”ofblackstudents(Orfield&Eaton1997;Orfield2001;Frankenburg&Lee2002;
Frankenburgetal.2003;Orfield&Lee2007).Tosupportthisargument,theygenerallyrelyon
trendsinexposureandisolationindices,reportingforexample,thattheblack‐whiteexposureindex
was0.27in2005,downsubstantiallyfromitspeakof0.36in1988andevenlowerthanitslevelof
0.32in1970(Orfield&Lee2007;Orfield2001;Frankenburgetal.2003).Similarly,theproportion
ofblackstudentsattendingpredominantlyminorityschoolshasrisenfrom63%in1988to73%in
2005(Orfield&Lee2007).
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Incontrast,otherscholarshavearguedthatsegregationhasnotrisensignificantlyinthe
lasttwodecades.Usingmeasuresofunevenness,Loganandcolleaguesfindaverysmallincreasein
black‐whitebetween‐schoolsegregationduringthe1990s(Loganetal.2002,2008;Logan2004;
Logan&Oakley2004).Similarly,StroubandRichards(2013)findthatblack‐whitesegregationin
metropolitanareasroseverymodestlyfrom1993‐1998,butthendeclinedfrom1998‐2009,fora
netdecreaseinaveragebetween‐schoolmetropolitanareasegregationovertheperiodfrom1993‐
2009.Black‐whitesegregationbetweenschooldistrictsalsoincreasedslightlyduringthe1990s
andremainedhigherthansegregationwithinschooldistricts(Clotfleter1999;Reardonetal.2000;
Loganetal.2008;Logan&Oakley,2004).Duringthe2000s,however,between‐districtracial
segregationdeclined,butremainshigh(Stroub&Richards2013).
ResearchershavepaidspecialattentiontosegregationtrendsintheSouth,giventhe
historicallyhighlevelsofsegregationandthefocusofdesegregationlitigationontheregion.Orfield
andcolleaguesarguethattheresegregationofblackstudentssince1988isparticularlypronounced
intheSouthandintheborderstates.Bymostmeasures,theSouthhasbeentheleastsegregated
regionofthecountrysincetheearly1970s,butitmovedrapidlybackto1968segregationlevels(as
measuredbyblack‐whiteexposure)beginninginthelate1980s(OrfieldandLee2007).Several
studiesfindthatblack‐whitesegregationintheSouthincreasedduringthe1990s,whether
measuredusingtheexposureindexorTheil’sentropyindex,anunevennessmeasurewhich
assessessegregationwhiletakingdemographicchangesintoaccount(Yun&Reardon2002;
Reardon&Yun2003;Stroub&Richards2013).Theincrease,however,isnotlarge,andreversed
following1998(Stroub&Richards2013).
Thedebateaboutwhetherthelasttwodecadescanbecharacterizedasaperiodof
“resegregation”largelyhingesonwhetheroneusesexposureorunevennessmeasuresof
segregation.ThetrendsnotedbyOrfieldandcolleaguesaredueinparttochangesintheracial
compositionoftheU.S.publicschoolstudentpopulation,whichissubstantiallylesswhitethanit
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was25yearsago.Becauseofthis,measuresofblack‐whiteexposurewouldbeexpectedtodecline,
evenifthereductioninwhiteenrollmentshappeneduniformlyacrossallschoolssothat
unevennessmeasuresdidnotchange(Logan2004;Fiel2013).Thus,itseemsfairtosaythatthe
last25yearshavebeencharacterizedbylargelystablepatternsofsortingofstudentsamong
schools(unevenness)whiletheracial/ethniccompositionofthestudentpopulationhaschanged
substantially,apairoftrendsthatyieldsdecliningblack‐whiteexposuremeasuresbutno
significantchangeinunevennessmeasuresofsegregation.Whetherthisrepresentsresegregation
orstagnationdependsonone’stheoryofhowandwhysegregationmatters.
2.c.TrendsinHispanic‐White,Asian‐White,andMultiracialSegregation
GiventhehistoricalcontextoftheBrowncaseanditsfocusonblack‐whitesegregation,less
researchhasexaminedsegregationamongstudentsofotherraces.Changingracialclassifications,
particularlywithregardtoHispanics,alsolimitsthedocumentationoflong‐termtrendsin
segregationofothergroups.Asthestudentpopulationhasbecomemoremultiracial,newefforts
havebeenmadetodocumentsegregationamongallgroups.Orfieldandcolleagues,againrelyingon
exposuremeasures,arguethatHispanicstudentshaveexperiencedcontinuallyincreasing
segregationfromwhitessince1968,asHispanicstudents’exposuretowhitestudentshassteadily
fallensincethelate1960sandrepresentationinmajority‐minorityschoolshassteadilyrisen
(Orfield2001;Frankenburg&Lee2002;Frankenburgetal.2003;Orfield&Lee2007).Unevenness
measuresofsegregation,however,showonlyaveryslightincreaseinHispanic‐whiteandAsian‐
whitesegregationduringthe1990sand2000s(Loganetal.2002;Stroub&Richards,2013).The
discrepancybetweenthesefindings,again,isduetothedifferenceinsegregationmeasuresused.
Threestudiesassessthetrendsinmultiracialsegregationinthelasttwodecades(Reardon
etal.2000;Stroub&Richards,2013;Fiel2013).Eachusesanindex(Theil’sH)thatassesseshow
unevenlywhite,black,Hispanic,andAsianstudentsaredistributedamongschools.Allthreestudies
concludethatsegregationbetweenwhitesandnon‐whiteswasflatorincreasedveryslightlyduring
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the1990swhilesegregationamongminoritygroupsdeclinedduringthistime.However,from
1998‐2009,segregationbetweenwhitesandminoritiesdeclinedmodestly,whilesegregation
amongminoritygroupscontinuedtodecline;asaresult,multiracialsegregationwas10%lowerin
2009thanin1993(Stroub&Richards,2013).
2.d.TrendsinEconomicSegregation
Manyscholarshavedocumentedthehighlevelsofpovertyinmajority‐minorityschools,
arguingthatschoolsegregationconcentratesminoritystudentsinhigh‐povertyschools,whichtend
tohavelowerresourcesandstudentachievement(Orfield2001;Frankenburgetal.2003;Orfield&
Lee2005,2007;Loganetal.2012;Saporito&Sohoni2007).Orfield&Lee(2007)showthatin
2005,theaverageblackorLatinostudentattendedaschoolinwhich60%ofstudentswerepoor;
theaveragewhitestudentattendedaschoolinwhichonlyonethirdofstudentswerepoor.While
researchersnotethelinkbetweenracialandeconomicschoolcomposition,thereissurprisingly
littleresearchexplicitlymeasuringeconomicsegregationamongschools.Thisisinpartduetothe
focusonraceintheBrowndecisionandinpartduetodatalimitations,aswedescribebelow.
However,examiningeconomicsegregationbetweenschoolsisimportantbecausemanyofthe
mechanismsthroughwhichracialsegregationisthoughttooperatearedrivenbysocioeconomic
inequalitiesbetweenschoolsattendedbystudentsofdifferentraces.
Studiesofresidentialincomesegregationshowthatneighborhoodincomesegregationgrew
considerablybetween1970and2009(ReardonandBischoff2011a;2011b;Watson2009;
Jargowsky1996).Muchofthegrowthinincomesegregationwasduetotheincreasingsegregation
oftherichfromallotherfamilies.Thesetrendswouldsuggestthateconomicschoolsegregation
mayhaveincreasedaswelloverthelast40years,sincemostchildrenattendschoolrelativelynear
theirneighborhood.Studiesofschoolsegregation,however,arelimitedbythefactthatthereisno
systematicsourceofdetailedfamilyincomedataattheschoollevel.Insteadstudiesofschool
segregationmeasureincomeusingfreeluncheligibility,averycoarsemeasureofincomethatmay
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obscurepatternsofsegregationatthehighorlowendsoftheincomedistribution.Nonetheless,
studiesusingthesedatashowthateconomicsegregationincreasedmodestlyinthe1990s,
particularlyinelementarygradesandinlargeschooldistricts(Rusk2001;Owensetal.2013),but
economicsegregationdidnotchangeappreciablyinthe2000s(Owensetal.2013).Thesepatterns
donotmatchthereportedneighborhoodsegregationtrends(Reardon&Bischoff2011a;2011b),
thoughitisnotclearwhetherthatisduetothefactthattheyrelyonamuchcoarsermeasureof
incomeorbecauseschoolenrollmentpatternshavenotmirroredneighborhoodsegregation
patternsclosely.However,oneotherstudy(Altonji&Mansfield2011)providessuggestiveevidence
thatsegregationbyfamilyincomebetweenschoolsdidindeedfollowtheneighborhoodsegregation
trends:theproportionofvarianceinfamilyincomebetweenschoolsroseinthe1970sand1980s
(butdeclinedinthe1990s,whenincomesegregationbetweenneighborhoodswasfairlystable).
Althoughitisdifficulttomeasuretrendsinincomesegregationbetweenschools,itis
possibletoestimatelevelsofbetween‐districtsegregationusingCensusdatathattabulatesthe
numberofschoolagechildren,byfamilyincome,enrolledinpublicschoolineachschooldistrictin
theU.S.Usingthesedata,Owensandcolleagues(Owens2013;Owensetal.2013)findthat
between‐districteconomicsegregationamongpublicschoolstudentsincreasedduringthe1990s
andthe2000sinthree‐quartersofthe100largestmetropolitanareas.Owensetal.(2013)alsofind
thatbetween‐districteconomicsegregationoffamilies,regardlessofwhethertheysendchildrento
publicschools,alsoincreasedinthe1970sand1980s,consistentwithCorcoranandEvans(2010)
whofindthatbetween‐districtincomeinequalityalsogrewfrom1970to2000.Thisincreasewas
largelydrivenbyrisingsegregationamongmiddle‐andhigh‐incomefamilies.Takenasawhole,the
trendsinincomesegregationsuggestthatstudentshavegrownmoresegregatedbetweendistricts,
butsegregationwithinschooldistrictshasremainedrelativelyconstantoverthelast20years.
2e.FactorsShapingTrendsinSchoolSegregation
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Court‐ordereddesegregationwasthesinglemostimportantfactorshapingtherapid
declinesinracialsegregationinthe1960sand1970s.Segregationdeclinedsharplyinschool
districtsintheyearsimmediatelyfollowingcourtordersandimplementationofdesegregation
plans(Guryan2004;Reber2005;Johnson2011;Lutz2011).However,otherfactorsmatteredas
well.LoganandOakley(2004)notethatdesegregationalsooccurredinmanydistrictsthatdidnot
havedesegregationplansinplace.Forexample,intheSouth,theblack‐whitedissimilarityindex
fellfrom0.72to0.30indistrictsnotcoveredbydesegregationplansandfrom0.87to0.47in
districtsthatweresubjecttodesegregationplansfrom1968to2000.Therefore,declinesin
segregationduringthistimealsooccurredinresponsetootherfederalgovernmentactionsaimed
atequalrightsandracialequality,districtspreemptivelyundertakingvoluntarydesegregation
plansbeforelegislationoccurred,anddistrictleadersfindingdesegregationtobeaworthysocial
andeducationalgoal(seealsoCascioetal.2010).Evenifdistrictswerenotsubjecttodesegregation
legislation,theshiftinthelegalandsocialenvironmentandenforcementbypoliticalleaders
contributedtodecliningsegregationinnearlyalldistricts.
Becausecourt‐ordereddesegregationgenerallydealtsolelywithpatternsofwithin‐district,
between‐schoolsegregation,legaldesegregationeffortswerelargelyineffectiveatreducing
between‐districtsegregation.In1974,theSupremeCourt’sMillikenv.Bradley(418U.S.717)
decisionruledoutcourt‐orderedinter‐districtdesegregationplans,unlessitcouldbeshownthat
thestatewasresponsibleforbetween‐districtsegregationpatterns,aburdenofproofdifficultto
meet.Thisisonereasonthattodaybetween‐districtracialsegregationishigher—andaccountsfor
agreatershareoverallbetween‐schoolsegregation—thanwithin‐districtsegregation(Fiel2013;
Reardon,Yun,&Eitle2000;Stroub&Richards2013).
Thereissomeevidencethatracialdesegregationeffortsalsocontributedtoincreasing
between‐districtsegregation,asaresultofso‐called“whiteflight”—themovementofwhitefamilies
todistrictswithfewerblacksinordertoavoidraciallyintegratedschools(Colemanetal.1975;
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Farleyetal.1980;Rossell1975;Wilson1985).Althoughsomeofthedeclineinwhiteenrollments
indesegregatingdistrictscanbeattributedtodecliningwhitebirthratesandongoing
suburbanizationtrends,severalstudiessuggestthatwhiteflightinresponsetodesegregationalso
playedasubstantialrole(Welch&Light1987;Reber2005).Reber(2005)showsthatwhite
enrollmentlossesreducedtheeffectsofdesegregationplansbyaboutone‐third.
Inadditiontowhiteflighttootherdistricts,whitesalsoleftthepublicschoolsystem.In
responsetodesegregationinthe1960sand1970s,whiteenrollmentinprivateschoolsincreased,
particularlyinmajorityblackschooldistricts(Clotfelter1976,2004)ReardonandYun(2003)
foundthatthispatterncontinuedintothe1990sintheSouth;further,theyfindthatthebetween‐
districtpublicschoolsegregationwasabout40%higherthanresidentialsegregation,asaresultof
highratesofwhitesprivateschoolattendanceinmajorityblackdistricts.Saporitoandcolleagues
(Saporito2003;Saporito&Sohoni2007)alsofindthatwhitefamilieslivinginpredominantlyblack
schoolattendancezonesarelesslikelytoenrolltheirchildreninneighborhoodpublicschoolsthan
arewhitefamilieslivinginpredominantlywhiteneighborhoods.Similarly,non‐poorfamiliesare
lesslikelytoenrolltheirchildreninpublicneighborhoodschoolswheninhigh‐poverty
neighborhoodsthanwheninlow‐povertyneighborhoods.Thesepatternsbothtendtoincrease
racialandeconomicsegregationamongpublicneighborhoodschools.Incontrast,Loganetal.
(2008),however,findmixedevidencethattheavailabilityofprivateschoolingisassociatedwith
racialsegregationfrom1970to2000.
Sincethe1980s,severalcountervailingtrendshaveoperatedtokeepracialsegregation
levelsrelativelystable.Thechanginglegalcontextledtoincreasesinsegregationlevelsinsome
districts.Between1990and2010,hundredsofdistrictsthathadcourt‐ordereddesegregation
planswerereleasedfromcourtoversight(Reardonetal2012).Asaresult,thesedistrictsbecame,
onaverage,increasinglysegregated(U.S.CommissiononCivilRights,2007;An&Gamoran2009;
Clotfelteretal.2006;Lutz2011;Reardonetal.2012).Inaddition,theSupremeCourt’s2007
14
decisionintheParentsInvolvedinCommunitySchoolsv.SeattleSchoolDistrictNo.1(551U.S.701)
outlawedtheuseofstudents’raceinvoluntarily‐adoptedschoolassignmentplans,makingitharder
fordistrictstovoluntarilydesegregation.
Onepotentialcountervailingforcetothischanginglegalclimateistheincreaseduseof
socioeconomic‐basedstudentassignmentplans(SBSAs),whichattempttocreatesocioeconomic
integrationinschools.Althoughtherearesomesuccessfulexamples(Kahlenberg2002,2006),
mostSBSAshavedonelittletoreduceeithersocioeconomicorracialsegregation(Flinspachetal.
2003;Reardonetal.2006;Reardon&Rhodes2011).Thestudentassignmentplansinplacetoday,
then,aremuchweakerthandesegregationplansofthe1960sand1970sthatsubstantially
integratedschools.
Amorepowerfulcountervailingforcetotheretreatfromdesegregationeffortsisthe
gradualdeclineinracialresidentialsegregation.Black‐whiteracialsegregationhasdeclinedslowly
andsteadilyfrom1980to2010;segregationbetweennon‐HispanicwhitesandHispanicsandnon‐
HispanicwhitesandAsianshasremainedfairlystable(andlowerthanblack‐whitesegregation)
duringthistime(Farley&Frey1994;Loganetal.2004;Logan&Stults2011;Iceland&Sharp
2013).Becauseresidentialpatternspartlydetermineschoolsegregationpatterns,thisdeclinein
residentialsegregationhaslikelypartiallyoffsetsomeoftheincreasingsegregationduetothe
declineindesegregationefforts.Nonetheless,althoughresidentialpatternsareimportant,theyare
notdeterminativeofstudentbodycompositionforseveralreasons.First,neighborhoodandschool
attendancezonesmapontooneanotherimperfectly.Second,manydistrictsdonotoperate
neighborhoodschools,insteadofferingassignmentandchoiceplansthroughwhichstudentscould
attendschooloutsidetheirneighborhood.Third,someparentsopttosendtheirchildtoprivate
school.Reardon&Yun(2003)provideevidencethatresidentialandschoolsegregationdonot
necessarilyfollowoneanother:intheSouth,black‐whiteneighborhoodsegregationdeclinedinthe
1990swhileschoolsegregationincreasedslightlyinmanySouthernstatesandmetroareas.
15
Finally,onereasonthatbetween‐districtsegregationmayhaveincreasedinrecentdecades
isthatresidentialsegregationpatternsatalargegeographicscale(e.g.,segregationbetweencities
andsuburbs),whichparticularlyaffectsegregationbetweenschooldistricts,roseinthe1990s(Lee
etal.2008;Reardonetal.2009).Consistentwiththistrend,between‐districtracialsegregation
rosethroughthe1990s(Rivkin1994;Clotfelter2001;Reardonetal.2000;Stroub&Richards
2013).
3. ConsequencesofSchoolSegregation
3.a.AStylizedModelofSegregationEffectsonStudents
Priortoreviewingtheevidenceontheconsequencesofsegregation,itisusefultoconsider
themechanismsthroughwhichschoolsegregationmayaffectstudentoutcomes.Longshoreand
Prager(1985),inanearlyreviewoftheeffectsofsegregation,highlightedtheneedfortheoretical
andconceptualclarityregardingthecontextsandprocessesthroughwhichsegregationoperates.
Herewelayoutaverygeneralmodelforthinkingabouthowsegregationmightaffectstudents.
Thismodel,orpartsofit,isimplicitinmuchoftheresearchwereview;wehopethatmakingit
explicitwillbothclarifytheholesinexistingresearchandstimulatefutureresearchonthekey
elementsofthemodel.
Wecanthinkofeachschoolashavingasetofresourcesthatarebeneficialtotheirenrolled
students.Theseresourcesmayincludethephysicalfacilitiesoftheschool,theskillsoftheteachers
andstaff,theschoolclimateandcurriculum,thesocialcapitaloftheparentsoftheenrolled
students,andsoon.Totheextentthatastudent’speers’characteristics—suchastheiracademic
skills,socioeconomicstatus,andrace—affecthisorheracademicorsocialoutcomes(including
attitudes,beliefs,friendshippatterns,etc.),wecanconsideraggregatestudentcharacteristicsasa
potentialschoolresourceaswell.Supposeastudentoutcome isaffectedbytheavailabilityof
16
variousschoolresources(denoted , … , )andbyotherfactors.Thenwecanwrite(assumingan
additivelinearrelationshipbetweenresourcesandoutcomes):
.
[1]
Here istheeffectofschoolresource onstudentoutcome .Themodelis,ofcourse,
oversimplifiedbyitslinearnatureandassumptionthatresourceshavethesameeffectsonall
students,butitisausefulstylizedmodelforourpurposeshere.
Schoolswill,ingeneral,differinthedegreetowhichtheyhaveaccesstovarioustypesof
resources,inpartbecausesomeofthepotentialresources(likefamilyresources,parent
involvement,studentachievementandexpectations)arecorrelatedwithormechanicallylinkedto
thestudentcomposition,andinpartbecauseschooldistrictsandgovernmentsmaydifferentially
allocatesomeresourcesamongschools(theymaydeterminewhoteachesinwhichschools,orhow
financialresourcesaredistributedamongschools).Moreover,thetotalamountofsuchresources
withinaschoolsystemneednotbefixed—statesmayallocatemoreorlessmoneytoschools;
districtsmaybemoreorlesssuccessfulatrecruitingskilledteachers;parentswithresourcesand
socialcapitalmaymoveinoroutofthedistrict;andsoon.Inageneralsense,then,segregationmay
affectboththetotalquantityofagivenresourcewithinaneducationalsystemandtheallocationof
theresourceamongschools.Astylizedmodeloftheassociationbetweentheavailabilityof
resource inschool couldbewritten
,
[2]
where istheproportionblack(orproportionpoor,orsomeothermeasureofschool
composition)inschool and isthevarianceratiomeasureofsegregation(ameasureof
17
unevenness;seeColeman,1975)intheschooldistrict.Weusethevarianceratioforsimplicityhere,
asitmakesthederivationsbelowstraightforward.
Itisusefultoconsider,inconcreteterms,whatthecoefficientsinEquation[2]represent.
Thecoefficient indicatestherelationshipbetweenthesegregationlevelofthedistrictandthe
totalquantityofresource availableinthedistrict.Forexample,intheSouth,priortotheBrown
andGreendecisions,Southernstatesspentverylittleonblackschoolsrelativetowhattheyspent
onwhiteschools.Desegregation,however,ledtorapidincreasesinstatespendingoneducation,
drivenbywhite‐controlledlegislatures’desiretoensurethatwhitestudents’schoolqualitydidnot
declinewithintegration(Johnson2011).Inthiscase,thestateinvestedfewertotalresourcesinthe
segregatedschoolsystemthaninthedesegregatedsystem,implyingthat 0when measures
financialresources.However,segregationmightalsoleadtohighertotalavailableresources.For
example,ifsegregationbetweenschoolscausesmorehigh‐incomefamiliestoremaininaschool
district,andifwethinkofsuchfamiliesasaresourcetotheschoolstheirchildrenattend(perhaps
becausetheyhavemorepoliticalpower,onaverage,orbecausetheyserveasrolemodelsfortheir
childrenandtheirchildren’sclassmates,orbecausetheyaremorelikelytohavetimetovolunteer
orbeotherwiseinvolvedintheschool),thensegregationmayleadtogreatertotalresourcesinthe
district.Inthiscase, 0when measuresparentalsocialandeconomiccapital.
Asecondwaythatsegregationmayaffectstudentsisbyaffectinghowthedistrict’s
availableresourcesaredistributedamongstudents.Thisisdescribedbythecoefficient in
Equation[2],theassociationbetweenschoolracialcomposition(proportionblack)andthe
availabilityofresource inadistrict.Forexample,supposethat,withinadistrict,moreskilled
teachersaremorelikelytoteachinlow‐povertyschoolsthaninhigh‐povertyschools(perhaps
becausehigher‐incomeparentsareabletopersuadedistrictleaderstoassigncertainteachersto
theirchildren’sschools,orbecausehigh‐povertyschoolsarelessabletoattractandretainthemost
skilledteachers).Ifthisistrue,thensegregationmayheightenthedisparityintheaveragequality
18
ofteachersavailabletopoorandnon‐poorstudentswithinadistrict,implying 0if
measuresteacherquality.Similarly,ifpeersaffectoneanother’sacademicorsocialoutcomes,then
segregationmayleadtoamoreunequaldistributionofpeerresourcesamongschools:poor
studentswillhavelessexposuretohigher‐achievingclassmates(giventhecorrelationbetween
incomeandacademicskillspriortoschoolentry)thanwillnon‐poorstudents,againimplying
0when measuresaveragestudentacademicskills.Conversely,ifdistrictsreactto
socioeconomicsegregationamongschoolsbyallocatingmoreoftheirresourcestohigh‐poverty
schools,thensegregationmay(inprinciple)leadtoapositivedisparity(moreresourcesinthe
schooloftheaveragepoorstudentthantheaveragenon‐poorstudent).Inthiscase, 0.
Notethatintheabovediscussion,ourpointisnottomakeclaimsregardingwhetherand
howspecificresourcesaffectstudentoutcomes,nortoassesshowthequantityorallocationof
resourcesisaffectedbysegregation.Rather,ourpointhereistosuggesttwogeneralclassesof
mechanismsthroughwhichsegregationmayaffectstudentoutcomes:byaffectingthetotalpoolof
availableresourcesinaschooldistrict(inwhichcase 0);and/orbyaffectingthedistribution
ofavailableresourcesamongschools(inwhichcase 0).Thereislittleconsensusonwhich
featuresofschoolsmatterandhowtheymatter,andouraimindevelopingthisconceptualmodelis
toprovideaframeworkwithinwhichfutureresearchcanmakeprogressonspecifyingwhich
schoolresourcesmatter,howtheymatterforstudents’outcomes,andhowtheyareaffectedby
segregation.
Fromthemodelabove,wecanderiveseveralusefulrelationships.First,notethatEquations
[1]and[2]implythattheaverageoutcomeinthedistrictwillbe
| | |
|
19
∗ ∗ ,
[3]
where istheproportionblackinthedistrictasawholeandwhere ∗ ∑ and
∗ ∑ .Notethatinthisstylizedmodel,theaverageoutcome inadistrictwillbeafunction
ofitssegregationlevel.Forsimplicityhere,assumethattheracialcompositionofadistrictisheld
constantwhileitssegregationlevelisaltered;then ∗isthetotaleffectofsegregationonstudent
outcomes.Thistotaleffectisthesumoftheeffectsofeachresource thatisbothaffectedby
segregation(i.e., 0)andthataffectsstudentoutcome (i.e.,, 0).Ifsegregationincreases
theavailabilityofsomeresourcesanddecreasestheavailabilityofothers,thensomepathways
throughwhichsegregationaffectsoutcomesmaypartiallycanceleachotherout;thatis, ∗ 0
doesnotimplythatsegregationhasnoeffectonresourcesorthatresourcesdonotaffect
achievement.Thekeyinsightprovidedbythismodelisthatwecanthinkofthetotaleffectof
segregationasthesumofasetofmechanisms.Understandingifandhowsegregationaffects
studentoutcomesdependsinpartonknowinghowsegregationaffectsschooldistrictresources
andhowschoolresourcesaffectstudents.
Equation[3]describestherelationshipbetweensegregationandaveragestudentoutcomes.
Nextweconsiderhowsegregationaffectsdisparitiesinschoolresourcesandstudentoutcomes.
Equation[2]impliesthatthedifferenceinschoolresourcesintheschoolsofblackandwhite
studentswillbe
| | | |
,
20
[4]
where and aretheaverageproportionblackintheschoolsofblackandwhite
students,respectively(theseareexposureindices).Conveniently,thedifference is
equaltothevarianceratioindexmeasureofsegregation .Therefore,thedifferenceinthe
exposureofblackandwhitestudentstoschoolresource isdeterminedbythesegregationlevel
ofthedistrictandtheextenttowhichschoolracialcompositionaffectstheallocationof among
schools( ).
Finally,notethatEquation[1]impliesthattheblack‐whitedifferenceinaveragestudent
outcome willbe
| | | |
∗ .
[5]
Equation[5]makesclearthatsegregationwillaffectracialdisparitiesinstudentoutcomesif
∗ ∑ 0.Thatis,ifschoolracialcompositionaffectstheallocationofresourcesamong
schools,andifthoseresourcesaffectstudents,thensegregationwillleadtodisparitiesinstudent
outcomes.
Thisstylizedmodelformalizesthetwomechanismsthroughwhichsegregationmayaffect
studentoutcomesthatwedescribedabove.First,ifsegregationchangesthetotalpoolofresources
availabletoaschooldistrict,itwillaffectaveragestudentoutcomes(solongasthoseresources
affectstudentoutcomes).Andsecond,ifschoolresourcesareallocatedamongschoolsinways
correlatedwithschoolracialcomposition,thensegregationwillleadtoracialdisparitiesinthe
21
outcome (again,solongasthoseresourcesaffectstudentoutcomes).Ofcourse,thisstylized
modelisoverlysimple—itassumeshomogeneous,linear,additiveeffectsofsegregationandracial
compositiononschoolresourcesandofschoolresourcesonstudentoutcomes—butitis
nonethelessusefulforclarifyingtheparametersofinterestinunderstandingtheeffectsof
segregation.Althoughthismodelfocusesontheeffectsofsegregationbetweenschoolswithina
district,themodelcouldeasilybegeneralizedtoapplytosegregationbetweendistricts,following
thesamelogic:segregationbetweendistrictsmayaffectstudentoutcomesbyshapingboththetotal
levelofresourcesavailableinthesystemandthedistributionofthoseresourcesamongdistricts.
3.b.EvidenceontheConsequencesofSchoolSegregation
Asisevidentinthestylizedmodelofsegregationeffectsabove,thereareanumberof
parametersrelevanttounderstandingtheeffectsofsegregation.Thetotaleffectsofsegregationon
averageoutcomesandondisparitiesinoutcomesarecapturedbytheparameters ∗and ∗.Itis
usefultoestimatetheseparameters,becausetheydescribethetotaleffectsofsegregationon
averageoutcomesandoutcomedisparities,respectively.Theindividual , ,and parameters
arealsoofinterest,ofcourse,becausetheydescribethespecificpathwaysthroughwhich
segregationaffectsoutcomes;knowingtheseparametersisusefulfromboththeperspectiveof
sociologicaltheoryandsocialpolicy.Directestimationofanyoftheseparameters,however,is
complicatedbythefactthatschoolresources,segregationlevels,andschoolracialcomposition
levelsarerarelyignorablyassigned.Thereare,however,asmallnumberofstudiesthatprovide
credibleestimatesofsomeoftheseparameters.Severalstudiesestimatetheimpactsofschool
segregationbyexamininghowblackandwhitestudents’outcomeschangedduringtheeraof
schooldesegregation.Whileourgeneralmodelcanbeappliedtoanystudentoutcome,wefocuson
educationalachievementandattainmentand,toalesserextent,occupationalandotheradult
outcomes,asthesearetheoutcomesforwhichpastresearchprovidesthebestcausalevidence.
22
Severalpastreviewsfoundgenerallypositiveimpactsofdesegregationonminority
achievementbutnotedthemethodologicallimitationsofmanystudiesinestimatingcausaleffects
(Bradley&Bradley1977;Crain&Mahard1983;Cooketal.1984).Morerecentstudiesusethe
exogenousvariationintimingofdesegregationcourtordersorimplementationtoestimatethe
causaleffectsofdesegregationonstudents’outcomesanddisparitiesinthoseoutcomes(i.e.,they
estimate ∗and/or ∗).Guryan(2004)findsthatdesegregationledtoadeclineinblackdropout
ratesduringthe1970sof2‐3points,accountingforabouthalfthedeclineintheblackdropoutrate
duringthistime.Johnson(2011)findsthatblacks’oddsofgraduatingfromhighschoolincreased
byabout1percentagepointandtheireducationalattainmentincreasedbyabout1/10ofayearfor
everyadditionalyeartheywereexposedtoaschooldesegregationorder.Neitherstudyfinds
significanteffectsontheeducationalattainmentofwhites,suggestingthatschooldesegregation
wasnotharmfulforwhites.Inotherwords,theysuggestthatdesegregationhadapositiveeffecton
averageattainmentandreducedracialattainmentdisparities.Otherstudiesalsofindapositive
relationshipbetweenschooldesegregationandeducationaloutcomesforblacks(Boozeretal.
1992;Reber2010).
Inadditiontoeducationalattainment,scholarshaveexaminedtheimpactsofdesegregation
onlaterlifeoutcomes(seeWellsandCrain,1994,forareview).Severalstudiesshowthatincreased
exposuretoschooldesegregationimprovedblackadultmales’earnings,reducedtheoddsof
poverty,andincreasedtheoddsofworkingwhite‐colorjobs(CrainandStrauss1985;Boozeretal.
1992;Ashenfelteretal.2006;Johnson2011).
Otherstudiesfindeffectsofdesegregationonsocialoutcomeslikecriminalityandhealth.
Exposuretodesegregationordersreducestheprobabilityofmen’sdeviantbehavior,homicide
victimization,arrests,andincarceration(Johnson2011;Weiner,Lutz,andLudwig2009)and
improvesadulthealth(Johnson2011)Takingamulti‐generationalview,Johnson(2013)found
thatschooldesegregationaffectsnotonlythoseexposedtoit,butalsotheirchildrenand
23
grandchildren.Exposuretoschooldesegregationpositivelyaffectsthereadingandmathtest
scores,educationalattainment,collegequality,andracialdiversityatcollegeofthe“childrenand
grandchildrenofBrown,”withparentandgrandparenteducationalattainmentservingasakey
mechanism.
Anotherwaytoassesstheimpactofschooldesegregationonstudentoutcomesisto
examinewhathappensoncecourtordershavebeendismissed.Lutz(2011)foundthatthe
dismissalofcourt‐ordereddesegregationplansincreasedblackdropoutratesoutsidetheSouth,
andSaatcioglu(2010)foundthattheendofdesegregationpolicyinClevelandledtohigherdropout
ratesamongblackandHispanicstudents.Vigdor(2011),however,foundthattheblack‐whitetest
scoregapdidnotwidenamongelementaryschoolsfollowingtheendofbusinginCharlotte‐
Mecklenburg.Itcouldbethecasethatdesegregationaffectstestscoresanddropoutdifferently,as
littleresearchexaminedtestscoresusingvariationindesegregationordersduetodatalimitations.
Finally,afewstudieshaveexaminedtherelationshipbetweencityormetroarea
segregationlevelsandtestscoregaps.CardandRothstein(2007)examinetheeffectsof
neighborhoodandschoolsegregationontheblack‐whitetestscoregapandfindthattheblack‐
whitetestscoregapishigherinmoresegregatedcitiesbutthatschoolsegregationhasno
independenteffectwhenneighborhoodsegregationisaccountedfor.Mayer(2002)findsthat
neighborhoodeconomicsegregation,whichmaybecorrelatedwithschooleconomicsegregation,
increaseseducationalattainmentforhigh‐incomestudentsbutslightlyreduceslow‐income
children’sattainment,withlittleneteffectoverall.
Thestudiesreviewedhereoftentrytotestmechanismsthatexplainwhydesegregation
improvedblackstudents’outcomes.Mostfocusonhowsegregationshapesthedistributionof
resourcesratherthantheoveralllevelavailableinthedistrict(thatis,theytestwhether 0).
Generally,theyfindthatdesegregationintheSouthequalizedthelengthofschoolyear,student‐
teacherratios,teacherquality,andper‐pupilexpendituresthattheaverageblackandwhitestudent
24
experienced(Ashenfelteretal.2006;Card&Krueger1992;Guryan2004;Johnson2011;Reber
2010).Severalstudiesalsoconsiderpeereffects,arguingthatexposuretowhitepeersmaybenefit
blacksbecausewhitestudentstendedtocomefromhigher‐incomefamiliesandtobehigher
achievingthanblackstudents(Guryan2004;Reber2010;Ashenfelteretal.2006;Saatcioglu2010).
Finally,researchersacknowledgethattheactofdesegregationitselfmayhavehelpedblack
studentsfeelmoreenfranchised,optimisticabouttheirfutures,anddedicatedtotheirstudies,
perhapsalsoincreasingparentalinvolvement,allofwhichcouldimprovetheireducational
outcomes(Ashenfelteretal.2006;Guryan2004).Desegregationmayalsoincreasetheexpectations
ofparents,teachers,andotheradultswhointeractwithblackchildren(Johnson2011).
3.c.EvidenceontheConsequencesofSchoolComposition
Anumberofstudieshavetriedtoestimatetheeffectofschoolracialcompositiononstudent
outcomes,asawayofunderstandingtheeffectsofsegregation(seeHallinan1998,Vigdorand
Ludwig2008,MickelsonandBottia2009forreviews).Thiscanbeproblematic,however,because
racialcompositionmaynotdirectlyaffectstudentoutcomes,butmayoperatethroughitseffecton
otherresources.Toseethis,considertheresultofsubstitutingequation[2]intoEquation[1]
above:
∗ ∗ ∗,
[6]
where ∗ ∑ .Regressing onschoolracialcomposition( ),holdingsegregation
constant,willyieldanestimateof ∗,thetotaleffectofracialcompositiononachievement,whichis
identicaltotheeffectofsegregationonracialdisparitiesinoutcomes.However,becauseschoolsare
rarelyassignedtohavedifferentracialcompositions,theestimationof ∗from[8]willgenerally
25
leadtobiasedestimates,unlesstheregressionmodelincludesadequatecontrolvariablesora
quasi‐experimentaldesignisusedtoidentify ∗.
StudiesthatincludecontrolvariablesinEquation[8],however,runtheriskofincreasing
thebiasintheestimatesof ∗,however,ifthecovariatesareaffectedbyracialcomposition.Tosee
this,considertheregressionmodelbelow,where indexesvariousschoolcovariates(the ’s),
someofwhichmayberesourcesthataffectstudentoutcomesincludedinEquation[1]:
.
[7]
Allowingeach tobeafunctionofdistrictsegregation,schoolracialcomposition,andsomeother
factorsuncorrelatedwithschoolcomposition,wecanrewrite[7]inthesameformasEquation[6]:
∗
∗ ∗ ∗
[8]
Equation[8]showsthatthecoefficientonracialcompositioninEquation[7]willbeequalto
∗ .
[9]
Thus,fittingEquation[7]willnotyieldanunbiasedestimateof ∗unlessnoneoftheschool
covariatesincludedin[7]areassociatedwithschoolracialcomposition(i.e., 0forall inthe
model).Putdifferently,controllingfordownstreammediatorsofschoolcompositionwillleadto
biasedestimatesoftheeffectsofschoolcomposition.Becauseitisnotalwaysclearwhichvariables
shouldbeconsideredcorrelatesofcomposition(whichshouldbecontrolledfor)andwhichshould
26
beconsidereddownstreammediatorsoftheeffectsofschoolcomposition(whichshouldnotbe
controlledfor),thereisaninherentambiguityinregression‐basedestimatesoftheeffectsofschool
composition.Inmostcases,neitherestimatesof ∗fromModel[6]orof fromModel[7]canbe
consideredtohaveastrongcausalwarrant,andshouldnotbeusedtoinfertheeffectsof
segregation.
Asaresultofthesechallenges,therearerelativelyfewstudiesthatprovidecompelling
estimatesoftheeffectsofschoolcomposition.Severalstudies,however,useresearchdesignsthat
providesomeplausibleexogeneityinthesortingofstudentsintoschools.First,twostudiesuse
datafromtheTexasSchoolProjectandtakeadvantageofplausiblyrandomvariationincohort
demographicsovertime(i.e.,idiosyncraticcompositionaldifferencesbetweencohortsthatwere
notdrivenbytime‐varyingracialdifferencesinfamilies’decisionstoenrolltheirchildreninpublic
schools).Theyfindthathavingfewerblackstudentsinagradeincreasesreadingandmathtest
scoresforblackstudentsanddoesnotharmwhites’testscores(Hanusheketal.2002;Hoxby2000).
Second,severalstudiestakeadvantageofrandomassignmentofchildrentoschoolsor
neighborhoodstoexaminehowchangingschoolcompositionmayaffecteducationaloutcomes.
Sanbonmatsuetal.(2006)findnosignificanteffectsontestscoresamongchildrenwhosefamilies
receivedhousingvoucherstobeusedinlowpovertyneighborhoods.Fewchildrenwhosefamilies
receivedhousingvouchersandmovedchangedschools,however,sothestudywasnotabletotest
theimpactsofexogenouschangesinschoolenvironmentsoneducationalachievement.Schwartz
(2010)takesadvantageofthefactthatMontgomeryCountyrandomlyassignsstudentsinpublic
housingtodifferentschoolsandcomparestheperformanceofthosewhoattendedthedistrict’s
mostversusleastadvantagedschools.Shefindsthatbytheirfifthyearofelementaryschool
studentsfrompublichousinginlow‐povertyelementaryschoolshadsignificantlyhigherscoresin
mathandreadingthanequallypoorstudentsassignedtohigh‐povertyschools.Thesepositive
impactsaccumulateovertime—bytheseventhyearofschool,low‐incomestudentsinlow‐poverty
27
schoolsoutperformedtheirpeersathigh‐povertyschoolsby0.4standarddeviationsinmathand
0.2standarddeviationsinreading.Thisstudyprovidesthebestexperimentalevidencethatschool
economiccompositionaffectstestscores.
4. Conclusion
Althoughthe1954BrowndecisionisrightlyhailedasthemostsignificantSupremeCourt
decisionconcerningschoolsinU.S.history,ithadlittleimmediateimpactonschoolsegregation.
Indeed,themostsignificantchangesinschoolsegregationintheUnitedStateddidnotbeginuntil
1968,followingtheGreendecision,afterwhichblack‐whiteschoolsegregationdeclinedsharply
overaperiodof5‐10years.Overthelast25years,however,anddespiteclaimsofre‐segregation
ontheonehand(Orfield2001;Orfield&Lee2007)and“theendofthesegregatedcentury”onthe
other(VigdorandGlaeser2012),schoolracialsegregationhaschangedverylittle.Therehavebeen
modestdecreasesintheexposureofminoritiestowhites,butthesehavebeendrivenprimarilyby
demographicchangesintheschool‐agepopulation(Fiel2013;Logan2004).Segregationmeasured
asunevennesshasdeclinedverymodestlyoverthelasttwodecades.
Oneoftheconclusionsevidentfromareviewoftheresearchontrendsinsegregationisthat
weknowagreatdealabouttrendsinracialsegregationamongK‐12publicschools,butrelatively
littleabouttrendsinanumberofotherdimensionsofsegregation.Sinceourfocusinthispaperis
ontrendsinsegregation,wehavesaidlittlehereaboutsomeoftheseothertypesofsegregation,
thoughmoreresearchinanumberofareaswouldbeuseful.First,duetodatalimitations,we
knowrelativelylittleabouttrendsineconomicsegregationinthelasttwodecades,andvirtually
nothingabouteconomicsegregationpriorto1990.Second,veryfewstudiesconsidertrendsin
segregationinpostsecondaryeducation(tworecentexceptionsareHinrichs2012;Carnevale&
Strohl2013)orinpre‐schoolsettings.Third,fewstudiesexaminetrendsinsegregationbetween
privateandpublicschoolsoramongprivateschools(butseeReardon&Yun2002;Fiel2013).And
28
fourth,wehaverelativelylittleresearchonpatternsandtrendsofwithin‐schoolsegregation,
thoughstudiesoftracking(e.g.,Oakes1985;Lucas1999;Tyson2011),teacherassignment
(Clotfelteretal.2006:Kalogrides&Loeb2013)andstudents’friendshipnetworks(Tatum1997;
Moody2001;Flashman2013;Grewal2012;Fletcheretal.2013)suggesthighlevelsofwithin‐
schoolsegregation.Weknowverylittleabouthowthesepatternshavechangedovertime(though
seeConger2005,forwithin‐schoolsegregationtrendsinNewYorkCity).Ineachoftheseareas,
researchtoidentifythekeypatternsandtrendswouldbeveryusefulforunderstandingtheextent
towhichschoolshavebecomemoreorlesssegregatedalongmanydimensions.
Researchonpatternsandtrendsinsegregationaregenerallymotivatedbyaconcernthat
segregationleadstoracialandsocioeconomicdisparitiesineducationaloutcomes.Surprisingly,
however,thesociologicalliteratureappearstolackadetailedandcomprehensivetheoreticalmodel
(ormodels)ofexactlyhowsegregationmightaffecteducationalandsocialoutcomes.Asaresult,
manystudiesestimatedifferentparameters,allundertherubricofunderstandingtheeffectsof
segregation.Giventhetheoreticalconfusionintheliterature,oneofouraimsinthisreviewwasto
articulateaverygeneralandstylizedmodelforunderstandinghowsegregationmightaffect
studentoutcomesandtocharacterizethetypesofparametersofinterestintheissue.Whileour
modeliscertainlyincompleteandover‐simplified,itmayprovideausefulframeworkforfuture
theoreticalspecification.
Ourmodelsuggeststhattwotypesofparametersareofparticularinterestinthestudyof
segregation:estimatesoftheeffectofsegregationperseoneducationaloutcomes(whateconomists
call“reducedform”estimates,andwhatsociologiststhinkofas“totaleffects”);andestimatesofthe
parametersdefiningthemechanismsthroughwhichsegregationoperates.Todate,theresearch
literaturehasbeenmoresuccessfulatprovidingthefirsttypeofestimates,particularlyin
relationshiptotheeffectsofthesegregation/desegregationinthe1960sand1970s.Studiesofthis
typeshowthatdesegregationledtoimprovementsintheeducationaloutcomesofblackstudents
29
whilenotharmingthoseofwhitestudents.Studiesofmorerecentsegregationprovide,however,
weakandmixedevidenceonthedegreetowhichsegregationislinkedtoachievementgapstoday.
Partofthereasonforthisdisparitymaybethatsomeofthecomponentmechanismsconnecting
segregationtoeducationaloutcomeshavechanged.Johnson(2011)andothersarguethatpre‐
1968segregationwaslinkedtosubstantialblack‐whiteinequalityinschoolresources(inequalities
thatweresubstantiallyreducedbydesegregation).Segregationtodayisnotasstronglylinkedto
schoolresourceinequality(intermsoffinancialresources).Ifsegregationinthepre‐Greenera
operatedprimarilythroughitseffectsontheinequalityofschoolfunding,itmaybeless
consequentialinthemoderneraofsmallerfundingdisparities.
Thislastpointindicatestheneedformuchmoretheoreticalandempiricalunderstandingof
themechanismsthroughwhichsegregationaffectsstudentoutcomes.Tothisend,ourconceptual
modelsuggeststhatfutureresearchshouldfocusonthreetypesofquestionstoclarifythe
mechanismsthroughwhichsegregationoperates.First,howdoesthesegregationofaschooling
systemaffectthetotalquantityofavailableresourcesinthesystem?Thelistofresourcesof
interesthereshouldincludenotonlyfinancialresources,butawiderangeofotherresources,
includinghumancapital,socialcapital,peercharacteristics,accesstosocialnetworks,
neighborhoodconditions,andsoon.Second,howareresourcesdistributedamongschoolsin
relationtoschools’racialandsocioeconomiccomposition?Andthird,howdotheseschool
resourcesaffectstudents’educationaloutcomes?Thesearenotsimplequestionstoanswer,of
course.Nonetheless,identifyingandunderstandingthemechanismsthroughwhichsegregation
affects(ordoesn’taffect)studentswilllikelydomuchmorethanwilladditionalmeasurementof
trendsandpatternstoadvanceourunderstandingofwhyandhowsegregationmatters.
30
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