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2016

APC ISSUE PAPERS

1. Márgenes, caja de texto, columnas

association for progressive communications

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This issue paper addresses the degree to

which gender and women’s rights feature

in Internet1 governance, in multiple inter-

connected ways including, but certainly

not limited to, access, content and rep-

resentation. Gender and women’s rights

occupy a largely rhetorical role in today’s discussion of

Internet governance.

1 While it is the policy of the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) not to capitalise “internet”, as a step towards demystifying the term, the author argues that it is a proper name and needs to be capitalised. This paper thus follows the author’s preference.

When speaking of access, there is a noticeable inverse

proportionality in the movement against the digital

divide. Often, especially in countries with pronounced

gender discrimination, as the overall percentage of men

with access grows, the percentage of women without

access or with limited access remains steady, thereby

increasing the gender imbalance. And often there is

a direct proportionality between increased access for

women and violence against women online.

On representation, an issue that has been very important

in civil society and the private sector, there is recogni-

tion of the need for more women in leadership, more

women on panels and more women involved in agenda

setting. Civil society focuses largely on bringing women

overvieW

apc issue papers

Women’s rights, gender and internet

governanceBy Avri Doria

Issue_WomenRights.indd 1 30/11/15 10:46

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The Arab world is undergoing tremendous

change. From the uprisings in Egypt and

Tunisia in 2011 to the war and migra-

tion crisis in Syria and the fight against

fundamentalists in Iraq, the region is over-

burdened with change. The strengths and

weaknesses of digital rights, as well as the mere ability

to use the internet securely, are not immune to these

geopolitical shifts.

Parallel to these shifts is the increasingly pervasive role of

internet services in dictating the way people live. Taking

these two realities into consideration, the role of civil so-

ciety organisations in advocating for human rights online

is crucial. Because this report aims to closely evaluate the

way Arab civil society is managing to do this, the analysis

it provides could not be timelier.

This report explores how local groups in the Maghreb

and Machrek regions are engaged in internet-related

rights advocacy at the national and regional levels, and

how that reflects upon the inclusion of these issues in

the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process.

The first part of the report presents a thorough overview

of internet-related advocacy work in the Arab world,

assessing each country separately. The second part fo-

cuses on organised civil society efforts to work within

the UPR framework and contribute to it. The report then

discusses the obstacles facing Arab civil society in the

path of effective participation in the UPR process, and

concludes by making three key recommendations: (1)

enhanced support for UPR-related education, (2) greater

support for civil society engagement, and (3) greater

inter-organisational coordination and more constructive

competition.

The case studies featured in this report reflect the diver-

sity of efforts across the Arab world in securing human

rights in a digital environment.

ExEcutivE summary

Digital rightsaDvocacy in the arab worlD

anD the Universal PerioDic review

apc issue papers

By Wafa Ben Hassine

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During 2011, in the period dubbed the

“Arab Spring”, the internet was a space

for mobilisation. Since then, it has

also become a space for oppression

of activism and dissent. In countries

where demonstrations calling for

democracy erupted, authoritarian regimes resurfaced in

different forms and shapes with intensifying violations of

the human rights of citizens. While one cannot ignore the

spectrum of violations across this region, in the past five

years Arab governments have been generally more active

in cracking down on online speech, public gatherings and

assemblies, and the privacy of citizens, especially activists

and journalists.

After the Snowden revelations in 2013, the world was

consumed by news of violations of the privacy of citizens

led by different intelligence units of the National Security

ExEcutivE summary

Digital safety

in context: PersPectives on Digital security training anD human rights realities

in the arab worlD

apc issue papers

By Reem Almasri7ibEr

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BeiJinG, BeiJinG+10, BeiJinG+20

Any discussion of women’s rights should include a

reference to the Fourth World Conference on Women

in Beijing and its Platform for Action. While this 1995

document includes neither information and communica-

tion technologies (ICTs) nor Internet governance, its plan

of action does include several items which over the years

have been recognised as being related to the Internet.

These include strategic objectives and actions dealing

with:

A. Women and poverty

B. Education and training of women

C. Women and health

D. Violence against women

E. Women and armed conflict

F. Women and the economy

G. Women in power and decision-making

H. Institutional mechanisms for the advancement of

women

I. Human rights of women

J. Women and the media

K. Women and the environment

L. The girl child.9

Significantly, Beijing Platform Strategic Objective J.110

aimed to:

Increase the participation and access of women to

expression and decision-making in and through the

media and new technologies of communication.

And the document also stated:

Women therefore need to be involved in decision-

making regarding the development of the new

technologies in order to participate fully in their

growth and impact.11

While the Beijing Platform has been reviewed every five

years since 1995, it has yet to include specific reference

9 www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/pdf/BDPfA%20e.pdf

10 ibid., paragraph 238.

11 ibid., paragraph 237.

to women online in connection with the plan of action.

APC put out a paper describing 10 points of contact

between Beijing Platform Objective J and the power of

ICTs:12

1. Access to infrastructure

2. Expression, information, agency

3. Economy and sustainable development

4. Privacy and autonomy

5. Decision making, public participation, activism

6. Science, technology, engineering and mathematics

(STEM)

7. Violence against women

8. Environment

9. Women’s participation in the media

10. Women’s representation in the media.

What still remains to be done is to find an approach

that includes Internet governance in the development of

policy reforms that can be implemented nationally and

internationally to enable the power of ICT for women.

Further work on unpacking the requirements for a

stronger connection between ICT and gender is needed.

In November 2014 the Global Alliance on Media and

Gender (GAMAG) called for the inclusion of specific

goals beyond those listed in Section J:

We cannot talk about equality, good governance,

freedom of expression and sustainability when

women are effectively silenced in and through the

media, and where new technologies are used to

undermine the human rights of women and women

journalists.13

12 APC. (2015). How Technology Issues Impact Women’s Rights: 10 points on Section J. www.genderit.org/articles/how-technology-issues-impact-women-s-rights-10-points-section-j

13 UnesCo. (2014, 6 november). Alliance calls for strong global gender and media agenda. UNESCO. www.unesco.org/new/en/communication-and-information/resources/news-and-in-focus-articles/all-news/news/alliance_calls_for_strong_global_gender_and_media_agenda/#.vXr8Kc9viko

HisTory, iMPeTUs AnD Cross-JUrisDiCTionAL issUes


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Surveillance has been one of the most integral tools to

perpetuate the Israeli occupation of Palestine, and also to

maintain the status quo of the Palestinian Authority (PA).

It is a multifaceted complex structural system that starts

with the layout of the telecommunication infrastructure in

the West Bank and Gaza, to the Israeli military-academic-

private security establishment of a surveillance industry,

ending with cross-collaboration of the Israeli intelligence

agency with the NSA and the PA.

telecommunication infrastructure

The Oslo Accords of 1995 gave the Palestinians the au-

thority to operate their own telephone, radio and TV

networks, but assigned the allocation of frequency and

infrastructure to a joint committee with the Israeli au-

thorities. In 2014, the International Telecommunication

Union (ITU) passed a resolution urging member states to

take every effort in “facilitating the establishment of Pal-

estine’s own international gateway networks, including

satellite earth stations, submarine cables, optical fibres

and microwave systems.”55 However, the Israeli occupa-

tion continues to determine the shape, form and scope

of the Palestinian telecommunication industry. Until this

date, Palestinian telecommunications providers are still

unable to set their own communication standards or

independently import certain equipment, as Israel con-

trols the allocation of frequencies and determines the

scoping and scaling of Palestinian infrastructure. Helga

Tawil-Souri, an assistant professor of communication at

New York University, sums up the “independence” best:

The majority of Palestinian Internet traffic is routed

through switches outside the Territories. Even on the

ubiquitous cellular phones, calls must touch the Israeli

backbone. Paltel, Jawwal, Hadara and Wataniya rely

on Israeli permissions for the placement, number and

strength of routers and exchanges; the range of their

signals and the equipment they can use is limited by

Israeli restrictions; the allocation of their bandwidth

is decided by the Israeli Ministry of Communication –

not the Palestinian one.56

55 International Telecommunication Union. (2014). Resolution 99, Status of Palestine in ITU, Final Acts of the Plenipotentiary Conference, Busan 2014. https://www.itu.int/en/plenipotenti-ary/2014/Documents/final-acts/pp14-final-acts-en.pdf

56 Tawil-Souri, H. (2011, 9 November). Hacking Palestine: A digital occupation. Al Jazeera. www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opin-ion/2011/11/2011117151559601957.html

It was not until November 2015 that the Israeli govern-

ment allowed the establishment of a 3G mobile network

in Palestine, at the time that Israel was moving to 4G.

Moreover, Israel only allowed the implementation of a

3G network in the West Bank, but not in Gaza.

In the Gaza Strip, restrictions on the telecommunication

infrastructure are further heightened. Any landline call

from Gaza is routed through the Israeli telecommuni-

cation infrastructure. The allocation of bandwidth; the

placement, number and strength of internet routers or

telephone exchanges; the range of cellular signals and

the equipment used; and decisions about which new

technologies are permissible or not are all limited by

Israeli restrictions.57 The infrastructural Israeli military

surveillance apparatus over the Palestinian telecommu-

nication companies is reflected through the text mes-

sages and phone calls that Gazans used to receive from

the Israeli occupation forces warning them of impend-

ing bombs. The only fibre optic cable to Gaza is placed

in Israel, which gives Israel centralised surveillance and

switching powers. This control is also manifested in how

Paltel and whatever Israeli firm it is dealing with must

coordinate their operations with the Israeli occupation

forces and the Israeli Coordination and Liaison Adminis-

tration to the Gaza Strip.

The mechanism of Israeli surveillance over telecommu-

nications starts with the dependence of telecoms infra-

structure. This routing centralisation grants greater un-

checked powers to the Israeli government to monitor

the communications of Palestinians, and therefore to

perpetuate control over their lives.

surveillance establishment: idf-private sector-academia

On top of the physical infrastructural surveillance ap-

paratus, there lies a security-based establishment tightly

connecting the Israeli military, the Israeli version of the

Silicon Valley, and Israeli academic institutes. The high

tech spy incubator of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF), Unit

8200, can be a dream destination for a 16-year-old with

good coding and hacking skills. However, to be eligible

57 Tawil-Souri, H. (2014, 29 September). The Technological End Between the ‘Inside’ of Gaza and the ‘Outside’ of Gaza. 7iber. www.7iber.com/2014/09/the-technological-end-between-the-inside-of-gaza-and-the-outside-of-gaza

casE study 2: occupiEd palEstinE

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largely remained outside the remit. Advocating for digi-

tal protections and general human rights on the internet

is a relatively novel practice worldwide, and especially so

in the Arab world.

Common non-profits submitting reports to the UPR

for Arab world countries under review include Human

Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Article 19, the

International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), the

Cairo Institute for Human Rights, and the World Asso-

ciation of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA).

None of these is a grassroots organisation based in the

Arab world proper.

The second part of this report will provide an overview

of non-profits that are both locally based and involved in

the UPR process to advocate for digital rights.

part i: ovErviEW of Digital rigHts aDvocacy groups in tHE araB WorlD

Digital rights activism in the Arab world centres heav-

ily on advocating on behalf of human rights defenders

who are arrested, detained or fined due to expressing

themselves online. Because of this, the conversation in

regards to human rights online is typically defined by a

strong interest in protecting the right to free speech on-

line. Recently, digital rights advocacy groups have start-

ed to focus on the right to privacy more on the global

stage, particularly in the United Nations framework and

through UPR involvement.

This section will provide a brief overview of digital rights

advocacy in the Maghreb and Machrek regions, focusing

on movements in Tunisia, Morocco, Lebanon, Jordan,

Palestine, Sudan, Egypt and Iraq.

nortH africa (magHrEB)

Much of the civil society movement for digital rights in

the Maghreb is decentralised across several individual

actors and a few organisations.

tunisia

In Tunisia, the initial euphoria of newly found freedom

online, which was first experienced when former dicta-

tor Zine el Abidine Ben Ali was ousted in 2011, is fading

away. While the new constitution, which came into ef-

fect 10 February 2014, protects access to any informa-

tion and communications technologies (ICTs) – including

the internet – as a right, and enshrines the values of

freedom of expression and religion, the reality on the

ground tells another story.

For example, opposition blogger Zied El-Heni – who was

harassed under the Ben Ali regime for his criticism of the

regime – continues to be targeted by local authorities. In

September 2013, El-Heni was detained for three weeks

after he accused the public prosecutor of fabricating evi-

dence against him.6 He was later released on bail. Many

domestic organisations rallied for his release, including

those that are not exclusively focused on digital rights

per se, such as the National Syndicate of Tunisian Jour-

nalists (SNJT).

Also in 2013, rapper Weld El 15 (aka Alaa Eddine Yaak-

oubi) was arrested and tried for releasing a music video

on YouTube called “El Boulicia Kleb” (“The Cops Are

Dogs”).7 He was sentenced to a three-year term in pris-

on, which was later reduced to six months – ultimately

mirroring the sentence that was handed down to the

music video’s director and starring actress. Civil society

reacted quickly to his sentence. Non-profits in Tunisia

organised campaigns for his release, and international

organisations – including Freemuse, an organisation

advocating and defending freedom of expression for

6 lambroschini, a. (2013, 14 september). Zied El-Heni: latest victim of media crackdown in tunisia. Middle East Online. www.middle-east-online.com/english/?id=61347

7 amnesty international. (2013, 2 July). freedom of Expres-sion on trial in tunisia. https://www.amnesty.org/en/press-releases/2013/07/freedom-expression-trial-tunisia

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1 4 / issue papers

Whereas the submission is broadly centred on freedom

of expression, the report does provide a full section on

internet data monitoring and surveillance by the gov-

ernment as well as the jailing of prominent activists and

censorship of content online.

Notably, there were no Tunisian organisations involved in

the submission of this report.

cHallEngEs

Environment

The first section of this paper demonstrated that one of

the biggest challenges to digital rights activism in the

Arab world is the very environment that it operates with-

in. The circumstances are diverse – from the total lack

of responsive institutions in Libya, to civil war in Yemen

and Syria, to immensely burdened bureaucratic systems

in Tunisia and Egypt.

Non-democratic processes pose significant challenges

across the region, encumbering activists who are at-

tempting to lobby policy makers for change. The arbi-

trary application of law, lack of due process, and lack

of transparency in governmental procedures all pres-

ent structural challenges for advocates. In the words of

SMEX co-founder Mohamad Najem, “In countries where

an individual’s voice in the elections simply does not mat-

ter, it is hard to move for change.”

Environmental challenges also include the political ma-

nipulation of international human rights instruments.

For many human rights advocates in the region, the UPR

process is a “show” of sorts where governments are

expected to accept all recommendations on the inter-

national stage but seldom implement promised changes

back home. In most Arab countries, laws are consistently

moulded to serve law enforcement interests, reinforced

by weak and partial judiciaries.

lack of upr process education

Lack of awareness is a major challenge within the com-

munities where digital rights activists work. The UPR

process is foreign to most activists in the region, in part

due to its seeming disconnection from the reality on the

ground. The majority of Arab governments are notori-

ous for portraying liberal human rights policy positions

internationally while perpetuating grave violations at

home. Advocates are well aware of this. This type of

double-faced behaviour furthers a sense of disillusion-

ment, which then contributes to the lack of interest in

and education on the UPR mechanism.

scarce resources due to reactive campaigning

When organisations do campaign, they are often react-

ing to a specific violation, which in turn leaves CSOs with

little time and few resources to organise effectively to

develop long-term strategies – a crucial requirement of

effective UPR advocacy. Whether it is the arrest of an

online rights activist or the proposal of a draft bill that

violates users’ rights online, campaigns have consistently

taken on a reactive rather than proactive character. Sev-

eral activists interviewed for this paper emphasised that

they have been unable to engage in deeper advocacy

and meaningful community education simply due to

current events demanding more urgent attention and

resource dedication.

network fragmentation

Within the field of digital rights, there is little coordina-

tion and networking among civil society organisations

domestically. This deficiency has led to the failure of such

organisations to take advantage of the UPR mechanism.

Dr. Abdel Rahim Bilal, former director of the Friedrich-

Ebert-Stiftung Office in Sudan, summed up this frag-

mentation: “I think we lack the experience in building

and managing networks, […] and whenever a network

is formed the security [apparatus] intervenes to either

stop or hack it. Such harsh conditions hinder the devel-

opment of any experiment, its growth and its role.”80

competition

It is notable in Arab countries that whenever govern-

ments engage in institutionalised discrimination against

civil society activism (such as by hacking into or destroy-

ing CSO networks), networking and teamwork are of-

ten the first mechanisms that are affected. This presents

immense challenges to intra-group coordination, and

hampers individual groups’ ability to accomplish ev-

eryday tasks. With decreased teamwork, resources are

also stretched thin. In a race for resources, such barriers

sometimes lead organisations to lose vision. For exam-

ple, the struggle over funding might turn into competi-

80 Dr. abdel rahim Bilal, quoted in aljaili abubkr, l., & fadul, k. (2016). CSOs and Media Needs Analysis Study: Universal Periodic Review (UPR) Mechanism.

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on women in the media

In September 2005, the United Nations Division for the

Advancement of Women wrote about the advances to

be expected from the post-WSIS process. The document

discusses the derivation of its goals from the Beijing

platform and goes on to lay out strategies for achieving

the goals of gender equality in the use of ICT and the

Internet during the next decade:

• Mainstreaming and monitoring of a gender perspec-

tive in all ICT initiatives.

• Collecting sex disaggregated data on the use of ICT

and women’s participation in policy making as well

as developing targets, indicators, and benchmarks to

track the progress of women’s and girls’ access to the

benefits of ICT.

• Identifying and promoting good practices and les-

sons learned on the ways women and girls are using

ICT.

• Capacity building towards gender equality in educa-

tion and employment.

• Enhancing democracy and women’s participation

through electronic connectivity.

• Developing research and policies on health and envi-

ronmental hazards of ICT industries.14

The reality 10 years later as reflected in recent work

done by UN Women on Beijing+20 may give pause to

the optimism of 2005. A recent report from UN Women

describes:

Regardless of your choice of media, you’d have a

good chance of encountering stereotypes that per-

petuate gender discrimination.

Women in all types of media tend to be thin and

sexualized. They talk less than men. They have

fewer opinions. And they are far less likely, in the

entertainment industry, to play roles as leaders or

professionals, or even as women who work for a

living.15

An infographic created by UN Women includes the fol-

lowing statistics:16

14 United nations Division for the Advancement of Women. (2005). Women 2000 and Beyond: Gender equality and empowerment of women through ICT. www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/public/w2000-09.05-ict-e.pdf

15 Un Women. (2015). Women and the Media. beijing20.unwomen.org/en/in-focus/media

16 beijing20.unwomen.org/en/infographic/media

• 46% of news stories stories in print, radio and

television reinforce gender stereotypes. Only 6%

highlight gender equality.

• 1 in 4 people heard or read about in the news

are women.

• Women hold 27% of top management jobs in

media organisations.

• Misogyny and abuse are rife online. For instance,

in the U.S., 26% of young women have been

stalked online.

• 21% of filmmakers are women.

• 23% of films feature a female protagonist.

This is tangential to Internet governance as a field, but

shows that 20 years after Beijing, little has changed. In

2014, however, GAMAG made the connection quite

specific and placed the issue on the table during discus-

sion of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the

proposed replacements for the Millennium Development

Goals (MDGs), which expire in 2015.

Provisions that GAMAG wants included in the SDGs

include:

• Women’s equal and effective participation and

freedom from violence in all areas of media decision

making and practice.

• Women’s equal access to media ICT and their

benefits.

• The right to safety and bodily integrity in the

digitally mediated public sphere.

• Fair and balanced gender portrayal and occupational

representation of women in the media.

• Sensitive, fair and rights-based coverage of violence

against women and girls.

• Mainstreaming of gender in media and ICT policy

and training curricula.

• Gender, media and information literacy training, edu-

cation and campaigns.17

17 UnesCo. (2014, 6 november). op. cit.


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In this section some of the major institutions involved in

Internet governance activities are discussed.

Un sysTeM

Throughout the UN system, Gender Empowerment

Measures (GEM)31 are being initiated. GEM empowerment

programmes are seen as important because they offer

a possible way to measure change. Often the ability to

measure change can encourage change. The effectiveness

of empowerment since GEM projects were first initiated

remains an open question. GEM evaluation programmes

have been instituted to attempt to evaluate the effects of

these and other programmes to empower women.

In keeping with the times, gender working groups

have been initiated within several UN bodies includ-

ing the Commission on Science and Technology for

Development (CSTD), ITU and UNESCO. All of these

groups are involved with ICT and Internet governance

issues. Specific requirements for inclusion of women on

panels, in promotion considerations, and hiring are be-

ing defined and measured.

Un WomenOver the years, UN Women has started to participate in

Internet governance through its association with the ITU

and other bodies like the IGF. Its most visible participa-

tion has been with respect to the ITU WSIS+10 review in

2014. UN Women contributed to CSTD’s 10-year review

of WSIS outcomes by discussing the recognised potential

of ICT for women, but went on to say:

Yet, despite the recognised potential and areas

of progress, it is not happening fast enough, to a

31 GeM is also the acronym of Gender evaluation Methodo-logy, which is an APC programme: www.genderevaluation.net. The two uses of the terms are different in emphasis, though related. in the employment field, gender em-powerment means taking positive measures to ensure the employment of more women. in the APC meaning, gender evaluation methodology involves evaluating changes in a longitudinal and gender disambiguated manner: “GeM is an evaluation methodology that helps you integrate a gender analysis into the planning and/or evaluations of any social change initiative. GeM will help you deter-mine whether your development project or programme is really improving the lives of the women involved, as well as promoting positive change at individual, institutional, community and broader social levels.”

transformative degree and investments are lacking.

Women are not sufficiently engaged in and influencing

the direction and content of the knowledge society.32

Their statement goes on to discuss what should be done:

Various reviews, conferences, and consultations

have all revealed a number of gaps and challenges.

There are strong calls to:

• Meaningfully integrate women’s needs, perspec-

tives, and capabilities through proper gender

analysis and effective learning environments.

• Position women as equal partners, active agents,

content producers, innovators and decision-makers.

• Promote women’s access to ICTs in all their forms.

This should also include mechanisms to ensure

that women do not fall behind with new and rap-

id technical advances, whether this be broadband,

the internet of things, and the like.

• Better connect and heighten understanding of

online and offline realities and surface underlying

factors that hinder women’s engagement in the

information society. This also includes linking rights

offline with enjoyment of rights online and ensur-

ing that harmful practices online – such as violence

against women – are prevented or addressed.

• Involve women to much greater degrees in global

Internet governance discussions.

• Increase attention, dedicated resources, investments,

more coherent approaches and accountability

measures for women’s empowerment within the in-

formation society.

• Effectively integrate the myriad of issues related to

the knowledge society within the work and delib-

erations of the gender community and normative

frameworks.

• Update the WSIS framework in line with standard

international practice which treats gender as a main-

streamed issue, as well as one in its own right.33

Their statement was one of the strongest statements

made on the need to carry the goals over into the SDGs.

32 Un Women. (2014). Contribution to the CsTD ten-year review of the implementation of Wsis outcomes, paragraph 1. unctad.org/sections/un_cstd/docs/cstd_wsis10_unwomen_en.pdf

33 ibid., para. 2.

eCoLoGy: PrinCiPAL insTiTUTions (inCLUDinG reGionAL AnD nATionAL), ACTors AnD ProCesses


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11. Página tipo 71 1 / issue papers

association for progressive communicationsAssoCiATion for ProGressive CoMMUniCATions

United nations economic, scientific and Cultural organization (UnesCo)UNESCO has had a role to play in the implementation

of the WSIS action lines. In 2015 it held a conference on

“CONNECTing the Dots: Options for Future Action”. In the

conference outcome document they are careful to include

the standard reference to gender equality, including:

5.3 Enable girls and women to take full advantage

of the potential of the Internet for gender equality

through taking proactive measures to remove bar-

riers, both online and offline, and promoting their

equal participation.42

inTerneT GovernAnCe forUM (iGf)

Over the course of the first nine meetings of the IGF,

there have been 116 sessions that mentioned gender.43

While gender was not a significant topic in many of

those sessions, it was an indication of at least the sur-

face adherence to mainstreaming goals; gender and

women’s rights were mentioned. The first requirement

of mainstreaming was met.

In 2012, the DiploFoundation published “Gender and

the IGF: Participation and Language Used”,44 a lexical

analysis and count of utterance of men and women over

six years of IGF meetings. The report concluded:

The participation of men in the IGF, from its incep-

tion in 2006 to the last forum in 2012, significantly

outnumbered women (number). But, as the IGF

matures, a noticeable trend towards gender balance

is coming to light. At each successive IGF more and

more women are making substantial interventions.

In 2012, a volume was published, “Critically Absent”,

that discussed the absence of women and women’s is-

sues in Internet governance, and offered suggestions on

how to get more involved. The book provides:

[A] policy advocacy toolkit [that] encourages women

and their organizations to engage in a political

discussion about the promotion of Internet develop-

ment with a vision of inclusion, fairness and respect

42 UnesCo. (2015). ConneCTing the Dots: options for future Action. outcome document, p. 5. www.unesco.org/new/fi-leadmin/MULTiMeDiA/HQ/Ci/Ci/pdf/outcome_document.pdf

43 www.friendsoftheigf.org/sessions/?search=gender

44 Diplofoundation. (2012). Gender and the IGF: participation and language used. www.diplomacy.edu/iGfLanguage/gender

for human rights. We expect [it] to be a tool that can

be used to raise awareness and encourage partici-

pation in a new environment where women cannot

and should not be absent.45

The IGF Gender Dynamic Coalition, coordinated by APC,

has been doing a series of gender report cards to measure

the degree of women’s participation and of substantive

women’s issues discussed at the IGF. The first of these

reports was done for IGF 2012,46 held in Azerbaijan, with

a subsequent report for IGF 2013,47 held in Indonesia. A

presentation made at the 2014 IGF48 Dynamic Coalition

meeting showed that there had been marked im-

provements between 2012 and 2013.49 According to

preliminary reports50 on the 2014 IGF, ground was lost,

with fewer women (31%) acting as moderators in 2014

than had done so in 2013 (40%). The report also indicates

that “of the 71 sessions for which ratings were given,

gender was rated as the main theme for only 1 session

(1% of the total), and was seen as not relevant for 50

sessions (70% of the total).” So much for the reality and

effectiveness of mainstreaming.

Gender and Internet Governance Dynamic Coalition

Dynamic Coalitions are groups formed under the um-

brella of the IGF to focus on a specific topic over the

course of many years. Most dynamic coalitions meet

yearly at the annual IGF meeting. From the Dynamic

Coalition on Gender Equality’s Action Plan:

The Dynamic Coalition on Gender Equality aims to

ensure gender perspective is included in the key

45 APC. (2012). Critically Absent: Women in internet gover-nance. A policy advocacy toolkit.www.genderit.org/resour-ces/critically-absent-women-internet-governance-policy-advocacy-toolkit

46 APC. (2013, 16 october). results from the Gender report Card at the 2012 iGf: More women make a huge differen-ce. GenderIT.org. www.genderit.org/articles/results-gender-report-card-2012-igf-more-women-make-huge-difference

47 APC. (2014.) Internet Governance Forum 2013: Results from the Gender Report Card. www.genderit.org/sites/default/upload/igf2013genderreportv1.pdf

48 fascendini, f. (2014, 1 september). Moderate progress in gender parity and inclusion at the iGf between 2012-2013. GenderIT.org. www.genderit.org/feminist-talk/moderate-progress-gender-parity-and-inclusion-igf-bet-ween-2012-2013

49 iGf Gender Dynamic Coalition. (2014). Gender Report Card: Results 2013. www.genderit.org/sites/default/upload/igf_gender_report_card.pdf

50 www.intgovforum.org/pipermail/igfmaglist_intgovforum.org/2015-May/003329.html


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12. Apéndices


1 8 / issue papers

Acronyms are an essential component of Internet gover-

nance discussion; they are something to be learned, not

feared. It is not only the natural tendency of organised

bodies to abbreviate complicated names and concepts

for ease of reference, but it also comes out of the

symbolic nature of language in computer and network

technology. One of the problems with acronyms is that

beyond knowing the words that make up the acronym,

it is important to have an understanding of the ideas im-

plicit in the acronym. This reference will point to places

one could dive deeper into the meaning of some of the

acronyms used in this issue paper.

APPenDiX i: ACronyMs AnD referenCes

acronym Literal one sentence explanation reference <url>

APC Association for Progressive Communications

Vision: All people have easy and affordable access to a free and open internet to improve their lives and create a more just world.

https://www.apc.org

CSTD Commission on Science and Technology for Development

A subsidiary body of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). It was established in 1992 to provide the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council with high-level advice on relevant issues through analysis and appropriate policy recommen-dations or options in order to enable those organs to guide the future work of the United Nations, develop common policies and agree on appropriate actions.

www.unctad.info/en/Science-and-Technology-for-Development---StDev

GAMAG Global Alliance on Media and Gender

The Global Alliance on Media and Gender (GAMAG) is a global movement to promote gender equality in and through media.

www.unesco.org/new/en/gamag

GEM Gender Evaluation Methodology

An evaluation methodology that helps you integrate a gender analysis into the planning and/or evaluations of any social change initiative.

www.genderevaluation.net

ICT Information and communications technology

“Often used as an extended synonym for information technology (IT), but is a more specific term that stresses the role of uni-fied communications and the integration of telecommunications (telephone lines and wireless signals), and computers, as well as necessary enterprise software, middleware, storage, and audio-visual systems, which enable users to access, store, transmit, and manipulate information.”

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Information_and_communi-cations_technology

IETF Internet Engineering Task Force

The mission of the IETF is to make the Internet work better by producing high quality, relevant technical documents that influence the way people design, use, and manage the Internet. Newcomers to the IETF should start here.

www.ietf.org


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13. Contratapa

APC is an international network of civil society organisations founded in1990

dedicated to empowering and supporting people working for peace, human

rights, development and protection of the environment, through the strate-

gic use of information and communication technologies (ICTs).

We work to build a world in which all people have easy, equal and afforda-

ble access to the creative potential of ICTs to improve their lives and create

more democratic and egalitarian societies.

w w w . a p c . o r g i n f o @ a p c . o r g

internet and iCTs for social justice and development

THis issUe PAPer is PArT of THe APC “enD vioLenCe: WoMen’s riGHTs AnD sAfeTy onLine” ProJeCT fUnDeD By THe DUTCH MinisTry of foreiGn AffAirs (DGis).

WoMen’s riGHTs, GenDer AnD inTerneT GovernAnCe october 2015

isBn 978-92-95102-45-3 APC-201508-WrP-r-en-P-236

Creative Commons License: Attribution-nonCommercial shareAlike 3.0 licence

Written by Avri Doria

Commissioned by the Women’s rights Programme of the Association for Progressive Communications (APC).

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13. Contratapa sin código de barras

APC is an international network of civil society organisations founded in1990

dedicated to empowering and supporting people working for peace, human

rights, development and protection of the environment, through the strate-

gic use of information and communication technologies (ICTs).

We work to build a world in which all people have easy, equal and afforda-

ble access to the creative potential of ICTs to improve their lives and create

more democratic and egalitarian societies.

w w w . a p c . o r g i n f o @ a p c . o r g

internet and icts for social justice and development

digital safEty in contExt: pErspEctivEs on digital sEcurity training and human rights rEalitiEs in thE middlE East and north africa

april 2016

isbn 978-92-95102-60-6 apc-201604-cipp-i-En-digital-251

creative commons licence: attribution-noncommercial sharealike 3.0 licence

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supportEd by thE EuropEan union undEr thE EuropEan instrumEnt for dEmocracy and human rights (Eidhr)

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Guía de colores | Colores Institucionales

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Los colores institucionales son rojo, naranja y verde. Deben aplicarse siempre en los mismo tonos y gamas. Estas son las distintas especificaciones de color para las distintas aplicaciones gráficas.

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