2897923 Incorporating Critical Inquiry Pedagogy in Social Studies Curriculum

8/14/2019 2897923 Incorporating Critical Inquiry Pedagogy in Social Studies Curriculum

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disservice and contribute to a gap in achievement between middle class majoritystudents relative to students of color and low socioeconomic status (Bartolome,2004). According to Giroux (2004), knowledge within social studies curricula should reflect the sociocultural and political realities of society (The role of curriculum in critical pedagogy section, para. 3). As Banks (2004) explains, knowledge construction in a society is directly related to the social, political, andeconomic contexts in which knowledge exists (p. 228). Furthermore, progressive

pedagogies based on an additive or contributions approach have been attempted byeducators since the Civil Rights era (p. 235). However, these pedagogies have failed to change continuing inequitable conditions within schools and within curricula. Graff (2000) suggests the creation of critical pedagogies based on student inquiry to facilitate a more equitable learning environment for students of color and white students of low socioeconomic status. Fecho (2000) also describescurricula that are critical of the inequalities within U.S. society. He reaffirms Graff's calls for a critical pedagogy based on inquiry, and proposes an alternative to hierarchical discourse on issues of social justice and the historical marginalization of various minority populations. He instead proposes a pedagogy based on student inquiry that crosses cultural boundaries and empowers students(p. 195). He calls this concept critical inquiry pedagogy. The discussion of cr

itical inquiry pedagogy in social studies that follows is divided into three parts. The first part is a discussion on various progressive pedagogical perspectives and the historical and theoretical origins that have led to the constructionof critical inquiry pedagogy. Next is an examination of opposing views held by neo-conservatives and progressives on critical theory and critical pedagogy and their application in critical inquiry pedagogy. The third part is an explorationof applied critical inquiry pedagogy in classroom 2


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environments. The third part also includes descriptions of what can result whencritical inquiry pedagogy is introduced in classroom environments. An Overview of Critical Inquiry Pedagogy In this section I review literature that is a summation of the perspectives that have led to the concept of critical inquiry pedagogy. Critical inquiry pedagogy is a constructivist pedagogical concept, accordingto Fecho (2000), that combines aspects suggested by various authors of progressive educational material. Critical inquiry pedagogy combines parts of equity peda

gogy, transformative education, engaged pedagogy, inquiry pedagogy, and criticaltheory into one unified theory that promotes the formation of transformative knowledge through deeper analysis of established hegemonic constructs. An equity pedagogy exists when teachers modify their teaching in ways that will facilitatethe academic achievement of students from diverse racial, ethnic, cultural andgender groups (Banks, 1995, p. 392). This equity pedagogy is a key aspect of Banks' concept of transformative education. Vavrus (2002) states that transformative education counters neutral, isolated images of educational policies and practices by bringing to the forefront critical theory's unifying concept of power relationships (p. 7). An engaged pedagogy as propagated by hooks (1981, 1994) issimilar to Banks' ideals of transformative education. However, hooks' theoriesare influenced heavily by her extensive studies of the social and economic const

ructs of the African nation of Kenya (Florence, 1998). Hooks' (1994) engaged pedagogy can best be described as a reconceptualization of the current knowledge bases of both students and educators in regards to issues of racism, sexism, and classism. Inquiry pedagogy is also a building block in the construction of critical inquiry pedagogy. Inquiry pedagogy is a process where students formulate investigative questions, obtain factual 3


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information, and then build knowledge that ultimately reflects their answer to the original question (Fecho, 2000, p. 194). Critical inquiry pedagogy also includes aspects of social critique from critical theory. As described by Giroux (2004) and Gordon (1995), critical theory seeks to provide a radical critique of knowledge, by taking into account the situations, structures, and interests that influence the construction of knowledge. Furthermore, when applied to curricula,critical theory embraces radical philosophies that run counter to pervasive Euro

centric hegemony (Swartz, 1993). King (1995) defines hegemony as the processesof domination that are maintained not through sheer force, but through consensual social practices (p. 268). King further describes hegemony as the powerful winning the consent of marginalized populations through systemic and institutionalized oppression (p. 268). According to Gordon (1995), [C]ritical theory is thecritique of (hegemonic) domination (p. 190). Critical theory posits a world that is progressively becoming less free. From this understanding, critical theoryseeks to affect change upon the mechanisms of domination within U.S. society. Itfurther implies that present configurations of society are not static and can be changed by concerted effort among the oppressed and their progressive majorityallies (pp. 190-191). Theoretical Origins of Critical Inquiry Pedagogy Each ofthe proceeding authors appears to have their theoretical roots in the philosophy

of John Dewey. Dewey was a radical educational theorist in his time and his writings have served as a source of inspiration for subsequent generations of radical educators. He is cited numerous times in nearly all the works included in this review of literature. Therefore, when discussing such derivative matters, it is useful to begin with his words. Dewey (1915) sought a different kind of education, not one that would adapt workers to the existing industrial regime. 4


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Instead, he sought the creation of knowledge that would alter the existing industrial regime and ultimately transform it (p. 40). Dewey supported a type of education that would create a society that was more mindful of issues of social justice and equityespecially for the working class. According to Dewey, much of theeducation within U.S. schools serves as indoctrination into dominant ideals, especially with reference to narrow nationalism under the name of patriotism, andwith reference to the dominant economic regime (Dewey as cited in Hursh & Ross

, 2000, p. 60). This flawed idea of patriotism that Dewey speaks of has become one of the central aspects in the dominant culture's arsenal to subvert transformative ideas. It has become overlaid with Eurocentric beliefs that reinforce Anglo established hegemony in society (Kivel, 2002, pp. 86-87). Similar to Dewey, Counts (1932/1978) spoke of critical classroom pedagogies in opposition to societal hegemony. He called for teachers to use the classroom to build a socialistic society, and for teachers to become leaders, not just in their schools or local communities, but also as an effective, powerful political force. Along with Deweyand Counts the Brazilian educationalist Paulo Freire is also one of the most quoted and prolific progressive educational theorists. His writings on issues of pedagogical reformation and progressive education have served to heavily influence the theories of many of the authors cited in this discussion. Freire (1985) ex

plained that when textbooks exhibit culturally hegemonic, exclusionary, and non-representational approaches to history, they reinforce and legitimize ideals ofhegemony over marginalized groups. In his book The Politics of Education, Freire(1985) suggests this hegemony is a social justice issue in that any situationin which humans prevent others from engaging in the process of inquiry is one ofviolence (p. 17). Moreover, Freire suggests an aspect of self-preservation inthe suppression of knowledge and the educational policies of majority groups. Freire contends that it would be 5


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extremely naive to expect the dominant classes to develop a type of education that would enable subjugated classes to perceive social injustices critically (p.102). Other Progressive and Radical Theorists Others have joined Freire in citing self-preserving aspects of dominant culture. MendelReyes (1997) states that the excessive exercise of democracy was written out of the Constitution from thenation's inception. Furthermore, he posits that the founding fathers methodically set up a procedural republic, held together by nationalism and other forms o

f self-definition in opposition to the "Other" (p. 231). Additionally, in response to various progressive movements within our society, members of marginalizedgroups who have assimilated and embraced dominant ideology have been placed in positions of prestige within the U.S. society. As Ogbu (1992) explained, these members of marginalized groups who have made their way out of the ghetto, barrio,and reservation often serve as the most tenacious defenders and protectors ofmajority point of view and the status quo (p. 3). Throughout the 20th century, despite these protections and barriers created by the dominant culture, progressive thinkers have promoted education as a means to develop the social conditionsand intelligence that can enable citizens to make social decisions that supporttheir communitys welfare (Hursh & Ross, 2000, p. 3). These progressive educators believe that schools have the power to construct the ideals of democratic soci

ety, pass those ideals onto students, and encourage them to use those standardsas a benchmark to judge both their own and other societies (Urban, 1978, p. x).The idea of using education as a means of social reformation has its roots in avariety of theories and philosophies. Some, such as Giroux (2004), cite Marx andhis critiques of the hegemonic social practices within capitalist societies. Giroux (2004) suggests the formation of 6


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critical pedagogies that appropriate theories from feminism, postmodernism, andneoMarxism to counter pervasive neo-conservative and assimilationist ideas within traditional social studies curricula (The role that teachers play in critical pedagogy section, para. 5). Giroux states that practices of racism, sexism, and capitalist exploitation inhibit the expansion of social justice and human emancipation within U.S. society (Affirming modernity

s democratic legacy section, para. 4). Although Bowers (1967) agrees with Giroux, Bowers

argument comes f

rom a different perspective. Bowers supports the case for a pedagogy in opposition to traditionally racist, sexist and classist knowledge construction, not through the ideals of Marx, but through a critique of the ideals of the founding fathers themselves. Bowers

writings are an indictment of the structure of our government through the words of Madison. According to Bowers, the Constitution doesnot necessarily represent the high-minded ideals that are often associated withit. Instead, it is a work that reflects the view of men who believed in privateproperty over government and, furthermore, that government was not subject to control by majorities through popular sovereignty (p. 461). As Bowers asserts, theConstitution is a document that facilitates the exploitation of the masses rather than their governance (p. 462). Vavrus (2002) illustrates this exploitive aspect of the American system, and explains that people are objectified economical

ly as a resource for consumption (p. 107). The U.S.

existence is a direct result of European colonial expansion. Upon their arrival Europeans began a societybased on military seizures and the forced colonization of people in order to access cheap goods to trade with other colonial powers (Vavrus, 2002). However, this version of history is rarely taught in social studies curricula. Progressive Views on Social Studies Education 7


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The ideals taught in traditional social studies curricula are deeply deficient in critiques of America

s historical actions (Lowen, 1995). Banks (2004) concurswith this analysis and advises educators about the ingrained barriers set up bythe dominant culture; he states that scholars who are outside of the mainstreammust construct oppositional knowledge to combat institutional hegemony (p. 230).According to Gordon (1995), these pedagogies must go beyond the contributions approach as described by Banks (2001) and be transformative experiences for stude

nts: Challenging the omissions and distortions of this hegemonic regime of truthis thus not merely a matter of infusing more information into a faulty premise,but of reconstituting the conceptual systems that govern models of humanness and models of being.... In both form and content, it signals the transcendence ofa new world civilization. (Gordon, 1995, p. 184) This cannot be accomplished through a contributions approach to the histories of marginalized populationsa transformative approach to education must be taken. However, the introduction of transformative knowledge is unlikely to be warmly received by the established power structure. Currently, meritocratic ideals perpetuate the marginalization of students who are outside of the dominant culture. This is a flawed development ofthe classical ideals of education. According to Brown (1999), the classical goals of education in general and social studies specifically are to produce an enli

ghtened citizenry and strengthen intellectual powers within society (p. 327). However, as presently constructed, only a selected few from marginalized populations become the next generation of political elite (Spring, 2005). This meritocratic paradigm is by its nature discriminatory. According to King (1995), the introduction of transformative knowledge can expand areas of study to be more reflective of the composition of our society (pp. 275-276). The 8


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resulting more equitable pedagogy would decrease feelings of exclusion from curricula among various traditionally subjugated classes. To accomplish this goal, social studies needs new curricula (Brown, 1999, p. 327-332). The difficulty in creating these new curricula is that unfortunately the democratic ideals that aremost often taught in schools, and that are pervasive in society are based on the philosophical perspectives of 18th century social contract theorists like JohnLocke (Ross, 2000, p. 57). Locke was part of an oligarchy that reserved individ

ual liberties and freedoms for themselves and members of their class. Subsequently, members of this elite class constructed a non-egalitarian society in which systems of domination flourished (Ross, 2000, pp. 57-58). Allen (1999) states that there cannot be a true democracy where all people live as equals when there are systems of domination (p. 2). According to King (1995), under conditions ofdomination, social and cultural differences are negated by the majority in preference of a single normative common culture (p. 271). This common culture reflects the biases of those in power. Within it Eurocentric ideals of individualismare emphasized to the benefit of those who possess the ability to exercise them,and to the detriment of those who do not. In response King proposes an alternative pluralistic model that facilitates greater social cohesion and equity through shared pluralism (p. 271). Under this model ambivalent views of marginalized

students and the preponderance of Eurocentric ideas, as propagated in texts, are highlighted and discussed. This contributes to an increase in group autonomy for traditionally marginalized students. Furthermore, this model facilitates an inquiry into rationale behind the traditional construction of social studies curricula and a demand for a more accurate representation of the roles traditionallymarginalized students play in society (pp. 270272). 9


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If schools are to disrupt stratification of success by race, class, and gender,new critical pedagogies must be created. These critical pedagogies must defy Eurocentric hegemony and promote different politics to confront unequal distributions of power and wealth in contemporary society (Swartz, 1993). The traditional role of the school, according to Banks (2001), has been to prepare students to accept their assigned status in our society (p. 99). Accordingly, current curricula replicate the socio-economic and political structure in which they exist (p.

98-100). Considering the current U.S. socioeconomic structure and the assault by neoconservatives on multiple aspects of public life, according to Giroux (2004), educators must revitalize previous democratic education movements of people such as Counts. Giroux supports the creation of a new movement in which pedagogyis linked to social change in an effort to develop critical agency and criticalsubversion of the dominant power (Affirming modernity

s democratic legacy section, para. 4). A Neo-Conservative Opposition. Attempts at transforming educationand implementing critical pedagogies can incur significant opposition from neo-conservatives, who, according to Giroux (2004), have commenced an intense program to counteract the efforts of progressives. Giroux further states that in a concerted and global effort neo-conservatives are successfully dismantling historically guaranteed social provisions within the welfare state. Additionally, they a

re shaping definitions of democracy to exclusively refer to market freedoms andprofit making for rapidly expanding corporate states (Critical pedagogy as a matter of context, ethics, and politics section, para. 1). Neo-conservatives tendto dismiss multicultural education and oppositional historical pedagogies, criticize them as distorting reality and threatening the social fabric of U.S. society, and promote group rivalry among marginalized groups and the dominant culture(Shor, 1993, 10


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p. 7). They instead cite a presumed supremacy of Western culture as an inducement to the preservation of traditional values in social studies curricula (Hursh &Ross, 2000, pp. 7-8). Presently, in the U.S., the dominant voices in public discourse reside on the political right. Currently, neo-conservative forces have been successful in popularizing a message in opposition to social welfare, bilingual education, and ethnic studies programs. In juxtaposition authors that are more progressive have been less successful at promoting their point of view to the

American populace (Banks, 2004). The Progressive Response. According to Steinberg (2000), right-wing ideology speaks to ideas of self direction and individualism, yet it ignores society

s obligation to define the sociopolitical forces thatundermine such efforts for marginalized people (p. 130). If democracy has already been achieved as neo-conservatives posit, then the primary purpose of a social studies education is to teach students its agreed upon meaning. However, if progressives are correct in believing that democracy is a project, then social studies education must teach students not a fixed content, but a method for questioning, evaluating, and recreating the meaning(s) of democracy (Mendel-Reyes, 1997, p. 233). Social studies is an interdisciplinary subject that is appropriate for the creation of both democratic and cultural citizenship (Steinberg, 2000, p.131). This potential for the creation of new democratic and cultural ideas is t

he essence of critical inquiry pedagogy: students must be given the opportunityto determine their own construct and definition(s) of democracy and the direction in which they prefer it progress, if at all (Giroux, 2000). Social studies isa course of study that lends itself to social activism through the initiation ofcritical inquiry pedagogy. Cohen (1993) proposes a literal usage of the word social studies. She suggests social studies become a vehicle for the study and critique of unequal 11


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social structures. She posits that equity within classrooms can be increased through direct discussions of relevant issues that may not necessarily be directlytied to the curriculum, but are relevant to students

everyday lives. This can be taken one step further through the application of Banks

(2001) concept of contextualized discourse of relevant global issues in social studies classrooms. The main challenge to the implementation of a critical pedagogy and a democratic dialog is establishing these concepts within a public education system and a soci

ety at large that are inherently antidemocratic (Marker, 1993, p. 144). Brown(1999) posits that new perspectives and knowledge bases are not learned from data that has already been processed through the filter of dominant ideology. The introduction of oppositional knowledge can enhance the understanding of larger societal concepts and issues. Social studies teachers can redirect the rationale and focus of the curriculum to encourage critical thinking and evaluation of societal issues (p. 329). Critical pedagogical perspectives facilitate working to eradicate deeper ideological and material barriers faced by students (Bartolme,2004, Educators as dedicated cultural brokers section, para. 3). Because socialstudies can make it possible to link social sciences, art, culture, literacy, and self-identity, social studies can become a tool to analyze and transform economic, political, and cultural forces and create a more democratic society (Hursh

& Ross, 2000, p. 10). Changing school to be more democratic means more than changing the structures and processes that are used in making decisions (Kohli, 2000, p. 33). As Mendel-Reyes (1997) explains, a contradiction exists in traditionalinterpretation of democratic education. Democracy presupposes people can and should rule themselves, whereas schooling encourages people to be changed througha multi-year process that involves being led by someone else. Therefore, critical inquiry pedagogy is necessary to facilitate student formation of oppositionalknowledge 12


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that will facilitate societal transformation (p. 224-227). Teaching methods thatare openly political, eschew the traditional illusion of neutrality, and urge their own critique are pivotal to classroom practices that seek to work against the appearance of more modern forms of fascist ideology and practices (Hursh & Ross, 2000, p. 53). However, Graff (2000) cautions educators against proselytizingwhen he states that overtly trying to radicalize students is the least effective way to radicalize them (para. 6). It is difficult to have a truly democratic

classroom if one is attempting to force a perspective on students; they must beencouraged and allowed to develop their own pedagogies. According to hooks (1994), hierarchical power relationships between students and educators reinforce historical ideals that support the inevitable development of class divisions and non-equitable power distributions. These undemocratic hierarchical power relationships contribute to lower student achievement among marginalized communities (p.204). Allen (1999) therefore argues that teacher preparation programs need to model a democratic process that can translate to K12 classrooms (p. 13). The Application of Critical Inquiry Pedagogy As reported by Bartolome (2004), critical inquiry pedagogies have been successfully implemented in classroom environments and have contributed to a reduction in the gap in academic achievement between traditionally marginalized students and students from the majority culture (The st

udy section, para. 5). At the school cited in her case study, educators using critical inquiry pedagogies credited them as contributors to an increase in student classroom engagement, for students of color and majority students living in poverty (Awareness of asymmetrical power relations section, para. 1). Additionally, Harmon and Katims (2000) reported significant gains (p. 287) in note takingbehaviors, student 13


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involvement, and comprehension test scores in middle school social studies classes through the implementation of critical pedagogies (pp. 286-288). Critical inquiry pedagogies serve as way to socially empower and engage traditionally marginalized students in social studies curricula (Fecho, 2000). Accordingly, a historically marginalized student in America operating under critical inquiry pedagogywould question why cultural ideals and characteristics of the majority are presented as the beau ideal within society (hooks, 1981). The goal of teaching knowl

edge as a social construction through critical inquiry pedagogy is to neither make students cynics nor encourage them to desecrate European heroes such as Columbus and Cortes. Rather, the aim is to help students to understand the nature ofknowledge and the complexity of the development of U.S. society and to understand how the history that becomes institutionalized within a society reflects the perspectives and viewpoints of the victors rather than the vanquished (Banks, 2001, p. 11). The issue at hand is whether social studies should promote a certain view of history and brand of citizenship or promote a more critical citizenship aimed at transforming society (Hursh & Ross, 2000, p. 55). Swartz (1993) prefers the latter; she speaks to a new understanding of social studies and callsfor a reconceptualization of patterns of teaching and learning: This pattern involves a deliberate sharing of power and non-hierarchical positioning of once do

minant and once marginalized voices in the discourse and enactment of postEurocentric schooling. Within such a context, it may one day be possible to disrupt the stratification of achievement and success by race, class, and gender. (p. 504)The elimination of sociocultural stratification in academic achievement is a primary goal of critical inquiry pedagogy (Fecho, 2000). Students cannot become advocates for societal change through the strictly establishment

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perspectives that comprise the majority of current social studies curricula. Allen (1999) therefore asks if it is the role of social studies education to give students the tools to succeed in society as it is currently constructed or to give students the tools to be effective advocates and conduits for change (p. 14).Traditional social studies curricula fail to examine historic injustices and indoing so provide tacit approval of societal, historical, and political injustices. These dominant classroom social studies curricula usually include text-orien

ted, whole group, teacher centered instruction where emphasis is placed on memorization of facts. This method lasted throughout the last century and into the current one because of the pressure of organizational setting and school culture (Hursh & Ross, 2000, p. 47). These pressures work as a homogenizing force against the efforts of progressives. Conceptually social studies education is at thecusp of a reformation. Steinberg (2000) envisions that history will no longer taught from the point of view of the victor, but with equity and consideration to all (p. 129). In so doing, U.S. public schools have the opportunity to altertheir historic role of replicating and reproducing social inequalities. Ending the replication of social inequalities in schools is likely to move the U.S. awayfrom the traditional pedagogical paradigm. As described by Banks (2004), underthe current paradigm non-critical assimilationist knowledge is pervasive because

it supports the perspectives and assumptions of the dominant political forceswithin a society (p. 231). Critical inquiry pedagogy endeavors to undermine this paradigm and to raise questions about the origin and effects of dominant political force. Giroux (2004) explains that in defiance of traditional pedagogies, critical pedagogy seeks to provide a way of reading history as part of a larger project of reclaiming power and identity, particularly around the categories of race, gender, class, and ethnicity (What is critical pedagogy section, para. 3).15


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In contrast a traditional mainstream social studies curricula rarely questions the basic assumptions of the educational environment. Questions like are schoolssituated in the ways that best benefit student learning? and is the curriculum an authentic reflection of the nation

s history? are rarely asked. (Prilleltensky& Nelson, 2002, p. 96). According to Banks (2001), a social studies instructor should aide students in the creation of their own pedagogies through inquirybased curricula and ensure that students do not become consumers of only status

quo knowledge. Social studies teachers should furthermore push students towardsnew ways to organize, conceptualize, and think about information (p. 205). Clark and Lutzenberger (1999) state that social studies teachers should use their respective disciplines, discourses, and conventions as cultures (para. 9). Theyposit teachers should view their students as metaphorical travelers in a foreign land and impart them with multidisciplinary, non-traditional, and progressive concepts (para. 9). In doing so teachers can facilitate the creation of critical perspectives through inquiries of established conventions throughout variousdisciplines. This can contribute to the creation of students with unique radicalized pedagogies (p. 3). Banks (1995) engages in critical inquiry in this critique of the book The Bell Curve. Banks asks, Why was the book so well received byeducated people? Who benefits from the arguments contained therein? And why do a

rguments about the genetic inferiority of AfricanAmericans continuously resurface? (p. 397). These types of questions are at the heart of critical inquiry pedagogy for students. Banks (2004) contends that critical pedagogies enable individuals to construct different ways to conceptualize the world. Moreover, he positscritical pedagogies illustrate how groups in power create knowledge that maintains their power (p. 230). In this example Banks provides no answers; he only poses critical questions. 16


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If a teacher is authoritarian, little student engagement occurs. According to Marker (1993), teachers must avoid being authoritarian in regards to instilling apolitical ideology. To facilitate the development of critical and analytical skills, an opportunity for social critique must be provided. Teachers, especially those working with politically and socially subjugated students must possess an outrage and sense of student advocacy that reflects the increased political andideological clarity they seek for their students to create. (Bartolome, 2004, A

ssuming a counter hegemonic stance section, para. 3). Bartolome (2004) advancesthat in addition to the expected technical skills in subject area and educational methodologies, teachers must possess courage in the face of criticism from administrators and parents who oppose the implementation of critical pedagogies andpossess neo-conservative or assimilationist political perspectives (Assuming acounter hegemonic stance section, para. 5). Moreover, teachers must denounce injustices that marginalize large portions of their student bodies and create responsive and empowering educational contexts (Assuming a counter hegemonic stance section, para. 5). As stated by Lowen (1995), history is not a study of isolatedfacts, but is about determining the results and relevance of past occurrences tothe contemporary societal constructs. When history is examined through criticalinquiry, issues of social justice and inequity become its central concerns and

motivation for societal change (Cervetti, Damico, & Perdles, 2001). A key to societal reformation is culturally relevant teaching, a pedagogy that empowers students intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural referents to empower knowledge (Ladson-Billings, 1994, p. 178). Traditional curricula reinforce Eurocentric ideals and encourage students not to question society and instead to simply trust that society is good. Through textbooks that imply the domestic and foreign policies of the 17


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U.S. are always right and socialization that implies the same, students become efficient consumers of American majority ideology (Lowen, 1995, pp. 307-308). Theattitudes of members of the majority formed from these textbooks are reflectedin their treatment of marginalized people (Swartz, 1993, p. 498). Through overtmethods like the manipulation of textbook content to minimize the contributionsof people of color and immigrants (Lowen, 1995), and covert methods like the exclusion of critical views of American foreign policy from historical discussions

(Giroux, 2000), the marginalization of the "Other" has been sewed into the fabric of traditional social studies curricula. Conclusions As demonstrated by Vavrus(2002) and Banks (1995), incremental approaches to multicultural education andother progressive pedagogies have failed to shift views regarding traditionallymarginalized populations and their contributions to U.S. history. Additionally,U.S. social studies curricula has traditionally been constructed under the influence of the dominant class within our society as a means of reinforcing a racist, classist, and sexist social paradigm that has been present since the inceptionof America and American public education (Banks, 1995; Giroux, 2004; Lowen, 1995; hooks, 1994; Spring, 2005; Swartz, 1993). Critical inquiry pedagogy serves asa method of counteracting this established paradigm through a constructivist approach. It includes the introduction of new perspectives that more accurately po

rtray the history of the nation and eschew herofication and the minimizing of historical injustices (Lowen, 1995). Additionally, instead of approaching the knowledge construction of students through a top down patriarchal structure, critical inquiry pedagogy places the construction of radical ideals in the hands of thestudents (Graff, 2000). Critical pedagogy proposes that education is a form ofsocial and political intervention 18


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that is capable of creating the circumstance in which social reformation can flourish (Giroux, 2004). Furthermore, Giroux posits, educators bear a responsibility as public intellectuals to oppose assimilationist pedagogies and neo-conservative messages that propagate the supremacy of Western culture. Educators instead,as Giroux suggests, should support a curriculum that allows students to developtheir own views of the world, views that more accurately reflect the historicallegacy of American imperialism. In working towards this goal, an essential aim

of social studies curricula should be to expand the awareness of and provide students with a way to develop their own views and perspectives of the formative historical role the U.S. has played in global affairs (Brown, 1999). According toFecho (2000), this proposed knowledge construction can best be accomplished through critical inquiry pedagogy. An examination of traditional knowledge in socialstudies education illustrates the failing of curricula as currently constructedto improve the status of democracy within the U.S.: Democracy is a form of government that recognizes the right of the people to take part in, directly or indirectly, controlling their political institutions.... It also describes practicesof society as a whole that enlarge opportunities for people and that place emphasis on the dignity of the individual. (Kohli, 2000, p. 33) This description ofdemocracy is not reflected in traditional social studies curriculum where issues

of racism, sexism, and classism are ignored and marginalized. Understanding thetruth of these matters requires a significant undertaking on behalf of the student and teacher. A reflective reexamination by educators would illustrate the obscuring of the political and ideological consequences of current inequitable societal constructs within the U.S. Instead of succumbing to the demands from thosein power to obey, social studies teachers should avoid the compulsion to use status quo perspectives and embrace critical inquiry (Ross, 2000). In

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social studies classrooms, failing to include critiques of these flawed constructs results in disinterested students who can be apathetic to the direction of their democracy and ultimately contribute to the maintenance of the status quo (Ross, 2000). Recommendations for Practice In moving towards the stated goal of counteracting biased traditional pedagogies and facilitating the construction and development of a more democratic public education system and society, a new social studies curriculum based in critical inquiry should be established. This curri

culum should involve the full integration of traditionally marginalized populations and historically underrepresented political perspectives into lesson plans.Additionally, this discourse should interrogate why these viewpoints were previously excluded from traditional pedagogies. In order to foster a more critical citizenry and facilitate the construction of more socially and politically activestudents, social studies teachers are obligated to integrate discussions of these issues into the classroom. To this end, the following five practices are recommended for the implementation of critical inquiry pedagogy in social studies classrooms: 1. Facilitate constructivist approaches to knowledge construction. Independent learners can sift through arguments and construct their own reasoned conclusions on historical events (Lowen, 1995). Through constructivist approaches,students are given an opportunity to decipher for themselves what is at stake in

the ideological differences that surround them (Giroux, 2004). Social studies teachers should insist that students ask the question why? when they are presented with Eurocentric historical points of view. Instead of preaching progressiveideas to students from a bully pulpit, social studies teachers should create anenvironment where these ideas are constructed and developed by the students themselves through critical inquiry of 20


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established knowledge (Fecho, 2000). 2. Facilitate safe and co-participatory learning environments. Social studies teachers should create reciprocal co-participatory learning environments and encourage students to construct their own knowledge, social identities, and philosophies within them (Swartz, 1993). This can befacilitated through peer teaching and the fostering of a safe learning environment for students. A social studies teacher needs to create an environment wherestudents feel comfortable to express personal beliefs and safely interrogate sta

tus quo knowledge. Such a reconceptualization requires new patterns of teachingand learning that involve deliberate power sharing on the part of teachers withstudents through non-hierarchical classroom discourse. 3. Embrace democratic citizenship education. Schools are appropriate places for democratic education because they possess essential aspects of a democratic society: a diverse populationand an abundance of fertile minds. However, traditional educational practices usually prevent schools from taking advantage of these ideal settings (Mendel-Reyes, 2001). Social studies teachers should introduce students to models of citizenship and democracy that transcend passive or participatory models. Social studies teachers should embrace democratic citizenship education models that promotesocial cooperation and democratic participation. Through the implementation of critical inquiry pedagogies, social studies educators can begin to rectify the fa

iling of traditional pedagogies and foster political and social activism among students. 4. Dialog towards the development of a critical social consciousness. If social studies teachers desire to move the U.S. towards a more egalitarian andequitable construction of democracy and away from inequitable and Eurocentric paradigms, it is essential that students understand the world more comprehensively than current pedagogies facilitate (Brown, 1999). It is 21


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imperative that students as future leaders of a democratic society understand the economic, political, and historical circumstances in which the U.S. has functioned and inequity has thrived (Hursh & Ross, 2000). 5. Supplement Eurocentric textbooks with more balanced educational resources. In order to foster critical discourse of societal and historical realities in social studies classrooms, teachers need to include non-traditional sources that contain revisionist historicalanalyses in social studies curricula. In the absence of inclusive social studies

textbooks that reflect the complex and often inequitable history of the U.S., educators should become comfortable with and help students access alternative primary and secondary historical sources (Lowen, 1995). The current movement of oppositional pedagogies grew from the successes of the civil rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s and has aided in liberating large numbers of students from many national myths and misconceptions (Banks, 2004). This process must be continued; students must be taught social studies in a manner that helps them come to their own conclusions about the social, political, and historical issues that willeither secure or endanger their democratic freedoms (Lowen, 1995). Moreover, social studies teachers should facilitate student knowledge construction through critical inquiry pedagogy. Students of all social, racial, gender, and cultural backgrounds need and deserve a curriculum that cultivates the construction of dem

ocratic ideas of equity and social justice.

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2897923 Incorporating Critical Inquiry Pedagogy in Social Studies Curriculum

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