2006 Peace Camp Papers

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Intern ati on al P ea ce Camp 2006Gwa nju

CommunityBased Peace Building Conflict Transformation

Presented by Beth Galalrdo

The Many Lenses of Mindanao

Mindanao has been described in many ways as a region of contradictions, land of

promise, breeding ground of terrorists, haven of tourists and other such nomenclature

depending on what lens one is using. Those of us who work for peace building know the

importance of harnessing the varied interpretations and views into a respectful (rather

than common as this might not be possible to achieve) understanding of the situation of

conflict so that a peace agenda can be crafted. The process of achieving such a level of

understanding as equally important.

To describe the peace and conflict situation in Mindanao, three groups make it to the

landscape as major stake holders, namely: the Moros, the indigenous people and the

settlers.

The Moros are the Islamized people and the native inhabitants of what they refer to as

the Moroland whose population has diminished from majority to minority as a

consequence of the colonization of the Philippines to which Mindanao was illegallyannexed according to the claim of the Bangsmoro. From its preHispanic constituency of

the entire region, there are now only five (Sulu, TawiTawi, Lanao del Sur,

Maguindanao, and Basilan) of the twentytwo (now twenty three) Mindanao provinces

with a Muslim majority. Violent conflict has historically marked their struggle to

reclaim their sovereignty over the slowly diminishing Muslim population and their own

form of government, the Sultanates of Sulu (1450) and Maguindanao (1619) and the Pat

Pangampon of Lanao.

The more dominant population is composed of settlers mostly coming from central

Philippines or the Visayas whose farmers were lured in the early 50s to resettle in

Mindanao with assurance of vast tract of lands and the promise of corn" harvest.

Government programs in response to the then emerging and still resurgent secessionist

movements (from the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM), to the Moro National

Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has caused a

radical shift in the demography which saw the population of indigenous peoples (IP)

and the Moros being eased out by the migrant settlers. These assimilation and migration

policies have resulted to the prevailing prejudices between the IP/Muslim groups on one

hand and the predominant Christian migrants on the other hand. Most of the current

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political leaders govern on the basis of the interest of class and ethnicity which they

share with other leaders from the major languagebased groups such as the Tagalogs,

Visayans and Ilocanos.

Indigenous peoples refer to the nonIslamized tribes comprising of 18 ethnolinguistic

groups in Mindanao which have staked their claim to ancestral land as integral to their

life and culture. Their continuing struggle for land has been consistently challenged

even with an acclaimed enactment of the IP Rights Act in 1999. IPRA suffers from

loopholes and inconsistent policies in land use which afflict the Philippine system

dating back to the Regalian doctrine of the Spanish era. IP networks and support groups

are currently embroiled in heated conflict(both legal and extralegal) with government

whose recent signing into law of the Mining Act is seen as an effort to strengthen

business interests to prop up an investmentintensive mode of economic development.

At first glance, the conflict of interests is visible in the development paradigms which

have been historically pushed by dominant interests(mainly business) which counteract

the life system of the indigenous and Moro population. Looking further, we can find a

pandora's box of voices and interests wanting to be heard. Conflict has in fact been

complicated with the many layers of identities that even the major groups have taken

on.

Participation as an Issue and a Response

Disenfranchised from their lands and cut out from their life systems, the IPs and Moros

were not present at all when decisions were signed in the Spanish Treaty of Paris

annexing Mindanao to the Philippine Islands, when the colonial government promoted a

resettlement program to solve the Mindanao unrest in the early 50s, and when several

violent wars were waged against the Moro resistance movements consistent with the

military approach of government.

At best, government has worked with elite Moro leaders as they tried to craft a

solution to the Mindanao problem through electoral politics and governance, economic

development and also the signing of the peace agreement with the MNLF in 1996. Still,

with all the multidonor program funds poured into the region in line with the mini-

Marshall Plan package attached to the peace agreement, a intragroup conflict as well as

structural violence has festered up to the present time.

As an alternative, the growing peace movement in the Philippines has crafted

strategies for peace on the need to build a strong peace constituency which is able to

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articulate common goals and interests among the major stake holders mentioned earlier.

Professor Rudy Rodil, a historian and member of both the GRPMNLF/ GRPMILF

Negotiation Panel, posits thus: "In order to establish new relationships among the tri-

people of Mindanao, we need to see each other in a new light, look more closely at what

we have in common and learn to live with our diversity?. We can only have peace if the

peace of one is the peace of all, the lumads, Muslims and Christian settlers, when the

vision of one is the vision of all."

In this context, participation figures as a very essential principle and methodology

which NGOs need to factor into their strategies and approaches in peacebuilding.

The CO Multiversity Experience

The CO Multiversity is one among many NGOs working for peace in Mindanao since

1999. "Empowered sustainable communities engaged in civil society initiatives towards

peace and social transformation" is the vision which has united community organizers

who shared a common history rooted in the past 30year tradition of CO training in the

Philippines. The CO Multiversity directs its energies towards building the capacities of

community organizers and development workers for of urban housing rights, children'srights, gender equality, environmental protection and peacebuilding. In Mindanao , it

works with communities who seek to build a culture of peace through organizing of

peace zones, education and multistakeholders partnership and capacity development.

In its peacebuilding framework, CO Multiversity articulates its belief that peace is an

issue of power which is defined as the capacity of communities to participate effectively

in processes that shape their lives. Personal Power is the individual capacity to act from

one's sense of dignity and truth(from culture of silence and apathy to a culture of

participation). Community Power is the integrative ability of groups to transform

structures which perpetuate violent ways of resolving conflict (from culture of war to

culture of peace).

Communitybased Peace Building Processes

The basic processes involved in community based peacebuilding include:

1. Understanding Conflict

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Understanding CULTURE and how it affects the dynamics of a community

Analyzing ISSUES (economic, political and cultural) which people feel strongly

about and can unite the various groups in the community

Identifying POWER relations which affect the flow of decision making and access to

resources which can address community issues

Working through history, connections and personal biases to facilitate rebuilding of

RELATIONSHIPS

2. Establishing Group Unity

3. Establishing Links with the other Group

4. Arriving at Mutually Agreed Solution

5. Implementing and Monitoring the Agreement

6. Healing and Reconciliation

Strategies Undertaken

1. Issue Based Community Organizing which is undertaken through the following step

Integration

Social InvestigationIssue Identification and Analysis

Ground working

Facilitating Community Meetings

Role play

Mobilization

Evaluation

Reflection

Formation of People's Organization

2. Peace Education for a Culture of Peace focusing on:

Seminars on the Six Paths to Peace

Capacity Building on Peace Zone Building and Advocacy

Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment of Community Managed Projects

Conflict Management through Interest based Negotiation and Mediation

Partnership with Local Government

Inter Area Alliance Strengthening

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The Report of Aceh, Indonesia

Presented by Auguswandi

Introduction

Aceh is a double disaster zone. While Aceh has been popular as the place Tsunami

killed and destroyed over 250 thousand people, Aceh had also been the conflict of a

man made disaster, which has been going on for 25 years before Tsunami. The conflict

has resulting in the killing at least 15 thousand people. Now Aceh is struggling to

recover from both disasters. Reconstruction post Tsunami and post conflict will take

long time and continue to require support of the international community.

Background of Aceh's conflict

The roots of the Aceh conflict can be tracked back to the dictatorship era of Indonesia

when central government in Jakarta was lead by military dictator, Soeharto. This highly

centralised and oppressive regime built a system which exploited the natural wealth ofIndonesia. In the case of Aceh, the government oppressed any opposition and critical

voicesin the region. The local culture and languages were to be discouraged or even

banned. Nothing could be allowed to get in the way of the economic exploitation of

Aceh which is very rich with natural resources. The government along with

multinational companies started to exploit gas and other natural resources. Protests and

resistance against the government exploded, because despite the resource wealth Aceh

continued to be one of the poorest provinces in Indonesia. Instead of addressing the

problem, Jakarta sent troops to Aceh and pursued a military solution in the province.

The sense of injustice, economic domination, political oppression and cultural

repression, have fuelled a sentiment to support the notion of independence for Aceh.

The collapse of dictatorship has not entirely destroyed the old failings of central

government relations with Aceh. Many problems have not been addressed by the post

dictatorship regimes. In fact various military operations have been undertaken in Aceh.

They have not solved the greater problem, it has even further undermined the

government in the eyes of the Acehnese and bolstered support for independence.

Actors

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Aceh conflict is a vertical one. It means the vertical between the central government

and the Acehnese at large. It is not horizontal between the Acehnese groups. From Aceh

the most prominent groups is Free Aceh Movement (GAM), lead by Hassan Di Tiro,

based in Sweden. For years before the peace process, GAM's arm movement had been

in constant clash with TNI (Indonesian Armed Forces). The clashed of two arm's group,

GAM and TNI, has resulted in civilians become victims of the conflict. Indeed,

Acehnese civilian had been the majority of daily violence in the province during the

intense conflict.

However beside GAM and TNI, Acehnese civil society groups for years have been

playing significant role in Aceh. Civil society groups have a unique position to advocate

armed parties in Aceh addressing Aceh problem in a just and non violence way. Several

initiatives have been made since 1998 by students, woman groups, local Ngos to

advocate a peaceful solution of solving Aceh's problem.

Aceh Peace Process

In an historic agreement signed on 15 August 2005, the leaders of the Free Aceh

Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government have finally agreed to acompromise: Aceh will have autonomy but not independence from Indonesia.

The success of the present peace process can be relied heavily to the fact Tsunami

occurred in Aceh. It is an ironic way of peace making. The present peace accord is not

the first one, previously there were peace accord in 2002 and peace process . It was

initiated by the Henry Dunant Centre, Geneva based Ngo, who was acting as a

facilitator. However, the previous one failed while the present one seems to continue

moving in the right direction.

However, the strong role of international community in the present peace process,

combine with the political will of the central government in Jakarta have overcome

many difficulties of making peace for Aceh. Crisis Management Initiative, Ngo based in

Finland, was the facilitators. In the current accord, EU and several countries in ASEAN

have involved as members of monitoring team. Jakarta's government, especially the vice

president, Yusuf Kalla, has played positive roles to contain many nationalist Indonesia

who continues to oppose the process. International community at large, mainly because

of the presence in the post Tsunami work in Aceh, continues to advocate the peace

process implemented.

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The future of the current process, however, is best explained in a cautious optimism.

The international Aceh Monitoring Mission, AMM, come to the end of their mandate in

2006, and it is very unlikely to be extended beyond this time. This means peace is

without any further direct involvement of the international community. Security

arrangements for Aceh without an AMM presence should be prepared now. There will

be no more AMM offices for locals to go to in order to report their problems. The

building of trust between the Indonesian government and the exGAM is going to take

time, and will have to be done without ASEAN or European observers.

This year also, prior to the first ever direct local elections scheduled for at the end of

this year, the Indonesian parliament and government in Jakarta have to approve the new

Acehnese administration draft law that has submitted by the Acehnese. This law is the

turning point where an unhappy past can become a hopeful future. It is the outcome of

30plus years of conflict articulated in a single piece of legislation. After thousands of

deaths and the wreckage of war, all must be resolved in this draft.

After the draft's projected approval, the elections should be next on the agenda for the

year. These elections will be, hopefully, the freest even undertaken in Aceh. At this stage

the main issue will be whether GAM and Acehnese civil society groups are able to

compete in and have involvement in the electoral process, the establishment of local

political parties, and the nomination of their own candidates without any intervention byJakarta. While technically this will depend on whether the new legislation allows this

democratic engagement, practically it will depend on how mature the attitude of all the

parties to the politics.

All in all, soon we will see whether the armed conflict can really be transformed into a

political, electoral battle where GAM and other Acehnese groups can compete with

national parties at the local level. If things can happen, it will be a landmark of building

democracy in Aceh and Indonesia, which might set a good example for the rest of

Indonesia.

Recommendation

Several important works should be done to sustain the present peace process:

1. International community who have worked hard to support peace in Aceh, it is time

to continue to advocate a greater autonomy, human rights and democracy in the

province.

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2. Capacity building of civil society groups, especially woman, in Aceh should be one

of the main agenda. The future of Aceh peace process and development will be in the

hand of the local groups.

3. Support to post Tsunami reconstruction should be continued to build a better change

for economic recovery in Aceh. Better economic condition for Acehnese is the key for

the future peace.

4. Reconciliation and integration of victims of conflict, ex combatants, and many other

civilian affected by the conflict is very important to get everybody involve in the

future peace building in Aceh.

The Long Road Towards Peace in Aceh

Presented by Azwir Nazar

Peace in Aceh is after a long journey. It takes a long and tiring process. Eternal peace

which has been Acehnese hope, is just the same with that of other people. Acehnese

want to live peacefully and prosperously. By having strong spirit, believe and hard workof all component with good international support, finally Acehnese feel peace.

Moreover, after the signing of Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between GAM

and the Indonesian government 15 August lat year.

Peace talk Effort

Effort toward peace in Aceh has been taken by many agencies and parties since long

while ago. Henry Dunant Center, for example, the International NGO from Geneva,

Sweden has worked hard and finally could bring the involved parties to peace talk in the

even called "humanitarian pause" or cease fire. GAM representative and people from

the Indonesia government discussed future peace in Aceh in Geneva and finally agreed

for a cease fire.

During the first phase of cease fire process, incident and casualties decrease

dramatically. However, then both parties started to have prejudice one party to another.

GAM think that Indonesian government is being unfair and so did the government; they

believe that GAM has broken the agreement and that they feel to have right to strike

back and to protect themselves. GAM also believed that the government is attacking

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GAM site and compound. Finally, cease fire only become "casualties delay" by both

parties and it become All Inclusive Dialog between GAM and the government with

Henry Dunant Center and mediator. However, open gun fight is hard to avoid.

On March 9 2001, the Indonesian government has launched the martial law in Aceh to

stop GAM. Number of troops is increased and number of GAM member is believed to

increase as well. Suddenly, it became horrible battlefield. There were many victims in

both sides and from civilian as well. Kidnapping, lost people, slaughtering, and open

gun contact happened often. Again, civilian became victims.

This has forced civilian to talk. The growth of Civil Movement has given new nuance

in Aceh Civilization History. This movement has also supported the transformation of

conflict in Aceh to nonviolence crisis, more respect on human right and democracy.

On December 2003, by Henry Dunant center(HDC) as mediator, pressure from Europe

Union, Japan and World Bank, the Indonesian government and GAM signed the

agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities Framework Agreement(COHA). This has

been the last hope for peace in Aceh. There was no fundamental difference from the

previous peace talk. COHA has opened the possibilities of International country to get

involved and it also involved international bodies to observe the result of the agreement.

Unfortunately, COHA also failed. GAM representatives were captured. As the last

ditch of peace talk failed in Tokyo, finally Indonesian president signed Kepres no.28(president decision no.28) to implement martial law and allow military operation to

fight GAM. Aceh the, became the battle filed under martial law for six months. During

the periods, all governmental control stay under military.

Martial law did not only effect human right activist prodemocracy and journalist only,

but also affected the low class societies. This is because the status has made it possible

for an open fight. This also restricted the movement area for people to run their normal

daily life.

Tsunami

The above situation seems to get its answer after tsunami in Aceh. 8,9 Richter scale

earthquake following by tsunami has killed up to 200,000 people in Aceh. It hash

moved so many heart in the world including the conflict parties. They started to look at

the need to have justice and humanity and the need of people above politics. It seems to

that people stated to realize that arm conflict should be stopped and time to concentrate

on providing aids to affected people in this tragedy of humanity.

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This is also has opened access to international community, the access that has been

long closed, to all humanitarian workers in Aceh. Tsunami has devastated Aceh with

about 200,000 people were killed an d450,000 lost their homes. This condition has

forced political Indonesian political approaches towards solving the problems.

Condition has forced Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and Jusuf Kalla to start the

negotiation all over again in order to stop the arm movement in the conflict province

and bring them to eternal end of the conflict.

The nature of earthquake and tsunami has forced the president to look at the need of

respecting human rights. Aceh then becomes an opened area to any international

humanitarian workers. This is in contrast to the are of martial law when all democratic

liberality has its borders and people have to listen to ruling military. After tsunami so

many INGO and UN agencies coming and want to help ease the pain and suffrage that

all Acehnese feel.

The government then changed its approach and become soft in handling the movement

in Aceh, especially after what has happened. International community has one need to

deliver aids as fast as they could to Acehnese people to help them overcome the

situation. The Indonesian government and international community drafted the master

plan to rebuild Aceh. They have big agenda apart from reconstruction that is to solve the

prolonging arm conflict. They expect to have the agenda of arm conflict resolutionwithin the agenda of reconstruction, because every one believe that peace is the key of

reconstruction for better Aceh in the future.

Helsinki Peace Talk and Reconstruction in Aceh

Peace talk in Helsinki has been a great momentum for new process of peace in Aceh. It

has been almost 2 years the negotiation process of the two conflict parties was stagnant

and deadlock. Even that peace talk in Helsinki is considered informal, that drew pro and

contra from many parties in Jakarta especially from the legislatives and some country

institutions, but it has proven its formal result. Peace agreement between GAM and the

Indonesian government has opened new dimension of reconstruction for future Aceh.

Moreover the need of all people participation in this phase is absolutely essential.

Peace process then becomes basic condition in reconstruction after the disaster, and

they really connect one to another. They have to be done in synergy and run

simultaneously.

Peace agreement that has been signed on August 15, 2005 in Helsinki Finland has also

drawn the needs of two involving parties. They both agree in peace and prosperous

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Aceh. That's why human right points, democratization of Aceh, financial and monetary

distribution and sociocultural become the very important points in the MoU.

It is very important that Acehnese, The Indonesian government and international

community gather to create a successful peace agreement. Community involvement in

all the process is also essential to guarantee good process and result. If GAM and the

Indonesian government had only involved their people during the process, bad

experience in CoHA will happen again; there will be deadlock, long, big debate in de-

militarization process will reappear and stop the peaces process itself.

This also to stress out that we all should be involve to guide this peace treaty together.

In that case then, MoU will not be an ending point, but it is only a starting point that

require hard work from all of us to guide all the items mentioned in the MoU.

Moreover, after the discussion of RUUPA that has been now in legislatives can be a

good starting point to face better and brighter Aceh in the future, Aceh that respect

human rights and eternal peace.

Conclusion

It is clear now what Bill Clinton said, as special delegation of United nation for

Tsunami in Aceh, he stated his hope that Aceh can inspire the world that can symbolizeexpectation and strong will to face the future; so that the biggest humanity disaster can

end the 30 year long conflict and become basement of better life in the future.

Long and tiring process has made us realize that in fact we are all brothers and we all

love peace. Conflict will only hurt us. Difference in opinion that happened all over that

world is a blessing from God that we have to cherish. By respecting each other's culture,

respect to one's dignity and respect to human rights and democracy, wherever and

whenever we are, will lead us to eternal peace life in the world.

Way to Achieve Peace and Stop Conflicts In Timor Leste

Presented by Leopoldo Maria & Juana Amaral

Month of May is likely have been destined to be as month of freedom. Starting from 1 st

of May which widely known as Labor day, 5th of May is the day that recorded in United

Nations history for mediating Timor Leste's cause of non self governing territory,

whereby 1999 both Indonesia and Portugal agreed to give to us our right to determinate

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our own future, 21st of May is a monumental day for the Indonesian, the day where huge

demonstration that were organized by students in all around Indonesia succeed to

overthrow the strongman that already occupied his throne for about 32 years. And of

course this date 18th of May, the day that make us to come here today. The day where

our brothers and sisters, our heroes have mortgaged their soul, their beloved people and

family.

Before we start to talk on issues of our country Timor Leste, please let us to pay our

highest respect to the victims of the 1980 Gwangju Democratic Uprising and their

families.

Timor Leste regained its independence in 2002 after hundreds of years of Portuguese

colonial rule, a quarter century of Indonesian occupation. During the colonial rule of

Portuguese's there were no respect of human dignity of Timorense people by colonialist.

That was continuing during Japanese occupation, our own civil war, Indonesian

occupation and even after we run our own country.

As new nation and third world country, Timor Leste will face a lot problems. Some of

those are Human Rights, Conflict among ethnics which could threaten the peace that

have been trying to be put in place since we regained our independence.

NGOs and other institutions are trying and trying to upgrade the peace and maintain it.

One way that we belief could stop the conflict and able to help us to reach the peace ispromoting to the people or every one in the country to pay their highest respect to the

human dignity and rights.

Lack of respect to the human dignity is one of the main problems that causes violence

against human rights which is at its estuary will cause the conflict.

The newest conflict that recently emerged in Dili could show as the clear picture of

things that cause the conflict.

It is already for so long conflict is staying not far from people of Timor Leste. Now

days, Government, NGOs and society are working according to theirs own roles to stop

the conflict. They use different approach to solve the problems.

To promote the human rights there are few steps that need to be taken;

Strengthening the Judicial System

Timor Leste constitution indicates clearly that "the state will be base on rule of law".

Based on it NGOs need to put eye or control whether the access of citizens to the

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judicial system are guaranteed or not. Beside that NGOs need to proactive in order to

give a kind of education or information to the people that are blind about the system.

Protection of Human Rights

Human rights represent a set of rules, values and principles to which all persons are

entitled. These constitute the base for the system of the democratic country and that has

not been well implemented by our government. The indication is some of prisoners said

that they were treated not like human. We can also have a look as well to what was

reported by International Amnesty about human rights violation in Timor Leste by the

local police.

In Timor Leste the protection for the human rights are still far from our dream. There

are still a lot of cases of domestic violence, discrimination in every sector, and etc.

Our Constitution provides each citizen the right to personal freedom and security and

specifies that "women and men shall have the same rights and duties in all areas of

family life and political, economic, social, cultural" (Section 17). In particular cases of

the children, the constitution says that "children shall enjoy all rights that are universally

recognized, as well as those that are enshrined in international conventions normallyratified or approved by the state.

Rules of the NGOs are to make sure that all what stated in the constitution will be

implemented. But still till now all of that are not put in place yet.

Promoting Gender Equality and Empowering Women

In this point we would like to say that the progress are good. There have been

important gains in strengthening the role of women in East Timorense decision making

and public life in recent years. In 2001 in the election for the Constituent assembly,

women achieved an impressive 27% of seats.

We hope that the effect of this are going to touch all around Timor Leste's women.

There are good effort that have been done by government and NGOs in order to

promoting the equality and empowering women.

We realize that in Timor Leste, NGOs need to do more and more to control and toput a

positive pressure to Government and President and Parliament to fulfill their obligation

to the country.

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In relation to the present situation of Timor Leste specially after the 28th of April the

situation is going to be normal again, but still civilians are worry to be back to the

capital.

Government has gave out an order to all the public service servant to in all aver Timor

Leste to be back again to their office and working again as normally.

This situation was provoked by the dismissal of about 591 FFDTL (FalintilForca Defesa

Timor Leste) members two months ago. FFDTL is East Timor military institution.

Two persons were reported dead. This is the government version. Some information

says that the victims are more than what was said by government.

So far, the Prime Minister have stabilized an commission of investigation with mandate

to find out about how many victims, who are the actors of violation and etc.

THE ETHNIC CONFLICT IN SRI LANKA: A SHORT OVERVIEW AND CURRENTSTATUS

Presented by Susirith Mendis

Introduction

In its history, Sri Lanka has had many streams of migration from the Indian

subcontinent; trading for spices that brought Greeks, Chinese and Arabs and during the

past 500years three major foreign invasions resulting in a colonial legacy coming from

the Portuguese, Dutch and the British occupations.

As a result, Sri Lanka is a multiethnic multireligious country today, where people from

all the major religions have found refuge in Sri Lanka at different times of our history.

The Sinhalas, Tamils and Muslims consist ofthe three major ethnic groups with the

Sinhalas dominating with about 72% of the population. The Tamils have been the

predominant ethnic group that lives in the Northern Province and form a significant

35% in the Eastern Provinces. The Sinhalas and Muslims consist of the balance 65% of

the Eastern Province almost equally divided.

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Although ethnic tensions between the Sinhalas and Tamils have been simmering

during different periods episodically since Sri Lanka became an independent dominion

state in 1948, the turning point came with the ethnic riots that broke out in July 1983.

Sinhala mobs went on rampage killing innocent civilians in many part of Southern Sri

Lanka in reaction to the killing of 13 Sinhala soldiers of the Sri Lankan army in an

LTTE ambush in the North. The 'ethnic conflict' in Sri Lankaas it is currently labeled

has its origins from that time. 23 years have elapsed since then and has caused the death

of over 65,000 people and cost the nation billions of rupees in the destruction of the

national infrastructure and wasteful war expenditure that a poor country like Sri Lanka

can illafford.

Development of the conflict

The conflict polarized the people of Sri Lanka as never before in its recent history,

giving rise to a new sociopolitical extremism on both sides of the conflict hat had not

existed before. The Sinhalas developed a majoritarian unwillingness to recognize the

'just grievances' of the Tamils and rejected their demand of the 'right to self-

determination'in Tamil majority areas in the North and the East. The expanding gulf of

mistrust between the Sinhalas and Tamils and a sense of frustration of the Tamilsespecially within the Tamil intelligentsia against the Sinhaladominated Sri Lankan

government led the militant youth groups within the democratic Tamil political

mainstream to take up arms.

The rapid militarization of the ethnic conflict; vacillation on the part of consecutive

governments to resolve incipient ethnic issues; unwillingness to officially accept the

grievances of the minority populations need to beaddressed; inability to initiate conflict

resolution by discussion, dialogue and peaceful negotiations with all stakeholders and

internecine rivalry and mutual annihilation of politically, culturally and regionally

disparate Tamil groups, caused the crisis to develop into a fullscale civil war. This had

its first peak in 1987 when India played 'big brother' and intervened militarily with an

Indian PeaceKeeping Force (IPKF) and failed in its attempt to force the LTTE to disarm

and the government to agree to devolution to provincial councils. Thereafter there were

two periods of a 'fragile peace' during 199495 and 20012005. Bilateral negotiations in

the first periodbetween government emissaries and LTTE negotiators collapsed leading

to what has since been dubbed by commentators as "Eelam War II". The second period

of negotiations took place with Norway as 'facilitator' with international support from

the USA, Europe and Japan pledging economic support for 'rebuilding Sri Lanka'

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following a successfully negotiated ceasefire or 'absence of war'. The 'Peace Talks' that

ensued a series of which held outside Sri Lanka, were successful as long as they lasted

stalled after the LTTE refused to continue to attend talks on a weak pretext. Of not

beinginvited to attend a donor meeting in Washington. The Ceasefire Agreement(CFA)

signed by the Sri Lankan Prime Minister and the LTTE Leader in 2002 which was

advantageous to the LTTE and had serious defects where Sri Lanka was concerned, held

sincefor nearly 4 years. The increasing violations of the CFA by the LTTE and the

inability of the Norwegian facilitators to reign in the LTTE to cease the continued

violations were testing the patients of the government and most Sri Lankans. This

included many moderate Tamil political paries and groups as well. A serious split in the

LTTE where the Eastern Faction under the leadership of 'Karuna' created a new

dimension to the conflict added to the instability of the ceasefire and the state of 'non-

war'.

It was in this situation that the newly elected President (November 2005) with

adequate pressure from the donor CoChairs (US, EU, Japan), was able recommence

'Peace Talks'in February 2006 in Geneva. This too has stalled due to LTTE claims that

certain preconditions agreed upon at that meeting have not been fullfilled by the Sri

Lankan Government. The Sri Lankan government claims that the LTTE has its own

agenda for not agreeing to attend the second round of talks in April/May 2006. As Iwrite this, there are indications that the "Eelam War III"has already commenced.

Peace Making by the NGOs

Soon after the ethnic riots erupted in July 1983, concerned citizens formed a few civil

society organizations. The pioneering organization was the Citizens Committee for

National Harmony(CCNH) which included eminent civil society members and religious

leaders of all communities. The International Centre for Ethnic Studies(ICES), the

Marga Institute(Marga) and the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement (Sarvodaya) which

have international recognition and acceptance as credible institutes conducting socio-

economic research, were the threeleading NGOs that took up the important challenge of

accumulating a body of knowledge and information, disseminating them in wellcrafted

series of academic publications, seminars and conferences attended by delegates and

specialists in ethnic studies from the region and outside. Many other NGOs followed

suit. Many of them were involved in grassroots awareness programmes. All these NGOs

played a crucial role at a time when it was not 'fashionable' to do so of taking up the

position that (i) there is an ethnic problem; (ii) there are just grievances of the Tamil

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people that need to be redressed; (iii) that a military solution was not the answer in

resolving this problem; (iv) a 'peace movement' consisting of moderate elements in all

ethnic groups need to be built up to counter the dangers that may emanate from

extremist positions; and (v) there was no place for complacency in this endeavour as the

country and its economy was literally and metaphorically 'bleeding' from an ongoing

war which waxed and waned into highintensity and lowintensity conflicts at different

times.

If not for this critical intellectual and activist intervention by many NGOs and civil

society organizations, the centrestage and public opinion would have been swayed,

manipulated and controlled by (i) the 'war lobby' that consisted of several senior

members of the armed forces, politicians and arms merchants (often linked to each

other); and (ii) radical political groups that wished to make political capital out of false

and 'fevered' emotions of 'nationalism' and 'patriotism'. The 'Peace process" being

imperative to resolve the Sri Lankan social crisis became the predominant viewpoint of

a significant majority of the Sri Lankanpeople in the years since 1983. This was a result

of the signal contribution made by the NGOs and civil society organizations in

prolonged nationwide campaigns for peace that was initiated and implemented by them

with stubborn, but admirable consistency. This contribution to the Sri Lankan polity that

created a 'paradigmshift' in the attitudes of the average Sri Lankantowards developingmutual understanding between ethnic groups, has been invaluable.

With international funding flowing into Sri Lanka to enhance the civil society 'project'

for peace, there was a mushrooming of NGOs dedicated to 'building the peace process'.

This created opportunity for vested external interests to use these newly established

NGOs and even the more reputed ones to pursue a questionable line. The unwavering

commitments to democracy, good governance, absence of prejudice and bias and

sometimes even the ethical highground was sacrificed for pecuniary or other gain. The

possibility that some NGOs had fallen prey to vested commercial and trade interests of

western governments was openly debated. It was alleged thatthe role of Norway as

facilitator was changing into a more mediatory role. The impartiality of Norway and the

Sri Lankan Monitoring Mission (SLMM) consisting of Scandinavians lead by a

Norwegian was being questioned. Some NGOs were openly accused of being 'agents' of

the Western powers. The phrase 'international community'took a defamatory tenor.

This lead to a greater acceptance among the Sinhalas of the rise in the 'righteous

indignation'of nationalist groups against Norwegian facilitation and biases of the

'international community' against the Sri Lanka Republic. The intransigency of the

LTTE in resisting shifts from their avowed positions to more internationally acceptable

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ones and the unhealthy influences of radial Buddhist monks and political parties on the

new Presidency were increasing the mistrust on both sides of the divide. The subtle

changes in Indian policy towards the Sri Lankan crisis in the face of its 'new

relationship'with the US, was a cause of concern in the power circles in the Sri Lankan

government.

Slowly, but surely, the NGOs have lost their initiative. Some had even lost their

credibility. They have been identified to be 'toeing the line' of their US and European

funding agencies and governments to the detriment of the Sri Lankan State. This has

been an unhappy evolution of the NGO involvement in the peace process. 'Peace

lobbists' and ' peace mongers'have became catch phrases among radical nationalist

groups and intellectuals. NGOs were being established to "counter the falsepropaganda" of foreignfunded NGOs with "hidden agendas". A vacuum has been

created in the spectrum of policy positions held by peace NGOs. There seemed to be

none who would condemn antidemocratic acts and senseless violence of both the LTTE

and the government equivocally. The policy of being the solerespresentative of the

Tamil peope, human rights abuses, recruitment of child soldiers and assassination of

Tamil intellectuals and political activists by the LTTE were not condemned with the

vigour they deserved. At times, such acts were either totally ignored or mentioned in

passing reference. The NGOs were thought to have been caught in a 'peace trap'createdby their own lack of principle.

It is my view that this is a tragedy for Sri Lanka in its present context. It is losing the

invaluable voice of civil society that needs to be raised for the suffering ordinary

citizens whether they be Sinhalas, Tamils or Muslims; whether they are facing the wrath

of the LTTE or the harassment of the government. In short, the NGOs are losing the

moral highground. This trend is seen among many NGOs in the developing countries

constrained in their activism by the limits placed by the funding agencies. Some NGOs

have become elitist enclaves in metropolitan cities alienated from the aspirations of

their own citizens. This needs to be reversed and credibility of the peace activists and

Peace NGOs restored. If not there will be no voice raised for the voiceless masses of

Sinhalas, Tamils and Muslims who will continue to be condemned to face untold

suffering and consequences of a ruthless civil war.

New dimensions to the conflict

Another dimension surfaced with news filtering through about natural resources

including oil and gas deposits in significant commerciallyviable quantities being

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discovered within the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of Sri Lanka that it became

entitled to under the Law of the Sea Agreement. This dimension links the Sri Lankan

crisis with similar crises in many parts of the world including Iraq, Aceh and East Timor

In the context of the complexities of the crises in many developing countries that are

linked to powerful nations seeking influence to control over earth's natural resources

especially energy and water sources the role of the NGOs in Sri Lanka's 'peace

process'have been both inadequate and disappointing. This is not to take away anything

from their signal contribution at a critical period in the evolution of the conflict.

It is now time that Asian NGOs enhance their capabilities and interests to include the

'larger picture'of ethnic conflict and social unrest in our part f the world. They have to

be able to and willing to take up the challenges of meeting the multifaceted dimensions

of ethnic conflicts in the Asian region. In Latin America, the people and governments of

Venezuela, Bolivia, Brazil and Chile have taken the lead in meeting the new challenges.

It is opportune that NGOs and civil society in the troubled and crisisridden states of our

Asian region take up the lead in facing up to these challenges and make a clarion call

for our governments to stand up and be counted.

The Report of SriLanka

Presented by Rohana Nishantha

Mr Chairperson,

Representatives from various organizations invited to the International Camp, great

people of Gwangju, who keep alive the memory of the Gwangju Uprising for

Democracy and Against tyranny and who are constantly alert to safeguard and

consolidate democracy,

Friends and Colleagues,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

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Allow me to thank May 18th Memorial Foundation for inviting me to this unique event

and the opportunity given me to meet with so many like minded colleagues from the

region.

Before coming to this camp, I tried to read up what ever was available to me on the

Gwangju Uprising. The Book "We Saw"and the C.D. documentary of the struggle made

me realize what a unique phenomena, the uprising was and how it eventually catalyzed

the peoples struggles that eventually overthrew the authoritarian military regimes of

South Korea.

Equally inspiring is the courage and persistence shown by those who survived the

repression and those who lost their loved ones. Their will and strength to

insurmountable resist, despite the almost insurmountable obstacles, is rare.

As a citizen from Sri Lanka, which has seen unremitting and atrocious repression for

decades, I could readily appreciate this quality.

I also salute the courageous people and peoples organizations that initiated, sustained

the unremitting struggle for human rights, democratic freedoms and peace in Gwangju

as well as the whole of South Korea.

I am privileged to attend this camp and say a few words and share a few thoughts

about our situation in Sri Lanka, specially in relation to the peace effort.

In that context I also would like to, very briefly, introduce the organization I represent.People's Action for Free and Fair elections (PAFFREL) as it is known in Sri Lanka was

initiated by a small group of committed social activists and professionals in 1987. It was

after the worst travesty of elections that people of Sri Lanka has witnessed up to that

time referendum to postpone parliamentary elections by 6 years. From that modest

beginning PAFFREL has expanded consistently and has observed most of the elections

held in Sri Lanka. From 1994, it has observed regularly all the elections to parliament,

presidency, local government bodies.

Today PAFFREL network of NGOs, CBOs all over the country, are involved not only

in election monitoring, but also in various good governance programmes, peace

programmes and minority rights issues.

I mentioned our activities and interests in the hope, that it would encourage and

facilitate linkages with like minded organizations in Korea as well as these of the region

invited to this gathering.

Let me get back to the specific topic on which I will talk for the rest of my speech.

But I would like to show you, at the end of my speech, a short film of five minutes

about the, war in my country, specially in the North and East. This short film of 5

minutes is a story about a father and a son, caught in the utterly futile, meaningless and

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barbaric exercise called war; War which is sometimes glorified, sometimes justified,

sometimes explained in various terms as a patriotic struggle, struggle against terrorism,

even a struggle for humanity or as the bounden duty of elected governments to

safeguard sovereignty, law and order etc.

We, in Sri Lanka have been subjected to the crossfires of armed confrontations and had

to endure its impact and effect as civilians, unarmed and unwilling, for more than thirty

years, if we count from 1971.

In 1971 it was an armed youth insurgency, that was put down mercilessly, with

thousands killed. The youth were Sinhalese form the South.

From around 1982 it was in Jaffna, in the North and the youth were Tamils.

The insurrectionists of the South the Peoples Liberation Front (JVP) regrouped and re-

launched in 1987, a campaign of murder and murder, Mayhem terrorizing the people.

This was called a patriotic struggle to drive out the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF)

and the government of the time, who invited the IPKF in the resulting govt. repression

more that 60,000 were killed or were missing.

Meanwhile the armed struggle for the rights of the Tamil nation and for a separate

state, Thamil Elaam raged on. The majority of the armed militant groups laid down their

arms after the JR RajivIndoSri Lanka accord and settled for a small measure of

devolution in the form of Provincial Councils. L.T.T.E. never agreed and resumed theirarmed struggle against the IPKF, within one or two months of their arrival. The armed

struggle between L.T.T.E. and Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) has been raging from

that time, with brief breaks under various governments. The resulting loss of life and

property, the trauma destruction and dislocation are unimaginable.

The yearning and wish for peace is very high among all the peoples of Sri Lanka,

regardless of their race, religion or where they live. But the wish for peace preferably, a

just peace, which is the only peace that will last is specially strong in the East and the

North.

Unfortunately, the space and freedom to show their preference, actually their "thirst for

Peace" is limited. It is limited not only by the overwhelming and unwelcome presence

of armed forces, but also by the dictates of militant armed groups, among whom the

strongest and most feared is the L.T.T.E.

I was asked by our host to speak of the peace process, including the past processes

through which we arrived at the present situation. It cannot be done within 10 minutes. I

would instead, repeat Dr. Sathya Seelan Kadiragama, in his foreword to the novel by

Rohini Hensman "Playing Lions and Tigers".

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"The story of Lanka since independence is that of a country that had the best chance to

make it in the third world. Far from making it, this paradise isle has become a case

study of lost opportunities, tinkering in the most irresponsible way with the constitution,

and of ethnic war that destroyed at least a third of the country, creating animosity, hatred

and suspicion. There were times when we thought we saw at last the much hoped for

light at the end of the tunnel, a glimmer of hope, that was only to be dashed to the

ground by men and women who could not see beyond their own obsessions with power

and the benefits that accrued to a chosen few, sacrificing long term gains for short term

advantages."

What is the current situation in the peace talks? The cease fire signed by GOSL and

L.T.T.E. in 2002 February has not been officially rejected or broken by either party.

Neither has the two sides signed a peace accord. Peace talks faltered in 2003 April and

were revived only after 3 years. The government which signed the ceasefire were no

longer in power.

The new president is perceived as more of a hard liner than the earlier prime minister

or the president. The coalition of parties that he mobilized into his campaign to gain the

presidency included the Sinhala Buddhist, Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) as well as the

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) who are opposed to devolution. Yet he, with theassistance of the Norwegian facilitators, the international group of guarantors led by

USA, JAPAN and European Union as well as India, was able to revive the peace talks.

The 1st round of talks was held in Geneva and a date for the next round was also fixed.

And then peace talks ran into rough seas.

Peace talks scheduled for April 2006 has not been held. Armed confrontations have

escalated so much that it is hard to convince ourself that the ceasefire still operates,

though the monitoring mission still functions.

This attempt to somehow rescue the so called peace effort and prevent a resumption of

all out war is laudable.

But the whole process as well as the key players, whether local or international are fast

losing credibility.

There are two questions that people in Sri Lanka ask. "What prevents a resumption of

peace talks and who is to blame?"

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"What prevents a revert to all out war and who has the deterrent power, strong enough

to deter armed aspirations? "

Almost everybody has answers, depending on where your loyalties lie and how you

would like the conflict to end. But what is obvious is that both parties to the conflict ie.

GOSL and LTTE still want negotiate. But the negotiation is to either gain or consolidate

their military / political advantages.

The role and influence of the international mediators and guarantors extend only to the

extent that the two contenders are careful not to be branded as being the 1 st to break the

ceasefire. Its not strong enough to make them negotiate for peace in earnest.

Perhaps that is beyond the capacity of any outside third party, unless they are strongly

supported by the people and their organizations in the country.

Let me conclude my speech by stating what we believe and hence what we strive for.

We are convinced that the priority for us in Sri Lanka is to achieve peace, not the quiet

of death, the peace of the cemetery and wastelands, left behind after modern was.

Hence we do not want the mighty states to intervene with their military might, on

either side, but instead, to use their might, the moral, political diplomatic and even

economic might to dissuade both parties from resorting to a military resolution of the

conflict. Also to allow/create space, opportunities and incentives to sit at the peace tableand talk.

We believe that the people of Sri Lanka should exercise their sovereign right, to force

both parties to the conflict to negotiate and not revert to war in any form, whether it be

intense, wide spread all out war or low intensity covert war to refrain from killing and

violations of our fundamental rights, guaranteed by the Constitution, but also human

rights guaranteed by international covenants to which the govt. has acceded and by

which the LTTE aught to be bound, if they claim to be fighting for liberty, dignity and

rights of the Tamil people.

We believe that a majority of the people, regardless of their race or religion want a just

peace, a peace which will safeguard and nurture equality among our diverse people, a

peace which will assure the security, honour and dignity of all peoples and a peace

which will open the door for prosperity and equal opportunities for all our peoples.

We firmly believe that this peace is achievable, that it is within our grasp, but it has to

be won by people, led by an enlightened, courageous and dedicated civic leadership, a

leadership capable of learning from our past mistakes, capable of strengthening our

people, so much, that they are confident enough and compassionate enough to forget the

past and look to the future; The future of our people, who are Sinhalese, Tamils and

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Muslims, who are Buddhists, Hindus, Islam or Christian, but who are above all humane

and civilized.

We have to walk some distance to get to this haven. We hope to keep walking and we

hope more and more people will start walking with us and when tens of thousands join

the March for peace, dignity, tolerance and humanity, then we know, that we are on the

right path, that we have almost arrivedhome.

We hope that peace loving men and women all over the world specially in our part of

the world, Asia, will join in this walk to peace.

Rethinking the Challenge of Peace Building in Nepal

Presented by Kapil Shrestha

Recent Political Change and Peace Scenario

The Himalayan country Nepal, at the moment, is passing through the most excitingand tumultuous times in the contemporary period. After a prolonged phase of despair

and hopelessness the overwhelming success of the recently concluded 'peoples

movement has fired the imagination and expectation of Nepali people as never before.

The recently concluded people's movement for restoration of democracy has proved to

be a catalytic and cathedralic experience for Nepal and its people, both in terms of the

achievement and its longterm possible implications for the country. Through the

spontaneous uprising and unprecedented peaceful movement of millions of people

throughout the country, including the remotest corners, Nepalese people eloquently and

powerfully expressed their complete rejection of the tyrannical rule of an unpopular

King. The way unending waves of thousands upon thousands of peaceful but

determined demonstrators tried to defy bullets, beatings, intimidations, torture and

arrests of an undemocratic regime stands as testimony of our global society's

irreversible march towards freedom, democracy and human rights. As such, for the first

time in many decades, Nepali people who were cruelly sandwiched and caught in the

crossfire between the security forces and Maoists, are in the position to sincerely

address the long overdue problems and challenges in the society and politics.

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Without doubt, one of the most important challenges facing Nepal at the present is

peaceful resolution of the more than decade old Maoist insurgency, the burgeoning

Maoist insurgency in Nepal has been the case of great concern not only for

Nepalipeople but has also caused tremendous worry for Nepali wellwishers and friends

outside the country. Now, because of a new democratic opening in Nepal politics who

had almost lost any hope of peaceful resolution of this vicious and violent conflict in the

foreseeable future, have only again been able to see some light at the end of tunnel. The

changed atmosphere has brought the mainstream 'sevenparty alliance (SPA) and Maoists

as never before. The ceasefire recently declared by both the newly formed government

and Maoist rebels and their commitment to seek solution through dialogue has

succeeded in generating a tremendous hope and optimism among the people. Unlike the

past, as if to lend more credibility to their intentions both sides have entered into the '12

point understanding' in spite of strong criticisms from within and outside. It is primarily

aimed at restructuring of the future political setup based on the principles of democracy,

inclusiveness and human rights.

Maoist conflict: Its genesis and Implications;

The Maoist insurgency which started 10 years ago, has dramatically changed the

conventional international image and prevailing political landscape in Nepal. Within adecade of its inception, Maoist insurgency has expanded and escalated isolated from its

small remote strongholds in the midwestern hilly regions of Nepal to almost all over the

country. The world has been rudeljolted by the awareness of the presence factors giving

rise to a brutally violent radical movement in Nepal. Likewise, world has also been

compelled to recognize the dreaded, prospect of having another 'failed state' and a

humanitarian disaster' in otherwise neither to a very peaceful, tranquil and beautiful

country.

The horrendous human rights violations and unprecedented acts of terror, violence and

destruction committed by both sides in the civil war, viz., the state and Maoists' has also

drawn world's attention for quite sometime.

Since the beginning of Maoist insurgency which is modeled after the teachings and

radical ideology of Chinese leader Chairman Mao, also called the 'people's war' by its

supporters, almost 15,000 people have been killed, many more thousands have been

injured, tortured and disappeared, hundreds of thousands of people have been

displacedfrom their homes and hearths. In addition to this, it has been estimated that

hundreds of million dollars worth of both private and public property and infrastructures

like bridges, roads, telephone networks haven destroyed looted, mainlyby the Maoists.

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These facts and figures related to violence, brutalization and terrorization are, indeed,

very shocking and unprecedented for a country, which, until recently not only used to

take pride is its proverbial peace, tranquility and natural beauty but also in the fact that

it happens to be the only Asian country to ratify all important international human rights

instruments at par with the West European countries.

For the record owing to the pressure by civil society and Nepal's international partners,

three futile attempts have been made in the past to seek the negotiated settlement of the

insurgency. However, as neither the state or Maoists had ever approached to peace talks

with mutual trust, sincerity, commitment and necessary homework all these socalled

'talks' or 'dialogues' in evitalely ended in fiasco. Instead, every successive breakdown in

'dialogues'or 'ceasefires' between the state and Maoists resulted in more horrific

violence and further human rights violations.

The continuation of the conflict and seemingly intractability of the problemnot only

seriously affected the state of Nepal's newly established democratic system and political

stability but it also encouraged the present King Gyanendra and his supporters to

shamelessly dismantle the democratic and human rights safeguards of the system. He

did not hesitate to arrests thousands of civil society, activists, media persons,

professionals, political workers, demanding human rights and democracy For a long

period, King his associates even tried to completely ignore to surprise of all wellwishers and friends of Nepal the like the strong international condemnations and cencor

and motionslike 'Item 19' resolution passed by 61st meeting of UNOCHR in 1961.

In particular, very recently during the months of March and April in response to the

snowballing protest against the, royal tyranny the government did hesitate to use force

and violence to suppress at the peaceful demonstrators, thereby killing almost 2 dozen

people and injuring thousands of people, many of whom are children below 12 years..

However, as a result cascading crescendo movement on 24 April 2006 King Gyanendra

has been finally compelled to acknowledge peoples demand for the complete surrender

of sovereignty to the people, reinstate the dissolved parliament and hand over all power

and handover all power and authority to the sevenparty alliance.

New political Developments: Issues and challenges of Peace building

This sudden change in the political scenario in Nepal has initiated a new dawn in

Nepal's history. Once again, the perverse feelings of hope, enthusiasm and euphoria has

replaced the prolonged atmosphere of fear despair, anger, and helplessness.

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After a long last, Nepali people are in a position to fulfill their desire to regain a

genuine peace. Peace which Nepalese people are looking for is not just a temporary

peace or a mere relief. They are fully committed to a just honorable, sustainable and

holistic peace which can lead to the fundamental transformation in society by

accommodating expectations, sensitivities and demands of all sections of the society,

including the Maoists, who have so far felt neglected,excluded and marginalized.

Nepalese people are very much hopeful that the changed situation will help them to

readdress and rectify the causes of conflict like structural conditions of poverty,

inequity, injustice discrimination of women, ethnic groups, exclusion and human rights

violations inherent in the society. They are also hoping that peace and reconciliation

thus achieved will be able to heal the deep wounds and traumatic experiences sustained

during the civil war and conflict. Thus, the challenge before us is to successfully break-

out of the vicious cycle of violence and cynicisms and be able to redirect and

rechannelize our energy, imagination into the constructive channels.

Moreover, we have to prove the prophets of gloom and doom from within and outside

wrong by being able to rise from the ashes like the mythical creature 'the Sphinx.' It is

obviously a very difficult and dangerous task, indeed. Because, there does not exist any

short cuts tablets, or capsules or magic wands which will help us to achieve our goal or

mission automatically. But we are hopeful that through a visionary thinking, politicalwill, leap of faith and hard work no goal or target should be difficult to achieve. Hence,

all important stakeholders in the conflict, viz., the state, political parties, Maoists, civil

society, international donors and, above all the Nepali people should ensure that:

The past mistakes like squabbling among political parties for power and position, as

well as the bad governance and neglect of people are not repeated;

Democratic transition and consolidation process is smooth, consensual,

participatory and inclusive act;

Public opinion is built against any possible repetition of dehumanization,

militarization and brutalization, tendencies by the state and Maoist both;

The ceasefire and peace building process is properly monitored and guided by the

civil society, media and other stakeholders;

The perpetrators of human rights violations in the past are not allowed any impunity

and immunity from being held accountable for their acts;

Post conflict activities like reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction(RRR) is

given the top priority by the government insurgents, donor community and civil

society;

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Civil society should act as vigilant watchdog facilitator, bridge builder and

confidencebuilder during this most volatile and dangerous period of transition and

transformation

Let the ideals of peace, humanity and democracy prevail all over the world.

Nepal in 10 Years from Conflict to Peace Process

Presented by Ms. Shanti Adhikari

Nepal's suffering with Armed Conflict: Never Expected

Nepal a small mountainous country with Natural beauty and diverse culture, a land of

universal peace ambassador lord Budhha had suffered with a ten years long armed

conflict.

The peoples' movement in 1990 was successful to establish multiparty democracy

jumping from the Panchayat autocracy with direct governing by King. The Nepalese

constitution of 1990 have been recognized as one of the best constitution around the

world, however it was not able to address the diversity of culture, geological and othermajor problems that is created by orthodox stereotype social hierarchy.

The problem of discriminations, inaccessibility to the power and the gaps among poor

and rich, urban and rural community ultimately fostering feudal social hierarchy was

sufficient to induce people for the involvement into armed struggle for achieving their

rights, respect, dignity and freedom.

A group of then United Peoples' Front, who had participated once in parliamentary

system with the objective to be critical towards the bourgeois parliament, finally

decided to have armed struggle to establish a republican state that can address all the

anomalies, perversions and gaps in then contemporary political crisis.

The ash of armed struggle raised by the group on the Name of Communist Party of

Nepal (Maoist) in a few years became a serious issue not only in Nepal rather in whole

South Asia and Finally A buzz issue around the world. The struggle started from a

remote western underdeveloped village of Nepal was successful to cover the whole

nation even with presence in capital city, Kathmandu in later days.

Major issues raised by CPN Maoist were quite need to be addressed and attractive on

the initial days. The issues of cast discrimination, inclusive governance system, women

empowerment, the destruction of orthodox feudal structure were quite positive aspect of

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the peoples' war they have raised and these are the same issues on which foundation

they were successful to raise their movement.

Though, Maoist claimed that the success to have nationwide coverage of peoples' war

is merely because of their organizations' initiatives, efforts and the political vision they

have presented. In fact it is also because of the peoples' increased level of awareness

about their rights, freedom, dignity and the power they have gained in democratic

period to challenge the feudal social structure. And this scenario is resulted through

different social change interventions from government and non government sectors.

Conflict is inevitable during the process of social change as every change challenge the

stereotype concept. But when it comes about armed struggle in a society where there are

three different groups: A group striving to change in a legitimate and peaceful way, a

group striving to change with armed forces and a power center trying to resist the

change on the power of military forces, the risk of counter result is higher than others.

The ten years long armed conflict in Nepal swallowed up live of almost 12000 people,

displaced more than two hundred thousand people from their home, the infrastructure

worth billions of rupees had been destroyed, children could not attend schools, number

of orphans, children worst form of labor and women involvement into commercial sex

as well as labor migration significantly increased.

The existing political system started to be defunct from local level finally at nationalparliament and ultimately starting King's direct rule in 2002 with serious autocracy from

February 1st 2005.

The armed conflict simply can be understood as follows:

The armed conflict started in 1996 in Nepal was built on the foundation of

discriminatory semi feudal social hierarchy, lead by a political party with victimizing

common people and exploited by the autocratic King Gyanendra.

Some Special Features of Armed Conflict in Nepal:

The ten years lasting armed conflict in Nepal was unique in terms of it's nature and

geopolitical reality. Some of the special features of this armed conflict are as follows:

The conflict was a political conflict rather than just a communal or terrorism.

The conflict was built on the foundation of discriminatory social hierarchy.

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The increasing awareness, information flow among rural people due to the

democratic system and civil societies' role on empowerment of people has played

major role to make people struggling for their rights, dignity and freedom.

The conflict in a very short period was successful to have a nationwide coverage.

Initially appreciated by rural people and neglected by governance system has

became in a short period national agenda and condemned by the people.

The conflict starting from periphery has affected severely the center part of every

district, zone and the nation itself.

Because of it's special features, it was also necessary to have special approach to deal

with for the peace process.

The Peace Process

It was ridicules for the government to underestimate the conflict in initial days with the

term "Storm in the Tea Cup". As the conflict exploiting the economic, social and rights

gaps have a nationwide coverage then it became a serious issue in Nepal. Thus every

spheres of society started to advocate with government to start the peace process.

Finally then Prime Minister Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala formed a study commission onMaoist Armed Conflict and Peace Process; though the report was not publicized it was a

step towards peace process.

Later on when Mr. Sher Bahadur Deuba was prime minister, finally a peace dialogue

between government and the Maoist started. To be reminded that Mr. Sher Bahadur

Deuba was the team leader on the study commission before. After few days the dialogue

broke down, both party blame each other that they are not serious and obliged to peace

process, both of them complained that they are trying to betray during the dialogue

process.

After Royal interference in 2002, Mr. Surya Bahadur Thapa became prime minister

and the peace process resumed. But this time also without a result the peace process had

broken. Problem was same as before. Not only that the situation worsened and finally

King was successful to seize the peoples' power for autocracy in Nepalwhile there was a

prime minister from political party and an alliance government of three major political

parties of Nepal.

The conflict nature was very complex in terms of Nepalese geopolitical and social

context. The conflict can be presented as follows:

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The triangular conflict in Nepal was totally jeopardizing the lives of Nepalese people

however some of the issues raised were beneficial for the people of Nepal.

The proclamation in 1stFebruary 2006 pushed political parties extremely against

monarchy and finally they get closed to the movement raised by moist. But still the

political parties were very clear that they would not accept any armed struggle ratherthey would continue the peaceful movement.

Increasing peoples' pressure, the negative consequences of ten years long armed

conflict and the growing international demand for peace and conflict resolution and the

convergence of political parties and Maoist on the issues of democratic republican

Nepal through peaceful democratic process converted the triangular conflict into two

party conflict: Democratic and Autocratic. The division was more explicit after 12 point

agreement between seven political parties' alliance and Maoist and directed action with

six point agreement among the same parties.

The six point agreement gave a hope to the people for peace and democracy and

dignity. Similarly the peaceful movement carrier political cadres' accessibility in rural

area made people to be involved in peaceful movement for the change that is expected

since long back ago.

Finally the 19 days peaceful national strike and mass based peoples' movement was

successful to reinstate the democratic political system on 24th April with Royal

Acceptance of peoples' sovereignty and acceptance of seven political parties' alliance

road map on peace process.

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Civil Societies', especially non governmental role during this process was highly

significant and crucial to materialize what have been planned for peace process. The

NGOs' role was significantly found on international level advocacy and creating

international support and solidarity for peaceful movement, to bridge the contact

between Maoist and Political Parties and to monitor the Human Rights situation during

the peaceful movement.

Similarly NGOs' role have become more crucial to aware the current all party

government to remind the peace process road map that has been already agreed and the

technical facilitation to move ahead on the steps. Similarly NGOs role during this

period was highly significant to provide humanitarian aid for conflict victim, to

highlight the negative impact of conflict and the right abuse incidents by conflicting

parties.Such initiatives ultimately create a peoples' condemn toward conflict and

pressure for peace process for both parties.

Learning and Recommendations from Nepal

Finally the ten years terrible armed conflict in Nepal is towards settlement and the

green signal for peace is reopen here. In this last ten years on the one hand Nepal hasto

loose so many things and on the other hand learnt a lot on the peace process as well.

These learning might be useful for other countries and society as well to start peaceinitiatives. The learning is as follows:

Before moving ahead we should understand the conflict scenario, it's issues,

causes and future perspectives.

Reduce the number of conflicting parties. For this like minded parties can be

allied. We should consider following non negotiable condition while trying to allied

different parties:

Peoples' Sovereignty, Dignity and Freedom

Value Peaceful movement

Democratic norms and values

Universally accepted Peoples' Human Rights

Should develop a concrete vision and plan in post conflict period considering the

conflict victim, reconstruction of infrastructure

There should be a signed code of conduct among conflicting parties during peace

process.

There should be strong, neutral and active monitoring of the code of conduct and

peace process.

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Social conflict is inevitable during the change process, but should have peace

education so that the conflicting groups can reconcile themselves in future.

NGOs role should be clearly defined specially for monitoring, reminding peace

process, peoples' agenda and ensuring Humanitarian Aid.

Civil societies should play significant role not only during the conflict period rather

their role are highly valued in post conflict situation.

Three Southern Border Provinces : Globalization Violence Victim

Presented by Ahmad Somboon Bualuang

Background

Three Southern border provinces of Thailand are the provinces of Pattani, Yala and

Narathiwat. They are different from other parts of Thailand in many aspects as follows:

Geography and Territory

These three provinces are located at the boundary with 500 kilometers border length of

Kelantan and Kedah, northern states of Malaysia. Sankalakiri Mountain and rivers such

as Sungai Golok form their boundary.

Historical Background

It is believed that in the age of ancient times up to the age of HinduismBrahmanism,

people in this area were under control of the state of Langkasuka. They had their own

tradition, believes, ways of life and Melayu language.

Political Change

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Three southern border provinces and part of Songkhla province were once under the

suzerainty of the Islamic City State of Patani Darussalam in 15001876. These provinces

were fully incorporated into the Thai state. They were divided into three provinces by

the central government in Bangkok since 1909. In the past, this area recognized in

Melayu World was wellknown in shipping trade and center of Islamic studies. Even

though these have not much remained at present,local people still have ties with their

religion, language, culture and race. Politics cannot separate them from the Melayu

World. As a result, more than 80% of people are strong in protecting their identity.

Social Mobilization

Although people belief has been changed from HinduismBrahmanismto Islam, their

structure of language and Melayu culture remain intact. They spread throughout

Southeast Asia and remain their identity up to present.

Root of Conflict

Since 1876, the Islamic City State of Patani Darussalam lost its administrative power.

The administration in the area was changed according to national security of the centralgovernment. The Thai government under the militant ultranationalist regime of Field

Marshal Phibun Songkram adopted cultural assimilation of minority groups with the

proclamation ofRatthaniyom (nationalism) policy and renamed Kingdom of Siam to

Thailand in 1947. The requirement ofRatthaniyom policy stated that ethnic minority

including the MelayuMuslims in the southern border provinces should be designated

simply as 'Thais'. The government disseminated the dominant culture mainly through

the Thai, national language, to integrate the minority groups into the dominant Thai

culture.

Here, we must clear to the fact that Thailand is a predominantly Buddhist country.

Therefore, its policy based on Buddhism, which was not congenial to harmonious living

in a plural society. Since then, culture, language, religion, belief and way of life of the

MelayuMuslims in the threedominated provinces were invaded through national policy

of the Thai government in Bangkok.

The government kept violating local people and did not pay attention to develop the

region. In addition, the government changed educational system of Melayu education.

Nonlocal government officials handled administration of the southern border provinces.

Muslims form a majority (more than 80%) of the population but they were appointed as

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government officials only 20%. Most of Thai government officials (80%) were from

outside the area. Their culture, religion and language were different from the Muslims.

This created misunderstanding between the government and local people. The

controlling central state did try to establish mutual understanding and solve problem in

the region but it was very slow. Conflict and violence have happened in the past 50

years. The government views conflict situation in the south as separatism due to

different belief, religion, language, tradition and same race with neighboring Malaysia.

It is problem of conflict.

After the September 11, 2001 event, the southern border provinces are one of main

targeted of invasion of the New World Order in Asia due to majority are Muslims, who

strongly believe in their religion and many further higher education in MiddleEast

countries, Indonesia and Pakistan. Unfortunately, after graduation, their degree is not

recognized by standard of the Thai education

2006 Peace Camp Papers

Documents

Transcript of 2006 Peace Camp Papers