2005 Beyond the Core

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f rvsBEYOND TTIECORE:TYPOLOGICALVARIATION IN THEIDENTIFICATIONOF PARTICIPANTS

MenlewNnMrruuNUNNERSITY F CALIFoRNIA. ANTABARBARA

Languages ary not only in their argumentcategoriesbut also n the relative bur-den borne by core arguments, n the ono hand, and obliquesor adjuncts,on the other,in conveying nformation- Here it is shown that the kinds of participants dentified nmany languageswith oblique nominals or adjuncts,such as companions, ecipients ,benenciaries, nstruments,sources, and goals, are usually identified by alternativestructures n Mohawk. The only referents ntroducedby nominal adjuncts areplacesand times, entities hat can characteize whole situations,The roles of all participantsare specified n or inferable rom the verb: in pronominal prefixes,applicativesuffrxes,incorporatednouns,directionalprefixes,and the semantics f the verb stem. t rrill beseen hat such head-markingstructure s more than a simple formal vatiable. It canbave mpodant implications or the exicon andfor issues n languagedocumentation.[KEywoRDs:zugument tructure,obliques,adjuncts,Mohawk, Iroquoian]Basic sentence tructure s generallyassumed o consist of a predicateandone or more constituents dentifying participants.The participantsare oftenclassified nto two groups,though the labels for the groups and the criteriafor classification vary across he literature. Common labels for tle two arecore/oblique, primary/secondary, nucleus/satellite, argument/adjunct, andcomplement/adjunctamong others. n some raditions, the primary criterionfor the distinction is formal marking: core argumentsmay be unmarked, orexample, while obliquesare distinguishedby case suffixes, enclitics, deter-

miners,or adpositions. n other traditions, the primary criterion is subcate-gorization: core argumentsare those that are required by the verb, whileadjuncts are optional. Our focus here is on neither terminology nor defini-tions but rather on systematicpatternsof cross-linguisticvariation. We knowthat languagesdiffer in the formal robustnessof their reflection of the dis-tinction. Here we consider another kind of difference: the relative burdenborne by the two kinds of constituents n conveying information.Although we know that categories ike subject and object are not purelysemantic, here is a general assumption hat semantic agents and patientstend to be representedas core arguments,while companions,beneficiaries,instruments, sources,goals, locations, and times tend to be representedasnon-core. Of course, anguagesoften provide devices or altering argumentstructure or syntacticand discoursepurposes,such aspassive,antipassive,

[UAt, vot. 7r, do. 4, october 2005,pp.445-?2]@ 2005 by Th Univaity of chicaso, All rishts reserved-002L70? 1/2005/7104-0003$ t.OO445


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446 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINCUISTICS

andapplicativeconstructions.But if we comparespontaneous peech n vari-ous languages,we find substantialcrossJinguistic differences n the distri-bution of information over core and non-coreconstituents.Certain kinds ofparticipants hat are usually categorizedascorearguments n English, for ex-ample, are obligatorily categorizedas obliques in Eskimo-Aleut languages,becauseunidentifiable (indefinite) semanticpatientsof transitive events areneverpermittedcore status. n the Yup'ik sentence n (1), the motor is nec-essarily oblique, and the verb is grammatically intransitive,

(l) Central Alaskan Yup'ik: Elizabeth Ali, speaker personalcommunication)Kiputellinilia levaa-mekkipute-Ilini-Iria levaa-mekbuy-apparently-INTRANsrrrvE.pARTrcIpIAL.3.sc motor-ABLATTvEhe apparentlybought motor'He apparently bought a motor'.

By contrast, n a numtrerof other languages,many of them n the Americas,spontaneousspeech shows a much smaller proportion of obliques or ad-juncts than might be expectedon the basisof languages ike English.1. The Iroquoian languages. In the Iroquoian languages of easternNorth America, core arguments are easy to distinguish on morphologicalgrounds.They are dentified by pronominal prefixes n every verb. The pro-nominal prefixesare presentwhethercoreferentialnominals are alsopresentin the clause or not. In (2) below, the intransitive verb 'go' containspro-

nominal reference to its single argument 'she', while the transitive verb'mind, look after' containspronominalreference o its two arguments I' and'him'. Examples cited here are drawn from Mohawk, spokenprimarily inpresent-dayQuebec,Ontario, and New York State,but the patternsare typi-cal of all of the anguagesn the family.l1I am grateful to the Mohawk speakers rom Kahnawh:ke,Kanehsata:ke, ikwesdhsne,Ohsw:ken,and Thaientand:kenwho have generouslycontributed heir time and expertise.

Three anonymous eviewersalsoprovideduseful discussion.Al l of the material cited here hatis attributed o specific Mohawk speakers ame rom unscripted,connected peech,pdmarilyconyersation, udless otherwise noted. I have benefited especially from discussion withKaia'titdhkhe' Jacobs, f Kahnaw):ke,Quebec.The Mohawk is presentedn eheorthographyapprovedby a conso ium of all of the communitiesand curently in use n schools. t is es'sentiallyphonemic.Obstruents re automaticallyvoiced before voiced segments.Glottal stopis represented ith an apostrophe'). The two nasalized owels ale represented ith digraphs:er for a [asalized carot a\d on for a high, back nasalized u]. The other vowels i, e, a, o havetheir approximate PA values.A colon (:) marks vowel length.An acuteaccent .i) representsstresswith high tone(on short vowels) or rising tone(olr ong vowels).A graveaccent A) rep-resents tresswith fallirg tone.In the segmentedines,epenthetic owelsare n small caps:1,,{,E.


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VARIATION IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS 447

(2) Mohawk pronominal prefixes: CeceliaPeters,speaker p.c.)Kb:iahre' 6nskak-ehiahr-n' enskal.sc.Acr-remember-srATTvE oneI remember one

waLiaten 'nikbn:raren' newa-hii-aten-'nikonhr-A-ren-' neFAcr-1.sc/M.sc-MTDDlE-mind-JR-set.on-pheI minded him thei'kdn:'a.ri-'ken'=a1.sc/u.sc-be.older-sib=orlramv youngerbrotherIdh tewakatuien:ture'iah te-wak-ate-rien't-A-r-E'NOt NEGATIVE.l.SC.PAT-MIDDLE. WATENESS.JR-bC-iN-STATIVEnot do I knowne istdn:'a ka'ne isten'=a ka'the mother=DM wherethe my mother whereniiakawenbn:ne'.ni-iakaw-e-n-on-hne'PARTTTM-FI.SG.PAT-go-DIR.APPLIC-STATM-PASTthat she had gone to

'I remember once I minded my younger brother. I don't knowwhere my mother had gone'.

Most examples appear in a multi-line format. The second line of these exarnples shows a mor-phological segmentation of the material; the third gives the gloss of each morpheme; the fourthprovides a word-by-word fanslation; and the final line is a free translation.

Abbreviations for glosses are as follows: AGT grammatical) AGENT;AppLIc AppLIcATIvE: AUcAUGMENIATIVE; BEN BENEFACTIVE; CIS CISLOCATIVE;DIM DIMINUTIVE; DIR DIRECTIONAL;DISTDISTRIBUTTVE;DU DUAL; DV DUPLICATIVE; EXCL EXCLUSIVE; FACT FACTU{; FI FEMININE IN.DEFINITE GENDER: FT]TFUTURE TENSE; HAB HABTTUAL ASPECT: TNCL NCLUSIVE; INSTR INSTRU-MENTAL; JR STEM JOINER; M MASCULINE GENDER; MID MIDDLE; N NEUTER GEI..'DER;NMZRNOMINALIZER:Ns NouN SUFFIX;P pERFEcTIvEASPECT traditionally termed the Punctual byIroquoianists); pAT (grammatical) PATTENT;PL PLITRAL; pRT pARTrrrvE; prjRp puRposrvE; REpREPETTTTVE;G srNcuLAR; sr srATIvE; TRL TRANsLocATrvg. Affixes are linked to stems withhyphens () and enclitics with equal signs (=).


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448 INTERNATIoNAL JoURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

There are no casemarkerson nounsor noun phraseshere, andno real coun-terparts to the adpositionsof languages ike English. Word order does notdistinguish syntactic elationsor semantic oles.To identify the kinds of par-ticipants typically identified in oblique nominals or adjuncts in other lan-guages,speakershave a variety of structural alternativesat their disposal.

2. Accompanying persons and objects. In many languages,compan-ions and associatedobjects are typically identified in oblique constituentsformed with adpositionsmeaning 'with', oblique determiners,or comitativeor associativecase markers. In Mohawk, accompanyingpersonsor objectsare often introduced nstead n clausesof their own.(3) Mohawk companion:Watshenni:ne'Sawyer,speaker p.c.)6:nenat.the.time

akhs6thaak-hsot=haFI.sc/l.sc-be.grandparent.to=DlM FUT-cIs-FI.sc.Acr-climb-pmv grandmother she will climb up hereth6:ne 6:nen, tsik eniatid:rente'.tho=hne onen tsi=k en-iaki-ahrent-E'there-that now as=only FUT-l.EXcL.DU.AGT-sleep.tog.-pthen now just we two wiII sleep ogether

'Then my grandmother would come upstairs and sleepwith me'.(4) Mohawk accompanyingobject: JosephineKaierithon Horne,speaker p.c.)T6kani' oskeruSn:ton' enid:rihte',tdka=hni' o-skenonton' en-ie-ri-ht-x'maybe=too NEUTER-deer FUT.FI.sc.Acr-be.cooked-c.nusnnvE-pperhaps deer she will fry

ne: teniale,vtatidh ten'ne t-en-iakttva-atat-iehst-en-'thAt DI,'PLTCATIVE-FUT-1.PL.EXCL.AGT-REFLEXI!'E-MiX-BEN.APPLIC.Pthat we will combine for ourselvesne kana'tarokhin:we,ne ka-na'tar-o-k=onwethe l.IElrER-bread-be.in.water-coNTrNuATn/E=senuinethe real bread

entierd'then',en-t-ie-ra'then-'


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tanon' kdn:ie entionkwd:ti'.tanon' ka-iie en-t-ionlaua-ati-'and N-grease FUT-cIsLocATIvE-l.PL.PAT-throw-Pand grease we will pour (it) there

'We would serve the cornbreadwith venison and gravy'.Of course, anguages ike English allow speakers o introduce accompany-ing personsor objects in separateclausesas well- My grandmother wouldcome upstairs, and then we would sleep together.This possibility can makethe absenceof oblique comitative and other associative constructions inlanguages ike Mohawk that much easier o overlook.Mohawk speakers an also ntroduce companionsas componentsof dualor plural core arguments.The companion is identified in an independentnoun, but the pronominal prefix refers to the whole group.

(5) Mohawk core companion:John Maracle, speakerTensenihthaninnion' kanien'kehd:kat-en-seni-hthar-onnion-' ka-nien='ke=hakaDv-Fur-2.pu-talk-DlsT-p N-flint=place=residentyou two will talk Mohawk person

tsio'k nahd:ten'tsi=o'k nahd:ten'56=just somethingall sorts of thingsensenihninnion'.en-seni-hron-nion-'FI-rT-2.DU-say-DIST-Pyou two will say

'When you talk with a Mohawk, you can sayall sortsof things',3. Recipients and beneficiaries. Recipients and beneficiariesare iden-tified in many languagesn oblique phraseswith dative casemarkers or ad-positions meaning to' or 'for': 'I gave t to the mailman', 'I bought t for my

mother', In Mohawk, suchpersonsare typically cast as core arguments.Nomore than two argumentscan be specified within the Mohawk pronominalprefix complex- In situations nvolving three sets of participants,semanticagents and recipients/beneficiaries,which are usually human or at least an-imate, take precedenceover semanticpatients.The system s thus akin towhat has been termed a primary object language(Dryer 1986), though theIroquoian pronominal prefx system shows a grammatical Agent/Patientpatternrather than a Subject/Objectpattern (Mithun 1991).

449


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Some verb roots, such as 'give', 'lend', and 'feed', have semantic ecipi-ents or beneficiariesas core arguments.(6) Mohawk recipient as core: Rita Konwatsi'tsai6n:ni Phillips,speaker p.c.)Kati' ndn:wa' alg!;fujatem'swri:wi.kati' n=onhwa' aa-ietshii-ate-ra'sw-awijust the=maybe oprATT!'E-FI.sc/2.PL-MTDDLE-luck-give.sTATTVEjust maybe she might have luck given vou

'She might havegiven you good luck'.(7) Mohawk recipient as core: Karihw6nhawe' Lazore, speaker p.c.)Ko n's ehtanihb ne'.kon-'sa e ht - n h en hne'l. sc/2.sc-drag-utrlzR-JR-lend-srATwE-PAsr

I car lent vou'I lent you the car'.

(8) Mohawk recipient as core: Watshenni:neSawyer, speaker p.c.)Wd:kehre' enkhehnekanontin:ra'wa'-k-ehr-' en-khe-hnek-t-nonten-hra-'FAcr-1.sc.AcT-intend-p FUT-.sc/3.pl-liquid-rn-feed-eunr-rI thought ! will go liquid feed themki:ken.ki:kenthisthis

'I thought I would give them some water'.Additional verb stemswith semantic ecipientsor beneficiariescan be cre-ated with robust derivational morphology. Added to the verb stem-kaia'k'pay (a certainprice)', for example, a benefactive applicative suffix forms anew stem-karia'k-s-'pay (someone)'. dded o -hnekar-'serve a drink)',it yields -hnekar-hahs- 'serve (someone) a drink'. Added to -nhotonkw-'open the door', it yields -nhotonkw-ahsi open the door for (someone)'.(9) Mohawk benefactiveapplicative:JosephineKaierithon Home,speaker p.c.)Ronateihwahser6n:ni nd:neron-ate-rihw-,n-hseronni nD:ne

M.PL.AGT-MIDDLE-matteT.JR.maKe.STATIVE thg onethey have agreed the


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VARIATION IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS 45I

HudsonBal, Company tsi rotinidkhonHudsonBay Company /si roti-niak-h-onHudson Bay Company that 3.PL.PAT-marry-DIsrR-srATIvEHudson Bay Company that their wivesenkonwat ui a'ks_e'en konwati -kar-i a' k-s 'FUT-3.Pr3.PL-price-hit-B -Pthey will pay to them

'The HudsonBay Companyagreed o pay their wives'.(10) Mohawk benefactive applicative: Kaia'tit6hkhe' Jacobs,speaker p.c.)Enwd:ton' kenen-w-al-on- ' ken

FUT-NEUTER.AGT.MIDDLE-bE.DOSSibIC.P INTERROGATTVEit will be possible INTERROGATIVEenkatathnekdrhahse'en-k- tat hne - - r-hah s'FUT- .sc.AGT-REFLEXIvE-liquid-JR-set-BEN.APPUC-PI will liquid.set.formvself

'May I serve myself liquid = May I have a cup of coffee?'(11) Mohawk benefactiveapplicative:Mae Niioronhi:'a Montour,speaker p.c.)

Wah nwanho 6nkwahse'.wa honwa-nho on-kw e-hs n'FACT-FI. SG/M.SG.dOOT.COVET-REVERSIVE.JR.BEN.APPLIC-Pshe door uncovered.for !!3q'She openedthe door for him'.

4. Instruments. In many languages,semantic instruments are usuallyintroduced as obliques: 'I patched t up with tape'. Their oblique status ssignaled by adpositions('with'), oblique determiners,or instrumental casemarkers. n Mohawk, instruments areusually introducedas a core argumentof an additional clause.

(12) Mohawk separateclause:JosephineKaierfthon Horne,speaker p.c.)Ne sha'kannhstane sha'-ka-nenhst-atthe coINcIDENT-NEUTER-corn-be.onethe samgcorn


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452 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL

iah,vtitstha'

OF AMER]CAN LINGUISTICS

iakw-at-hst-ha'1 ExcL.PL.AGT-MIDDLE-use-HABwe use tn6:nen eniakwatkdtston'.ne=6:nen en-iakwa-at-katston-'the=now FUT-l.ExcL.PL.Act-vID-make.soup-rwhen we will make soup

'We make soup with the same kind of corn'.The absenceof instrumental oblique nominals in languagesike Mohawkcan easily go unnoticed, since the multi-clause structure above s also pos-sible in English; We use the sanxecorn when making soup. At a certain

point, however, wondering whether the lack of instrumental nominals n myexperiencewith Mohawk was simply an accident, asked a skilled speakerhow shewould translate He eatshis peaswith a spoon'.This speakerhas anespecially ine senseof what is said n the languageand what is not. Her an-swer was revealing. She replied, "Well, you know we generallyuse he verbsatshd:ri just for soup." She saw my request as a questionabout verbal se-mantics. (The stem -atshori is indeed used for slurping liquids like soup.)I amendedmy request o 'He eats his peaswith a knife'. Her quick transla-tion broke the model into two clauses.(13) Mohawk elicited translation:Kaia'tit6hke' Jacobs, peaker p.c.)

A:share' wA:ratste'a'shar-' wa-hra-at-hst-E'KNife-N.S FACT-M.SG.AGT-MIDDLE.USe-Pknife he used

tsi wa'thatskd:hon'.ts i wa'-t-ha-at-ska'hon-'AS FACT-DUPLICATIVE-M.SG.AGT-MIDDLE-diNE.Pas he ate'He ate his peaswith a knife'.

Semantic nstrumentscan also be introduced n a secondkind of construc-tion in Mohawk: as a core argumentof a derived applicative verb. Mohawkcontains severalapplicative suffixes hat add an nstrument to the setof coreafsuments.


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VARIAIION IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS 453

(14) Mohawk instrumental applicative: Cecelia Peters, speaker(p.c.)Thd n6n:tho n=o-onwethere the=tt-placethat place

nihontekh:thahlcwe'. . .ni-hon- te ka-' -ha' hkw 'PARTITIVE.M, PL.AGT-MIDDLE-bUTN-CAUS-HAB-PASTthat they used to make a fireTanon' ne: ni 'tdnon' ne: ohni'and it is tooi alat, tenonh a' tariha' tdhkhwa'.iakwa-ate nonhs a' tarih-A-' -A-hkw ha '1.gxcr,.pr.lct-rraIDDLE-house-hot-JR-cAUsATtvE-JR-INSTR.P

4-HABwe caused our houseto be hot wit! it'There they used to build a fire. And we heated the house with ittoo' .

(15) Mohawk instrumental applicative: JosephineKaierfthon Horne,speaker p.c.)6niehte' khok rononnhdhhuen.o-nieht-' khok ron-onnhe-khw-enNEUTER-snow-Ns only M.pL.pAT-live-rNsrR.Appuc-srATIvEsnow only they were living on it'They were surviving on snow'.

(16) Mohawk instrumental applicative: John Maracle, speakerEthd:ne akw6: ne onhuehonwehndha'e-thohne akw6:kon ne onkwe=honwe=hneha'tlere all the person=genuine=stylethe Indian languageratiwennotdhkwen.rati-wenn-ot-A-!fu-enM.PL-WOTd-StANd.JR-INSTR.APPLIC-STATIVEthey word stood with it

'They spoke n Indian'.


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VAR1ATION IN THE IDENTIF1CAIION OF PARTICIPANTS 455

='sink'= 'bedspread'

Semantic nstruments can be identified in a third way in Mohawk: withan ncorporatednoun. As in other compounding, he semantic ole of the n-corporated noun stem is not specified: the noun simply indicates the in-volvement of a kind of entity. Incorporatednouns in Mohawk most oftenrepresentsemanticpatients, because hey can narrow the semantic scope ofthe verb in useful ways, but they can also evoke kinds of instruments andlocations. In some cases heir semanticrole may be inferred from context,but often there s little basis or seeingone role over another.The verb -rh-,for example, ncorporatesnouns referring to a substancewith which some-thing is coated, such as paint, butter, or even plastic (expressedwith thenoun root -hneht-, the term for 'pitch'). One might thus nterpret the incor-poratednoun as an instrument.

(19) Mohawk incorporation of instrument(l9a) wakdrhonwake-rh-on1 SG.PAT-COAt-TATTVE'I have coated it '.

(l9b) wakftg ' tshglirh onwak-ko ' she -e- h-onl,sc.PAT-paint-coat- TATMI have pqilll-coated it'I havepainted t' .

(l9c) wakewistohserdrhon ne kand:tarowake-wistohsrr-,c-rh-on ne ka-na'tl,r-o1.sc.PAT-butter-JR-coat-STATIVEhe NEUTER-bread-be.in.waterI have butter coated t the bread'I have buttered the bread'.

The verb root -rh- could, however, ust as easily be translated 'smear', inwhich case he incorporatednoun might be argued o representa semanticpatient. The Mohawk structure doesnot specify the semantic role. Furtherexamplesof incorporatednouns hat could be interpretedas nstruments arebelow, though there is no formal distinction among semanlic patients, n-struments.means.and locations.

io nhtsohare' dhkhwa" one hand-washeswith it'iontenakto6kstha' 'one coversone'sbed with it '


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(20) Mohawk incorporatedinstrument: Watshenni:ne Sawyer,speaker p.c.)kahseriie dneren'ka-hseiie't-ansren-'NEuten-cord-tie.up-srATlvEit is cord-tied'I t [a bundle] was tied up with a cord'.

(21) Mohawk incorporated nstrument:CaroleeKonwatibn:se'Jacobs,speaker p.c.)tenkoniahsrawbn:'eke'.t-en- on -ahs r-,q.wen'ek-E'DUPLTCATTVE-FUT-.SG/2.SC-blanket-JR-wrap-PI will blanket-wrap ou'I will wrap you up with/in a blanket'.(22) Mohawk incorporatednstrument:Kaia'titehkhe' Jacobs,speaker p.c.)Tanon' kaia'tdkerahstanon' ka-ia't-akr-ahsand NEUTER.AcT-body-stink-HABand goat

rahshari:ne'ra-hshar-in-e'M.sc.AcT-leash-lead-sTATl Ehe was leash-leading it )'And he was leading a goat with/on a leash'.

5. Place: location, source, goal. In many languages,ocations, sources,and goals are dentified in obliquesmarkedwith case suffixes, enclitics, de-terminers, or adpositions. In Mohawk, they can be identified in severalways. They are often introducedas a core argument n one clause, hen car-ried over into subsequentdiscoursewith deictic particles like eh or tho'there' or verbal prefixes ike the Translocatl\r away, over there or the Cis-locative here, there.To render he equivalent of 'He saw some ish in a log',the speakern (23) used hreeclauses.(23) Mohawk separate lauses:SonnyEdwards,speaker p.c,)Wahatkdhtho' ki:-.wa-ha-at-kahtho-' kf:ken

FACT-M.sC.ACT-M DDLE-see-P thishe saw this


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VARIATION IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS 45'1

ioronteniin:'en, . . .io-ront-enien'-enNeutEn. pAT-tree-fall -over-sTATMfallen fteeKhiahatkdhtho'th- - a-ha-at-kahtho 'CONTRASTIVE-TRANSLOCATIVE-FACT-M. SG.AGT-MIDDLE-SCE.Psuddenly he saw over therek6ntsion'. En rafiid:ti.k-itsi-on' eh rati-ia't-iNEtrfER-fish-Ns herg Ivr,n-body-be.in.srATrvEfish there they are bodilY inside

'He saw some ish in a log'.Like the comitative and instrumentalconstructionsdescribed eadier, thesemulti-clause constructionshave counterparts n English, which can maketheir systematic use easy to overlook. The two directional prefixes, theTranslocative away,over there' and he Cislocative 'hither, there', arenot ar-gumentsbut rather adverbials.The two argumentsof the verb 'see' in (23)above are 'he' and 'the fish'. The single argumentof the verb 'climb', seenearlier in (4) 'My grandmother would come upstairs', is the grandmother.The Mohawk verb -ra'then'climb' is always ntransitive, unlike its Englishcounlerpan.

A placecan also be introduced n Mohawk as an ncorporatednoun in oneclause, hencarried over nto subsequent iscourseby deictic particlesand/oraffixes.(24) Mohawk place incorporated in separateclause:Minnie Hill,speakerRonnonha thi: Eatonsthey that Eatons

Ah tuhontenonhsdn:ni'.6h td-hon-ate-nonhs-onni-'there FACT.CISLOCATTVE-M.PL.AGT-MrOnr-r-hOUSe-make-rthere they their building builtEnskainskaoneonce


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6h iewakataweia'tbn:ne'6h !g-wak-at-aweia't-on-hne'thCTE TRL-1.SG.PAT-MID.ENtET-ST.PASTthere over there I have entered' Ididgo@once' .

Placescan also be introducedas he core argumentof an applicative verb.Some old directional applicatives are very common in Mohawk, becausethey occur with extremely frequent motion verbs like 'go', though they areno longer productive. (In someof the other Iroquoian languages,phonolog-ical changeshave obliterated most traces of the directional applicatives.)These applicativesadda sourceor goal to the setof core argumentsof verbsdescribingdirected motion.(25) Mohawk directional applicative with source(25a) I:ien'.Lie-e- 'pRoTHETIC-Fr.SG.GT-be.oing-STATIvE

'She s/wasgoing'.(25b\ Kordhnekora=hnegovernment=place

Canadanitiakaw6:non.ni-t-iakaw-e-n-onPARTITIVE-CISLOCATIVE-FI.SG.PAT-gO.DIR. APPLIC-STAT1VEthere she has come from it

'She came here from Canada'.(26) Mohawk directional applicative with goal(26a\ Wd:re'.wa-hr-e- 'FACT-M.SG.AGT-be.oing-SterrVe

'He is/wasgoing'.(26b) Tiohtid:ke wd:rehte'.Tiohtid:ke wa'-hra-e-ht-s'

Montfeal FACT-M.SG.AGT-gO-DIR.APPLIC-PMontreal he went to it'He went to Mon ffeal'.


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Sentences ontainingverbs with directional applicativesmust containrefer-ence to a specificplace, ike the words for 'Canada' and 'Montreal' in (25)and (26).Places can also be identified in Mohawk by incorporatednouns. Again,the incorporatednoun is not a syntacticargument; t simply indicates he in-volvement of a kind of entity. Its semantic ole remains unspecified, houghit may be inferred from the meaning of tle verb and the situation. The roleof the noun meaning 'liquid' in (27), for example, can be interpreted asthesource of motion from the meaning of the verb 'emerge'.

(27) Mohawk incorporated ource:Sonny Edwards,speaker p.c.)Tonsahahnefuitka'we'.t-ons -ha-hnek-otkq' e'DUPLICATIVE-FAcT.REP-M.sG.AGT-liquid-emerge-r'He cameback up out of the water'.

In many cases,however, t}te meaningof the verb does not lead to an inter-pretationof a specificsemantic ole. The incorporated palm' in (28)could belabeleda sourceor a goal,but no formal distinction s marked n the Mohawk.(28) Mohawk incorporated sourceor path: Joe Tiorhakw6n:te' Dove,speaker p.c.)Idh tewati4:seniah te+r-at-ies-en

no t NECATTVE-NEUTER-MIDDLE-be.easy-STATIVInot is it easytaionkwahsi6hsere'-t-aa-ionkw -hs -ohse -E'DUPLTCATTVE-OPTATM-PL.PAT-palm-slip-Pwould it hand-slip us

'It's not easy for it to slip from/through our hands= for us to loseour grip'.(29) Mohawk incorporated goal: fosephine Kaierfthon Horne,speaker p.c.)Wahshako' ikonhnita' ne Tekanwf:tawa-hshako'nikonhr-l-t'a-' ne Tekanwi:taFAcT-M,sc/M.PL-mind-JR-insert-P he Tekanawi:tahe mind inserted them the Deeanawida

tdnon' AiD:wate'tdnon' Aii:wate'and Hiawathaand Hiawatha


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460 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

nahianitiohh5n:ni'ne aa-hi-an-itiohk-onni-'the OPTATIVE-M.DU.AGT-MIDDLE-group-make-Pfor them to group makene Kaianere'kri:wa.ne ka-ianEr-e'=kowathe NEUTER-IAW-NS=AUGthe great law

'He inspiredDeganawidaand Hiawatha o organize he League'.Placesmay also be evoked as semantic eaturesof verb roots. Someverbscontain an indication of location or direction as an inherent part of theirmeaning.There s, for example,a verb root -o 'be in liquid', which forms thebasisof severalderived stems.(30) Mohawk verb stems nvolving water(3Oa)-o - 'be in liquid'-o-hw- 'put in liquid' (with cAUs$NE-r]t), 'immerse'-o-kw 'take out of liquid' (with REvERsIVE-kli'),fish out'(3Ob)Wa'd:kghwe'wa'- iak-o-hw-n'

FACT-FLSG,AGT-be.in.iquid-CaUSATM-Pshe put it in liquid = she immersed (it)'She put it in wa ter'.

Another verb root -nhont- means having in the mouth'.(31) Mohawk verb stems nvolving the mouth(3la) -nhont- 'have something n mouth'-nhonta' 'put something nto mouth'31b) Wakdnhonte'.wake-nhont-r'l. sc.plr-have.in.mouth-sTATrvE

'I have it in mv mouth' (cigarette,pencil sticking out that one ischewing on).(3lc\ Wa'khenh6nta'.wa'-khe-nhont-'a-'FAcr-1.sc/3-have.in.mouth-cAUsATrvE-P

'I put it into her mouth'.In modern Mohawk, the stem nhont- 'have n mouth' is no longer segment-able. There s evidence,however,that it was originally formed from the verb


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VARIATION IN THE IDENTIFICAIION OF PARTICIPANTS 461

root -ont- 'stick out, be attached'with an incorporatednoun root -nho--Thisnoun root is not used n the modern anguagewith the meaning 'mou(h', butit does resemble he noun rool -nhoh- that serves as the basis of the nounka-nh6h-a' 'door' (Neuren-door-NouN.suFFlx).t also matchesan elementof the verb se-4fu!:-ton closethe 5!gq1',which appears o have been ormedby incorporation of a noun root -nho- into the verb -ton 'cover': 2'SG'AGT-opening-cover.The modern verb root -nhont- can now incorporate anothernoun.

(32) Mohawk 'mouth' verb with incorporated noun: Joe AwenhrdthenDeerIdh wi' tehatikwdnie'si6h wahi' te-hati-kweni-e'sNOt TAG NEGATIVE-M.PL.AGT-bE.AbIC-HABnot you see were theY able

akonwaristanh6nta'a -konwa- i911-hont 'a- 'OPTATTVE-,PLIZOrC.G-metal-have.in.mouth-cAUSATM-Pthey would metal-insert.into.mouthherki: akohsd:tenhs.ki:ken ako-hsaten-hsthis FI.Pet-carrY.on.back-HeBthis horse

'They weren't able to get the bit into the horse'smouth,you see'.6. Nominal adjuncts. So far, we have seen hat theparticipants ypicallyidentified in oblique or adjunct nominals in other languages-namely, com-panions, associates, ecipients, beneficiaries, instruments, sources,goals,

and locations-are expressedn alternative structures n Mohawk: as coreargumentsof simplex verbs,as coreargumentsof applicativeverbs, as com-ponentsof core arguments,as ncorporatednouns, asdirectional affixes, oras semanticelementsof verb roots. Independentnominals that are neithercore argumentsnor incorporateddo occur, however, to identify places.

(33) Mohawk sourcenominal: Wilfred Jaimison, speakerMichigan tahahtdn:ti'.Michigan ta-ha-ahtenti''place-name cIsLocATrvE-M.sG.AGT-depart-PMichigan he departed his way'He came rom Michiean'.


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(34) Mohawk goal nominal: JoeTiorahkwdn:te'Dove, speakerTseid:ta kt:ken,ts-ie-ia't-at ki:kenRIP-Fr.AcT-body-be.one.sTATIve thisonewoman thisSharhd:'on iahshakoti'teron'.Sharhd:'on i-a-hshakot'i'tnron''place-name TRANsLocATTvE-FAcr-3.PIIF'sc-take-PChateauguay they took her awaY'They took t}is one woman 191Q!3193ggggy"

(35) Mohawk location nominal: Joe AwenhrdthenDeer, speakerThds nonkwd:tho sa's n=onlcwd:tithere formerlY the=sidethere formerlY the side

tieruikere' Kan6n:no.t-ie-naktr-e' New YorkCitYCISLOCATIVE-FI.SG.AGT-TCSidE-STATIVEover there sheresides

'She used to live over there in New York City'.Theseplace nominals are the closest structures n Mohawk to obliquesThe sentencesn (33), (34), and (35) would be acceptablewithout them: 'He

came', 'They took her away', 'Sheusedto live there'. Many of thesewordsshow one of a small set of endings (Mithun 2001).(36) Recurring endings on place nominals=(d:')ke =hne =akta' =akon =okon=(a\ti ={hen =kehson =konhson etc.

At first glance, heseendingsmight be taken for locative casemarkers' Sev-eral facts, however, indicate that they do not represent nflectional case.Apart from the pair =(a)'ke/=hne, the various endings isted in (36) are notphonologically or lexically conditionedaltemants:different endingscan beattached o the same nominal. The different endings do not distinguish theroles of the nominals in the predication, that is, the relation between theplaceand he event or state.Nominals carrying the ending='ke, for example,can designatesources,goals, or locations' (When a stressed yllable ends nglottal stop, the tone is dragged down and the glottal disappears,eavingvowel length.)


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(37) Inflectionalcase?Karonhid:ke nithawi:non. 'He came down from heaven'.Awin:ke ienid:kohwe'. 'She will pu t it into the creek'.Ahskwd:kenitskote'. 'They're sitting on the porch'.The endings are derivational nominalizers that are added to nominals(whatever heir internal morphological structure) to create erms for places.The various endingscreate erms for different points or areas n relation tothe base.The most general s =(a)'ke/=hne 'place'. Others are=akta'placeneat', -(a)kon'place inside', =okon 'placewder', =ti 'placebeyond', =ihen'place in the middle of' , =kehson place through or around', and=konhson'place among'. Theseendingsare an integral part of many place-names.(38) Some place-nameswith place nominalizersO'seronni ' nwbke'France'Onhontsiakaibn:ne'Europe'

('original ax-makerplace')('old countryplace')Ranatakaridhsne'Washington' ( ' towndestroyerplace')

They are word-formation devices rather than obligatory ilflectional casemarkers. Many place-namesdo not contain any of them.(39) Someplace-nameswithout place nominalizersAterdntoKand:tso

'Toronto''Ottawa'('1og n water')('pail in water')

Kaniatar i : io 'LakeOntario' ( 'beaut i ful ake')The derivational nominalizersremain in words for placeseven when thesenominalsare unctioning as core arguments.The fact that the markers do notspecify syntactic unction can be seenby comparing he sentences elow. Thederivedplacenominal aw?n:ke,literally 'body.of.water=place', unctions asa core argument n (40a). It could be the answer o a question ike Nahd:ten'enhsdten'nik)nhrdtsheke' What will you guard?' (with appropriateshift inword order for pragmaticpurposes).The sameword awDn:ke ocates a statein (40b), specifiesa source n (40c), and identifies a goal in (40d), with nochange n form. (The term awin:ke is used or bodies of water ike lakes, iv-ers, andponds,rather than for water coming out of a well ol faucet,or waterin a cup. The speakerwas referring to the Saint LawrenceRiver.)

(40) Mohawk awdn:ke 'place at a body of water': Sonny Edwards,speaker p.c.)(40a) Core argumenti:'i n2:'e enkaten'nikonhrartitsheke'i:'i ni:'e en-k-aten-'nikonhr-,t-rat-hs-ek-a'I itis Fur-l.sc.MIDDLE-mind-JR-put.on-HAB-coNT-PI it is I will out mv mind on it continuallv


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46 4 INTERNATToNAL JOURNAL oF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

nawan:ke..ne awen='kethe=water=placethe water place

'I will continue o guard he water'.(406) LocationN6: id:ken' ne tsi ndn:we'it is one says the to ever

awin:ke enhen'terbn:take'.awen='ke en-ha-i'terion't-ak-t'.\1,.21s1=place FUT-M.SG.AGT-reSide-CONTINUATIVE.Pwater place he will live

'And so, they say,he will live in the water forever'.(40c) SourceEnskatkonhsotdhsi'en- s-k-at-konhs otah si-'

nawin:ke;ne awen='keFUT-REP-1.sc.AcT-MIDDLE-face-appear-P he water=placeI will show my face again the water place'I will reveal my face again rom the water'.

(40d) GoalAwDn:ke ni: 'awen='ke ne i: ' iwater=place the=myselfwater place I myself

nienhdnske'.n- i -enhen--k-e- 'PARTITTVE-TRANSLOCATM-FUT-REP- I .SG.AGT-go-PI will go back there

'I will return to the water'.3Further examplesof place nominals functioning as core argumentscan beseen n the excerpts rom conversationbelow.

3In part because of the absence of case marking, the precise syntactic alrd semantic relationsof some of these forms could be intelpteted differently. One could argue, for example, that ifthe criterion for core argument status is obligarori less, the location in (4Or) 'He will Iive in thewater forever' is a core argument, since the vertt 'reside, dwell. live' normally occurs with aspecification of place. One could also argue that the semantic role of the water in (40c) 'I willreveal my face again fiom the water' is vague, indetermi[ate between location and source. Itis listed here as source simply on the basis of the translation given by the lipeaker.


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VAR1ATION IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS 465

(41) Placenominalsas core arguments:K. Nicholasand S. Phillips,speakers p.c.)Kanerahtenh6:wi icholaswd:kehre'wa'-k-ehr-n'it.is in.fact FACT- .sc.Acr-want-Pit is in fact I wanted

akon i' wandn onhs ',a -kon- ri' wanonton-hs E'OPTATIVE-1.SG/2.SG.ASK-EEN.EPPLIC-PI would ask you

Kanehsatd:ke iehsient4:ri se ' wahi' .. .ka-nehsat=a'ke ie-hs-ienteri se ' wahi'11-y=place TRL-2.sG.AGT-know indeed TAG(place-name) you know !1 there indeed right?As a mattef of fact, what I wanted to ask you was whether youknow Kanehsath:ke'.Sha' enkenhrltie'PhillipsN6: ki 'k ni 'ne: ki '=k ne i : ' iit.is in.fact=just the Iit is in fact us t myself

kand:takon nit ient6:r i . . . .ka-nat=tkon ni-k-ienteri11-1su.'n=place.inPRT-l.SG.AGT-knowtown I know it'I mvself iust know the village'Kanerahtenhi4:wiNicholasKhne kahehtd:ke?ok--ne ka-heht=a'keand the t-field-placen.nd what about the countryside [the surrounding area]'!'

(42) Place as core argument: Mary McDonald, speaker(p.c.)[ . , . ] tanon' ts i wahsekhrt i : r i ' ka' ndn:tanon' tsi wa-hsek-hrori-' ka' n6n:weand how FAcr-2.sc/l.sc-tell-P what place

Ne: ki 'ne: k i '


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466 INTERNATIoNAL JoURNAL oF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

ohr6n:wakono-hronw=AkonNguren-ditch=place.insideditchitken?Lt-ka-iPROTHETIC-CISLOCATIVE-NEUTER.AGT.bE. thETEit was there

'[Rememberhow it was snowing]and how you told me where heditch was?'A further indication of the derivational status of the endings s the factthat the basesof many place nominals no longer exist in the language ontheir own-The analysis f awbn:ke'waterplace' s clear,with its nominal-

izer ='ke, blut d:wen' is not a word in Mohawk or in its close relatives,though ts cognatesstill serveas he regular word for 'water' in the more dis-tantly related Tuscaroraand Cherokee.As the products of derivation,placenominals do not always have mean-ings that are the exact sums of their components.Like all results of word-formation processes, hey are derived for specific purposes, as labels forparticular concepts. As lexical items, they can undergo further semanticdevelopmenton their own.(43) Some diomatic terms or places(43a) ohson'karlle

o-hson'kar=gik*gg.1gp_!sa1d=placelit., 'board place' > 'floor'(43b) aten'in:rqftgnaten'enhr-tkonfence=place.insidelit., 'place nside the fence' > 'yard'(43c) wastonhrondn:kewaston-hronon'=kB oston=resident=place

lit., 'Bostonianplace' > 'United States'(43d) ohonts6:kono_onhontsi=9lg!NEUTER-earth=place.nderlit.. 'placeunder he earth' > 'cellar'


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VARIATIoN lN THE IDENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS 467

Furthermore, nominals derived with the locative nominalizers can serve asthe input to further derivation.(44) Place nominals as input to further derivation(44a) karonhig;ke ieronhia'kehr6:non'ka-ronhi=a'ke ie-ronhi=a'ke=hronon'wruten-sky-place Et-sky=place=resident

'sky place, he heavens' 'residentof the heavens'> 'angel'(44b) kand:tgkon kanatakonhr6n:non'ka-nat=Abg.L ka-nat=Akon=hronon'NEuTER-town=place.in NEUTER-town=Pl399j!=I9$C9!(

'town, village settlement"villagers'

It appears hat the locative nominalizers originated as verb roots that incor-porated he noun stems hey now appearwith. In two of them, =kihson'hereand there' (as n owisa'=kdhson '[running] here and there over the ce') and=Mnhson 'here and thereamong' (as n karha=k6nhson 'frunningl throughthe forest, among the trees') , one can identify a distributive suffix that usu-ally appearson verbs. At present,however, most cannotbe used on their ownas predicates.As in many languages, he constructionsused to identify placesare alsoused or times, whatever their syntactic role in the clause.(45) Mohawk core time nominal: JosephineKaierfthon Horne,

speaker p.c.)Kanenna'kd:ne 6n:we'ka-nenna'ke=b!9 wa'-w-e'NEUTER-AUIUMN=PIACE FACT-NEUTER.AGT-gO-P

t . . .1'AC$!qq came and it was time for the family to move on]'.

(46) Mohawk adverbial time nominal: JosephineKaierfthon Horne,speaker p.c.)Kenh,vitD:neka-ikwite=fu9N-spring=placetentitewakdha'.t-en-t-itewa-ko-ha-'

DUPLICATM-FUT-CTSLOCATM- I.INCL.PL.AGT-get-PURP-P'In the spring we will come back to get it'.


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VARIATION IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS

(49) Mohawk verbal semanticsand inference: JosephineHorne,speakbr p.c.)Wahathw s ani ontd ko'w a-hati-hw s -e-nii ont e-h,v 'FAcr-M.pL.Acr-metal-JR-han -JR-REvERsrvE-Pthey metal unhung (it)

ononhsatokenhti:keo nonhs t-to kenhti=' keNEUTER-house-Jn-be.holv=placeHoly houseplacekahnia'sd:ke;ka-hnia's=a'keNEIJTER.INALIENABLE.PoSSESSoR-neck=placeits neck placekarontd:ke w ahatihwdne enkeka-ront=a'ke wa-hati-hwanerenk-n'NEUTER-log=place FACT-M.PL.AGT-tie-Plog place they tied (it)

'The bell was taken (from) the church steeple and fastened(to) abeam'.Placesand times appear o be the only kinds of participants hat are den-

tified in nominal adjuncts n Mohawk. These are also the only participantsthat can characterize he situation as a whole, locating not just the action orstate n spaceand time but all of the participantsas well. It should be noted,however, hat the difference n semanticscopedoesnot correspondperfectlyto differences n formal expression ype: within the verb versus outside theverb as adjuncts.7. Implications. As we have seen,most of the pafiicipantsthat would beidentified in obliques or adjuncts n many languagesare identified in otherstructures n Mohawk. Associatedpersonsor objects, recipients, beneficia-

ries, instruments,and some placesare identified in several different ways:as core argumentsof simple verbs,as componentsof core arguments,as coreargumentsof derived applicativeverbs, as ncorporatednouns, with the aidof directionalprefixeson verbs, or aspart of the exical semanticsof the verbstem. Their roles are specified entirely within the verb. Theseare of courseprototypical head-markingstructures.

469


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Structures ike these are not uncommon cross-linguistically,particularlyin the Americas. At first glance, hey might be dismissed as simply an arbi-trary formal alternative,as eflectionsof a single typologicalparameterwith-out further interest.A closer ook suggests hat the formal locus of markingcan havedeeper mplications.Such marking can affect the ratio of predicates o nominals- When eachparticipant s introducedas a core argumentof its own clause, he predicate/argumentratio rises, along with the clause density. When participants areevokedby meansof incorporatednounsor semanticelementsof verb stems,there are fewer argumentsand the predicate/argumentatio rises again.The impact of such marking can affect the lexicon. In languageswith ro-bust oblique constructions, he inflectional casemarkers and/or adpositionsthat identify them tend to be fully productive or nearly so. There is an ex-pectation that every noun will have forms in all casesor can be combinedwith every semanticallyappropriateadposition. f there is a noun meaning'styrofoam,' for example,and the languagehas nflectional instrumentalandlocative cases,we would predict that there are forms meaning 'with styro-foam' and 'in styrofoam'" There s also an expectation hat the combinationswill, with perhapsonly a few exceptions,be semantically ransparent. f weknow the meaning of anoun and he meaning of the nstrumental casesuffix,we can predict the meaningof the noun in the instrumental case.The prop-erties of full productivity and semantic ransparency hat we expect of in-flection do not characterizemost of the alternatives o obliques that we findin languages ike Mohawk: the applicatives,noun incorporation, and exicalsemantics.

As we saw,Mohawk has three types of applicatives:benefactives,nstru-mentals, and directionals.The benefactiveapplicatives add an experiencer,recipient,or beneficiary o the set of core arguments.They occur with manydifferent verb roots, but speakershave clear ideas of which benefactive ap-plicative verbs exist and which could but do not. Based on the verb stem-atenhninon sell' there s a benefactiveapplicative srem atenhnino-J'sellto': Tah,vatenhnt:non-\Sell it to me!'. Basedon the verb stem koha'goget' there s a benefactiveapplicative stem-koha-'s'go get for': Takk6ha-'s'Go get it for me!'. Basedon the verb -o'lcwat 'dig', however, there is noverb 'dig for', though the combination would make sense.Digging for some-one else's benefithas simply not been a concept that speakershave thoughtname-worthy.The secondset of applicatives, he instrumental applicatives,are highly productivebut primarily within one domain: the creation of newterms or items describedn terms of their functions. Still, speakers now thedifference betweenthose nstrumental applicatives that are part of the lan-guageand those that could exist but are not in use. The third set, the direc-


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VARIATION IN THE ]DENTIFICATION OF PARTICIPANTS 4',71

tional applicatives,are ubiquitous, because hey occur on highly frequentmotionverbs ike 'go', 'run', 'fly', 'climb', 'chase', crawl', and carry', butthey areno longer productive at all. The differences n productivity betweenobliquecasemarkersand applicatives eflect the fact that the recipients,ben-eficiaries, nstruments,sources,and goalsof someactivities are highly rele-vant and frequently mentioned,while those of others are not-Noun incorporation showsa similar range of productivity and transpar-ency.Someverbs always ncorporate,some usually do, some often do, somerarely do, and somenever do. Somenouns occur only incorporated,some areusually incorporated,some often are, and some never are. Speakersknowwhich noun-verb structuresexist and which could but do not. Stems con-taining incorporatednouns alsoshow a continuum of semantic ransparency.from fully transparent o highly idiomatic. The notion of giving someonegood luck, for example, s expressed, ot surprisingly, with the semanticallytransparentcompound stem -ra'sw-awi- 'luck-give'. Being bored or frus-trated, on the other hand, is expressedwith the less transparentstem -ate'ien' t-a-kari-'MIDDLE-awareness-JoINER-bite'tekateien' alcdrtahs'l ambored'.The lexicon shows even esspredictability.We saw thatMohawk containsverb roots -o 'be in liquid' and -nhont- 'have in mouth'. Though we mayhave some hunches,we cannot predict whether Mohawk will have otherrools that include places as part of their meaning, nor, if they do, whichplaces hey will be.Such differenceshave implications for languagedocumentation.Thoughcomitative, benefactive,and nstrumentalnominal adjuncts do not generallyoccur in unscriptedMohawk speech,hey have, on occasion,appearedwhenspeakerswere trying very hard to render close, iteral translationsof Englishsentences. f documentation consistsprincipally of elicited translationsofisolatedsentences rom a contact anguageby strong bilinguals, differenceslike those discussedhere can be obscured.Differencesbetween he obliquestructu(es n languages ike English and the alternative structuresof lan-guages ike Mohawk go beyond the locus of formal marking. They point topervasivedifferencesn the exicon- The lexicon provides a repository of theconcepts hat have been expressed he most often over the course of devel-opment of a anguage. f we attempt o describe orm without substance,hatis, structurewithout the lexical material that carries t, we will be missingpart of the essence f the language.Translationsof isolated sentencesroma contact anguage can certainly be helpful in getting one's bearings at theoutset, but they are usually lexically impoverished.The rarity of comitative, associative,benefactive, and instrumental ad-juncts in spontaneousMohawk speechsuggestsnot only that languagescan


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differ in the relative burden carried by core arguments and other constitu-ents, but also that simple differences in form can lead to important differ-ences n substance.REFERENCES

DR'YER, MATTI$W. 1986. Primary objects, secondary objects, and antidative. Language62:808-45.MnHuN, MAFJANNB.1991. Active/Agentive case marking and its motivations, Language67:5lO-46.

2001. Actualization pattems in grammaticalization: From clause to locative mor-phology. Actualization: Linguistic Change n Progress, ed. Hendng Andersen, pp. 143-68.Amsterdam: Johl Beniamins.

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