A city’s nightmare revisited Chhay Channyda

Tuesday, 17 April 2012

Cambodians will gather today to pray for the souls of some 1.7 million of their countrymen brutally killed by the Khmer Rouge on the 37th anniversary of the day that the regime seized power and began forcibly evacuating Phnom Penh.

A BAREFOOT KHMER ROUGE CADRE CARRIES A ROCKET LAUNCHER DOWN MONIVONG BOULEVARD DURING

THE FALL OF PHNOM PENH ON APRIL 17, 1975. PHOTO COURTESY AL ROCKOFF

At the Choeung Ek killing fields, the mass grave in Phnom Penh’s Dangkor district where thousands of skulls are stacked as a reminder of the scale of the regime’s atrocities, 50 monks will be joined by some 500 members of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party. Ke Sovannorth, secretary general of the SRP, said yesterday it was a time to remember the awful three years, eight months and 20 days the regime ruled the country. “It is a historic day. We will remember and never want it to happen again, because this regime made women widows and separated children from their parents,” he said. Svay Thida, now 50, remembered yesterday that she was 11 years old on the day when the Khmer Rouge ordered her family and about two and a half million others who were mostly refugees to leave their homes in Phnom Penh. “We were asked to leave our home in only three days, but never returned for more than 3 years,” she said. Though many were unaware of the horrors to come, Svay Thida said she had heard that some of her wealthy neighbours were so frightened of the advancing Khmer Rouge that they had elected to poison themselves in their own homes rather than face certain death. The Khmer Rouge systematically targeted intellectuals and people with “bourgeois” backgrounds, forcing everyone to write personal biographies and extracting “confessions” through torture. They sought to purify the population through an agrarian revolution under which perhaps

one quarter of the population was killed through starvation, overwork and murder. Photojournalist Al Rockoff said he had seen first-hand the type of brutality the Khmer Rouge regime was willing to exact on civilians as early as 1974, when troops fighting for then president Lon Nol retook the town of Oudong from the insurgents. “There were thousands of civilian and military massacred there. It was pretty obvious of what they capable of doing to civilians – not on the battlefield, not in combat, just the summary execution of many people,” he said. But Rockoff, who remained in Phnom Penh after April 17 for several weeks and took some of the most enduring photos of the violence that was engulfing the country, said most of the Western media was simply not interested. More than three decades after Cambodia was liberated from the Khmer Rouge, Western interest in the former regime is now high as the Khmer Rouge tribunal tries the regime’s three most senior surviving leaders. Chum Mey, a survivor of the notrious S-21 prison who testified against the prison’s director, the first man convicted by the court – Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch – said he resented the excuses being made in the present trial by the highest-profile suspect, Brother No 2 Nuon Chea. The 82-year-old questioned how Nuon Chea could testify that Phnom Penh was evacuated “to find enemies”. “Were all of the evictees from Phnom Penh enemies? We felt pain, but now we just want a confession to make national reconciliation,” he said.

To contact the reporter on this story: Chhay Channyda at chhay.channyda@phnompenhpost.com

Comment: A day we must never forget Ly Sok-Kheang

Tuesday, 17 April 2012

In addressing the post-conflict situation in Cambodia, individuals, states, civil society and other stakeholders have taken into account culture, religion, politics and other contexts. Their efforts have served the objectives of preserving memory, truth and justice.

CONFRONTING IMAGES: VISITORS CONTEMPLATE PICTURES OF A KHMER ROUGE VICTIM AT THE TUOL SLENG

GENOCIDE MUSEUM. PHOTO BY SOVAN PHILONG

But Thursday, April 17, 1975, which marked a tragic turning point in Cambodian history, has received less attention. On that day, an ultra-Maoist group known as the Khmer Rouge fought its way into Phnom Penh and Lon Nol’s regime surrendered power. Many city-dwellers expressed joy that the war would end and peace, security and nation-building would begin. This excitement was immed-iately replaced by extreme fear, be-wilderment and shock. The same day, the Khmer Rouge began evacuating people from cities and provincial towns to rural areas. These and other Khmer Rouge policies led to the deaths of nearly two million Cambodians. Three decades later, the quest for reconciliation in Cambodia remains a huge challenge for the government, civil society and individuals. January 7 has been viewed by most survivors as the day they were liberated from the Khmer Rouge and granted basic rights and freedoms. Since the 1980s, Cambodian governments have celebrated victory on January 7. Critics, however, argue it is actually a day of shame, as Vietnam invaded Cambodia and occupied it

for a decade. The People’s Revolutionary Tribunal, set up in August, 1979, was the first legal accountability effort against two Khmer Rouge leaders. Although questionable in terms of fairness, it helped strengthen the spirits of Cambodians. Nonetheless, this revolutionary court made popular contributions to legal justice through 1.6 million “petitions” Cambodians made in 1983 and 1984. Known as the Renakse Petitions, they were an effort by survivors to voice and resolve their suffering. They were also important in building a legal case against key Khmer Rouge leaders. Between 1982 and 2007, the government excavated and preserved the remains of nearly 20,000 mass graves to show respect for the dead. More than 80 memorials have been built since 1986, enabling the public to hold religious ceremonies that would allow the dead to live in peace. The Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum, created in the early 1980s, has become an integral part of the legacy that helps reconstruct survivors’ memories. The “Day of Anger”, celebrated at the memorials on May 20, establishes survivors’ harmony with the past and helps them find reconciliation. In 2009, the Day of Anger was renamed the Day of Remembrance. Between 1979 and the late 1980s, the government’s focus was on ending the civil war and bringing the KR movement and other anti-government parties into the national fold. It used the “Calling Voice” radio program to help achieve this aim. The Paris Peace Agreement, to which all the feuding parties agreed in October, 1991, was the most promising development in Cambodia since Vietnamese forces withdrew. Democracy, in the form of elections, has been practised continually since that time. Between 1984 and 1998, the government tried to dissolve the Khmer Rouge’s organised structure through negotiations. The large number of defectors weakened its forces. In 1997, the government asked the UN to help bring to justice those responsible for the worst human-rights violations committed between April, 1975 and January, 1979. The result was the establishment in 2003 of the ECCC. The Documentation Centre of Cambodia (DC-Cam) is a not-for-profit organisation that has played a significant part in furthering re-conciliation efforts. Its leading five projects are cases in point. The Book of Memory: DC-Cam is compiling a book of names of those who died under the KR regime or disappeared during that period.

It will be distributed to every commune office in Cambodia, and the names will be put on a database accessible world-wide. Genocide education: Since 2007, DC-Cam has sought to disseminate the history of Democratic Kampuchea to Cambodian students. This involved writing the first textbook about the Khmer Rouge, A History of Democratic Kampuchea. DC-Cam has distributed 500,000 copies of the book and trained 3,000 history teachers to teach the material in an effective, objective manner. Working Group on Reclaiming Cambodian History: This is based on the belief that genocide education can be used as a foundation for a more comprehensive, formal truth and reconciliation commission. Anlong Veng Historical Preservation: In March, 2010, the government issued a sub-decree to preserve historical sites at Anlong Veng and gave DC-Cam the task of conducting an extensive study of the district. This work will help establish the area as a prominent resource for remembering the past as well as bring greater attention to the region’s beauty. Sleuk Rith Institute: Since 2011, DC-Cam has transitioned into the Sleuk Rith Institute, intended to be locus of genocide studies in Asia. These are the macro processes that have helped Cambodians heal since January, 1979. Without them and the Cambodian people’s great resilience, social illness would still be plaguing Cambodians every day. They prompt us to think about the beginning point of these tremendous losses and sufferings: April 17.

Mu Sochua calls out Aussie mining firms David Boyle

Tuesday, 17 April 2012

Opposition parliamentarian Mu Sochua has taken aim at Australian mining companies eyeing the Kingdom’s resources, travelling to their home soil to lobby the halls of power.

OPPOSITION PARTY LAWMAKER MU SOCHUA SPEAKS DURING A PRESS CONFERENCE IN PHNOM PENH IN

JANUARY. PHOTO BY HENG CHIVOAN

Mu Sochua cited fears that Australian companies awarded exploration concessions in Ratanakkiri and Mondulkiri provinces will treat ethnic minorities there with the same disregard they had shown to their own country’s indigenous groups. “I cannot be in Australia and not speak about mining companies that are part of the devastation of Mondulkiri,” she said in an email yesterday. Australian mining firms Liberty Mining International and Indochine Mining Limited hold hundreds of thousands of hectares of exploration concessions in Ratanakkiri. Another Australian firm, Southern Gold, has been granted similarly large concessions in Moldulkiri, Kratie and Ratanakkiri. Richard Stanger, managing director of Liberty Mining International and president of the Cambodian Association for Mining and Exploration Companies, said Australian mining should be the last industry that Mu Sochua should be accusing of malfeasance. “I can categorically say that no one has been displaced for exploration in Cambodia …particularly Australian companies. We are doing things to world class standards as far as I’m concerned,” he said. “I’m far more concerned in the high incidents of illegal logging that has decimated the forests in Modulkiri and Ratanakkiri, so perhaps she should focus on that.”

He also emphasised that no Australian mining company had actually begun “exploiting anything” and said if they did, only a tiny fraction of the total exploration concession would be utilised. Mu Sochua is set to meet Australian Greens Senator and Vice President Sarah Hanson-Young on Wednesday.

To contact the reporter on this story: David Boyle at david.boyle@phnompenhpost.com

Case 004 suspect Im Chem sets retirement for June

May Titthara

Wednesday, 18 April 2012

KHMER ROUGE TRIBUNAL CASE 004 SUSPECT IM CHEM SPEAKS TO THE POST AT HER HOME IN ODDAR

MEANCHEY PROVINCE IN 2009. ROBBIE COREY-BOULET

Though the crimes against humanity suspect has rarely come to work for the past few months, Im Chem yesterday denied a local media report that she had resigned as deputy commune chief, saying she would retire after commune elections on June 3. The 70-year-old, who served as governor of Preah Netr Preah district in the Khmer Rouge’s northwest zone from 1978 to 1979, said she would end her decade-long position as deputy commune chief of Trapaing Tav in Oddar Meanchey province’s Anlong Veng district. “I am not resigning from my position. I am retiring because I am too old, so I want to take my old age to respect to Buddha,” she said. In February, investigators from the Khmer Rouge tribunal visited Im Chem to inform her of charges against her, including crimes against humanity and genocide, submitted to the court’s investigating judges in 2009 for Case 004. The woman who oversaw the regime’s largest irrigation project denied the charges at the time, stating that all she did was “urge a group of women who were to plant rice”. She continued to deny the charges yesterday and rejected any suggestion that she was going to become a Buddhist laywoman to avoid the ECCC, explaining that she would still spend part of time in the field planting rice. After adopting the name Kansil Pram, Im Chem said she had begun visiting a nearby pagoda about once a week and could not lie to herself, kill animals, steal property, love somebody else’s spouse or drink wine.

“Even though a group of judges from the Khmer Rouge court will come to meet me again at my home, I will not talk with them, because I already denied their accusations,” she said. Nhek Ha, Trapaing Tav commune chief, said Im Chem still came to the office when there were meetings. “We do not care presently whether she comes to the office or not, it is up to her because she is too old,” he said. Anlong Veng district governor Yem Phanan said though Im Chem hadn’t been attending work for the past few months, she was still listed as the deputy governor. “After the third commune election, we will put her name down as retired,” he said.

Case 004 suspect Im Chem sets retirement for June

May Titthara

Wednesday, 18 April 2012

KHMER ROUGE TRIBUNAL CASE 004 SUSPECT IM CHEM SPEAKS TO THE POST AT HER HOME IN ODDAR

MEANCHEY PROVINCE IN 2009. ROBBIE COREY-BOULET

Though the crimes against humanity suspect has rarely come to work for the past few months, Im Chem yesterday denied a local media report that she had resigned as deputy commune chief, saying she would retire after commune elections on June 3. The 70-year-old, who served as governor of Preah Netr Preah district in the Khmer Rouge’s northwest zone from 1978 to 1979, said she would end her decade-long position as deputy commune chief of Trapaing Tav in Oddar Meanchey province’s Anlong Veng district. “I am not resigning from my position. I am retiring because I am too old, so I want to take my old age to respect to Buddha,” she said. In February, investigators from the Khmer Rouge tribunal visited Im Chem to inform her of charges against her, including crimes against humanity and genocide, submitted to the court’s investigating judges in 2009 for Case 004. The woman who oversaw the regime’s largest irrigation project denied the charges at the time, stating that all she did was “urge a group of women who were to plant rice”. She continued to deny the charges yesterday and rejected any suggestion that she was going to become a Buddhist laywoman to avoid the ECCC, explaining that she would still spend part of time in the field planting rice. After adopting the name Kansil Pram, Im Chem said she had begun visiting a nearby pagoda about once a week and could not lie to herself, kill animals, steal property, love somebody else’s spouse or drink wine.

“Even though a group of judges from the Khmer Rouge court will come to meet me again at my home, I will not talk with them, because I already denied their accusations,” she said. Nhek Ha, Trapaing Tav commune chief, said Im Chem still came to the office when there were meetings. “We do not care presently whether she comes to the office or not, it is up to her because she is too old,” he said. Anlong Veng district governor Yem Phanan said though Im Chem hadn’t been attending work for the past few months, she was still listed as the deputy governor. “After the third commune election, we will put her name down as retired,” he said.

To contact the reporter on this story: May Titthara at may.titthara@phnompenhpost.com

Opposition party president puts blame on China, Vietnam for Khmer Rouge

Meas Sokchea

Wednesday, 18 April 2012

An opposition politician fingered Vietnam and China as veritable puppet masters of the Khmer Rouge yesterday, the 37th anniversary of the day the murderous regime seized power and began forcibly evacuating Phnom Penh. Speaking at a memorial ceremony held at the Choeung Ek killing fields, acting Sam Rainsy Party president Kong Korm claimed that Vietnam and China sought dominance over Cambodia through opposing factions in the Khmer Rouge. “Khmer Rouge is just a small ember. China and Vietnam are a big fire burning brightly. One Khmer Rouge [faction] is in China’s control and another Khmer Rouge is in Vietnam’s control,” Kong Korm alleged. Eponymous party president Sam Rainsy spoke via video conference from Canada, asking the Khmer Rouge tribunal to summon and convict political leaders including, Senate President Chea Sim and Prime Minister Hun Sen, for their alleged involvement in the genocide. Hun Sen, Chea Sim and National Assembly Chairman Heng Samrin were among former Khmer Rouge cadre who abandoned the regime before its fall, seeking refuge in Vietnam, where they helped found the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, which swept to power with the 1979 Vietnamese invasion. Documentation Center of Cambodia researcher Ly Sokkheang said Vietnam had good relations with the Khmer Rouge at the start of the regime, but these had soured as the regime launched military attacks on provinces along the Vietnamese border. Cheam Yeap, senior lawmaker for the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, dismissed the allegations.

“This is a complete twist, [an] exaggeration. I am a Khmer child, a Buddhist, we have seen that [Vietnam] came to chase out Pol Pot’s group,” he said. Present political leaders should not be summoned by the tribunal, because its objective was to convict top Khmer Rouge leaders, and they were only rank and file, he added. A Chinese Embassy spokesman declined to comment on the allegations, saying the Khmer Rouge trial was an internal affair of Cambodia.

To contact the reporter on this story: Meas Sokchea at meas.sokchea@phnompenhpost.com With assistance from Cassandra Yeap

ADB petition response provokes villagers Khouth Sophak Chakrya and Cassandra Yeap

Thursday, 19 April 2012

The Asian Development Bank has responded to a petition filed by Phnom Penh evictees of the national railway rehabilitation project, a bank spokesperson said yesterday. ADB operations coordinator Mao Ouk said the bank had raised the issues, which include infrastructure concerns and help with their livelihoods, with the Inter-ministerial Resettlement Committee and that the government was in the process of implementing an “expanded income restoration programme” that involved self-help groups and community credit schemes. But villager representative Ros Bopha said that a letter received from the ADB on April 12 provided the “opposite” of what they were asking. “They [ADB] told us to create a joint savings group to help ourselves,” she said. “Right now, we do not have enough money for food, so how can we save?” Some 160 families were relocated from Russey Keo district to Por Senchey district’s Trapaing Anchang village on March 6.

To contact the reporters on this story: Khouth Sophak Chakrya at khouth.sophakchakrya@phnompenhpost.com Cassandra Yeap at newsroom@phnompenhpost.com

Nuon Chea slams S-21 chief, then goes silent

David Boyle

Thursday, 19 April 2012 Brother No 2 Nuon Chea’s selective silence yesterday sparked heated exchanges at the Khmer Rouge tribunal after the war crimes suspect made a statement slamming a witness and then refused to answer questions.

NUON CHEA (L) ATTENDS A HEARING AT THE ECCC. ECCC/POOL

Nuon Chea attacked former S-21 prison chief Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, for implicating him as a direct superior when testifying recently as a witness. “I would like to inform the Cambodian people that I have never had [at] any time, ever been responsible for the operation of S-21. What Duch has accused me [of] has been untruthful,” Nuon Chea said. But he subsequently refused to answer any questions, eliciting a swift rebuke from assistant prosecutor Dale Lysak and civil party lead co-lawyer Elisabeth Simonneau Fort. “It is clearly not acceptable for an accused to waive his right to silence and then make a statement to the court effectively saying ‘I did not do it, I had nothing to do with S-21, and Duch is a liar’,” Dale Lysak said. It had been made clear to Nuon Chea, that if he wanted to make a statement, he would have to face questions, he added. The Trial Chamber eventually ruled that Nuon Chea could make statements and not answer questions, but in doing so, his testimony could be assessed for credibility. When the dust settled over another spat that involved accusations of intimidating a witness, there was more grief to come for Nuon Chea.

As the prosecution attempted to establish the Khmer Rouge’s specific communication structures, witness Sot Toeung, one of Nuon Chea’s former bodyguards, testified that Nuon Chea had frequently travelled across the country meeting senior members of the regime such as Ta Mok, Ta Nhim and So Phim. These figures, along with the regime’s leader, Pol Pot, co-accused Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan would also meet with Nuon Chea in Phnom Penh, staying at the K1 and K3 administrative centres, he said. He also told the court Nuon Chea had “very frequently” visited dams – notorious sites of starvation and forced labour under the Democratic Kampuchea regime – to check on construction. But conflicting testimony given earlier by Sot Toeung related to his whereabouts will open up questions about the credibility of his evidence when defence parties question him tomorrow.

To contact the reporter on this story: David Boyle at david.boyle@phnompenhpost.com

Cambodia's feminist MP is gaining ground Anna Brown

Friday, 20 April 2012

MU SOCHUA LEADS A STRATEGY SESSION FOR CANDIDATES. PHOTO BY ANNA BROWN

MU SOCHUA AND AUNG SANG SUU KYI MEET IN YANGON. PHOTO BY SUPPLIED

Mu Sochua picks me up at my hotel at the crack of dawn. My first impression is of being put at ease. It’s as though she’s unaware of the reputation that preceded her. As the Land Cruiser pulls away, she urges the driver to maintain a steady speed and to be cautious about overtaking other vehicles on the narrow highway that stretches north from Battambang to Banteay Meanchey province – until it is timely to do so. She surprises me – and the driver – when we stop for breakfast by urging him to join us after he had humbly taken a seat at another table. As he sits, he is included in our conversation, erasing any sense of the hierarchy that had compelled him to sit alone. This divide – class – is among the many that Mu Sochua is taking aim at in the run up to the Commune Council elections in June with a disciplined, energetic strategy that aims to see the Sam Rainsy Party double its seats, from its current 2,660 to 5,320.

These local elections are a critical opportunity for the SRP to promote change from the grassroots up, she says. “It takes democracy at the local level to maintain people’s participation,” she tells me. “Access to healthcare and the police force are also controlled at a commune level.” We discuss her strategy for the election over bowls of noodles; her amiable, down-to-earth manner almost conceals her political brilliance and relentless determination. The SRP campaign must be focussed, professional and tactical if it is to succeed, she says. I tell her I know this from my experience working with a small opposition party in the UK. We could offer no quid pro quo; no guaranteed access, influence or the promise of a seat in a safe constituency. Success hinged on hard work, enthusiastic volunteers, goodwill and a platform of well-crafted, credible and inspirational policies. A clearly mapped out route from opposition to leadership, with each step tangible, was necessary. Sochua and her party have homed in on three key election pledges, and she speaks passionately not only about the promises, but about the need to deliver. The SRP intendes to tackle local corruption and land disputes, while upgrading rural infrastructure. “This is not a poor country; it is a badly governed country,” she says, summing up the core message that she believes is beginning to resonate with the country’s youth, who make up a majority of the population. Sochua believes they are becoming increasingly disenfranchised with an ageing leadership that she says rules by fear. The ruling Cambodian People’s Party is losing its grip on the younger generation, she says, adding that this is beginning to unnerve the CPP. “The motto is of the so-called ‘January 7 people’ is ‘you owe us your second life’. That is not a slogan, but a threat,” she explains, referring to the CPP. Voters are looking for development, better healthcare and less poverty, she adds. “The CPP promises peace, but there is no real peace when poor farmers are selling their children to pay for medical treatment.” Bold moves In a bold move, the SRP is putting women atop its candidate list, as well as focusing on neighbourhood issues. It has penned campaign songs, made videos and developed its own catchy ring tones for mobile phones. Sochua points out that these tactics are necessary because most broadcasting networks overlook the SRP, stifling its message before it even gets out. This new “tech” approach is also tailored to youths, she says. As head of the party’s Women’s Wing, Mu Sochua was instrumental in the decision to encourage female candidates, arguing that embedding equality in politics would help ensure that women are not left behind by economic and social development and that their issues are not ignored.

And on this Saturday morning we are headed to a training session for women candidates. Intimidation After a two-hour drive we arrive at the SRP headquarters in Banteay Meanchey: A clapboard building in a sun-drenched courtyard where 50 women from all over the province have assembled for a candidacy-training session. The headquarters is like every party nerve centre I visited in the UK. Signs are stacked outside against the building, a row of old computer equipment sits inside, paperwork springs up in piles and posters are plastered on walls. The atmosphere keys up when Mu Sochua arrives, but she is swift to ensure she does not become the centre of attention, moving among the women and encouraging each to take centre stage. The women are young, old, urban and rural, a cross section of the province. There is a sense of camaraderie but also relief among them as they shed their isolation to encourage one another. Two young women catch my eye. I’d expect to see them at a pop concert rather than a political strategy session so I ask them why they are there, “I want the system to change so that if I apply for a job, there will be no nepotism, more openness and more equality,” says Nang Chantha, 20. “I also want development that is better spread across the country so everyone can benefit,” she explains, adding shyly: “I want a new life for me. I want to be a leader.” Because she and her friend are too young to stand as candidates they will observe the polls and report irregularities. I ask them whether they expect to witness fraud and their response is an unequivocal “yes”. “In the past we know that those who are not registered to vote have done so, there have been cases of impersonation, and vote buying. It is not done behind the scenes but blatant,” Chantha says. Commune representatives say they face intimidation. “It is very hard,” Svat Vary tells me. “I have been threatened physically and the ruling party has also tried to pay me to defect. If they don’t win with threats, they will try and sweet talk you too.” Once, while campaigning door-to-door, she was forced to turn back from a village by a group of men who threatened to beat her. Still, the 45-year old refuses to stop campaigning. “I am determined to see Sam Rainsy as prime minister and to see him fully implement [our] policies.” Sochua says it’s critical not to dwell on intimidation. “If I let the candidates talk about their experiences of intimidation, we would be here all day,” she says. “It is important that they vent a little, but I say that you should live above fear, or it dominates your life and they win.”

However, with the border still heavily militarised since the conflict with Thailand, she is aware of the particular threats faced there, especially by women opposition candidates – it’s literally the “Wild West”, she says. Inspiration As well as being deputy leader of the party and head of the SRP women’s wing, Sochua is an ambassador with Vital Voices, the organisation set up by US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to empower and promote women leaders in business, politics and civil society. Sochua has travelled around the world working with women in political campaigning techniques. Last year she visited Myanmar’s Aung Sang Suu Kyi. Mu Sochua shared her experiences with Suu Kyi about the lifting of sanctions after years of conflict, about Western aid and slow national development. It is can be tempting to compare both women. Both respond to hostility and political might with a dignified elegance that catches one off guard. Roots Sochua’s high profile and international connections are informed by the years she spent living in the US, where her family fled as refugees in 1972. She may have left Cambodia physically, but says that while away she studied, worked and organised for causes back at home. After returning she was, for a time, minister of women’s affairs before exiting the coalition government in 2004 due to what she described as its rampant corruption. On the day I joined her, I watched as she brought methods practised in Washington and Yangon to Banteay Meanchey to sharpen her candidates’ campaigning skills. She encouraged them to develop tight, targeted messages and not to be afraid to deliver them with conviction. Repeatedly, she encouraged the women to define the most important commune issues, identify solutions and convey these as tangible realities. Even the games they played to lighten the mood were imbued with strategic planning. “We can win,” she tells me as she takes a break from the sweltering heat. In 2002 the party won 1,300 commune seats, which were more than doubled in 2007. Mu Sochua says the party can double the number again this year, which would give it almost half those available nationwide. At the commune level, SRP candidates are pledging to stamp out the corruption that allows local officials to overcharge for the issuing of documents (birth certificates, marriage certificates, and deeds), which further impoverishes the poor or leaves them without titles

for their land, or even proof of age. At the end of the training session, Mu Sochua plays a song by the Messenger Band through speakers set up in the courtyard outside. The girl band comprises garment workers who sing about land grabs, the abuse of sex workers and development gone awry. Their tune is hauntingly beautiful and many of the women standing in the sun are moved to tears. This song is why we are here, Sochua explains. When the music stops she keeps moving.

Mock weddings test young Cambodian lovers

Roth Meas

Friday, 20 April 2012 Annual mock weddings in Battambang province, which are intended to raise money for local pagodas and communities, are becoming more strictly monitored, following reports that young lovers have been using them to elope and avoid the sometimes hostile reactions parents show towards their love interests.

PRETEND BRIDE DY KALY AND HER VOLUNTEER GROOM, PHAL SOKUNTHE, COLLECT DONATIONS AT THE ENTRANCE OF A TEMPLE IN BATTAMBANG PROVINCE AS PART OF AN ANNUAL MOCK WEDDING. PHOTO BY

ROTH MEAS

A YOUNG COUPLE EXIT A TEMPLE IN A VILLAGE IN BATTAMBANG PROVINCE WHERE THEY PARTICIPATED IN A

MOCK MARRAIGE TO RAISE MONEY FOR CHARITY. PHOTO BY ROTH MEAS

Doeum Sovann, deputy director of Battambang province’s Department of Tourism, was reluctant to talk about the issue, saying: “We don’t have statistics about how many girls and boys became real couples after they volunteered for pretend weddings.” If sparks ignited during the fake marriage, the youths should hold off until they held a traditional wedding, he added. “If they fall in love with each other while they volunteer for a pretend wedding, it’s not a problem: They can get engaged and marry each other after the fake wedding finishes.” But at Banan temple, about 16 kilometres from Battambang town, youths are now required to sign a contract pledging not to regard themselves as a legitimately married after the fake ceremony concludes, mock wedding organiser Sat Saet said. Still, despite the contracts, he insisted that the mock weddings had never been used as an excuse to enjoy a wedding night. “We have never had such cases happen at the temple since we started mock marriage ceremonies, but we have to protect the practice. If girls and boys who volunteered for this fake wedding love each other, they can get married later on,” Sat Saet said. Flower-dance roots Volunteer grooms and brides are announced on the first day of Khmer New Year, and four or five couples participate a day for the rest of the four-day festival. They collect funds for one hour at the entrance of a pagoda, where they stand in wedding attire to greet the visitors. They also solicit donations from local shops. After collecting money, the pairs then return to the wedding hall for a traditional ceremony and musical performance. According to Doeum Sovann, mock weddings began in Battambang in the 1950s. Local villagers say they began around the same time flower dances did. These dances saw unmarried girls raise funds for the community by selling flowers in exchange for a dance. Proceeds were given to pagodas or invested in community projects. The flower dances died out, but songs about them still abound and they remain well-known nationwide. The mock weddings are less well-known nationally, but are becoming increasingly popular

in Battambang where they are spreading to more and more villages. Doeum Sovann said the mock weddings were a good opportunity for youths to overcome their shyness, explaining that they “help to build the confidence of our children”. “Boys and girls will learn to understand their feelings for each other,” he added. Star attractions More than 10,000 people a day showed up for the mock weddings at Banan temple. Bride and groom Dy Kaly, 18, and Phal Sokunthe, 20, were among the star attractions. Dressed in matching orange wedding attire, the pair greeted visitors to the temple with a blush of enthusiasm on the second day of the New Year. Dy Kaly said she volunteered to be a bride because she wanted to entertain visitors to her community. “I saw many young people volunteer for pretend weddings last year, and I became excited. That’s why I volunteered to be a bride this year. It’s so funny! But I have to overcome with my shyness because everybody stares at me,” she said. While holding an umbrella over her, volunteer groom, Phal Sokunthe, 20, said he was motivated by money – but not for himself. “I don’t think about it as anything other than a way to raise money for the community,” he insisted. Sat Saet said that the mock weddings were in their sixth year, and that they offered an alternative to ancient temples. “We don’t want ancient temples to be the only thing visitors see. We want to show the community’s traditional games to people as well, especially mock weddings.”

MP urges government to scrap Koh Kong dam project

May Titthara and David Boyle

Friday, 20 April 2012 A dam project set to flood thousands of hectares of protected forest and displace about 1,500 indigenous minority villagers in one of Koh Kong province’s most precious ecosystems should be scrapped, opposition Sam Rainsy Party MP Son Chhay said yesterday.

PEOPLE FISH IN THE STUNG ARENG RIVER IN KOH KONG PROVINCE, WHERE A CHINESE COMPANY INTENDS

TO BUILD A CONTROVERSIAL DAM. PHOTO SUPPLIED

The 109-megawatt dam project in the Cheay Areng Valley is to be built by the Chinese state-owned firm Guodian Corporation and expected to flood up to 20,000 hectares, with about half of the reservoir in the Central Cardamom Protected Forest. After returning from an investigation of the site, Son Chhay said the dam on the Stung Areng river would be a tragedy for the indigenous Chuong villagers – who have cultivated the area for centuries – and those who appreciated one of the country’s last, truly unique forests. “It’s a great loss because we do not have many places in the country like that left. So many forests have been destroyed. This area has the rare animals, the endangered species, the mountain crocodile – so many rare animals I have never seen before,” he said. The area is home to 39 globally threatened species, including Siamese crocodiles, dragon fish, Asian elephants and tigers. “I think anyone who has been to the place to stay a few nights without electricity, without the modern living, will be exposed to the beauty of the nature, it will change their mind,” Son Chhay said. He plans to screen footage of the area and interviews with villagers to parliament to show

that developing eco-tourism in the area is a viable alternative to the economic benefit of a relatively low-output dam. Ruling Cambodian People’s Party lawmaker Cheam Yeap thanked Son Chhay for conducting field research but revealed the project, previously just a proposal, had already been approved. “That which the government has already granted to the company we cannot withdraw, but [we] will be checking on that personal report,” he said. Son Chhay said he had spoken to a subcontractor building roads to the dam who had confirmed construction could begin next year, but argued it could still be cancelled. “[The Myanmar government] decided to stop this big dam with the Chinese company, this billion-dollar project. Why can’t we stop a small dam?” he said, referring to the US$3.6 billion Myitsone dam that was suspended last year. By comparison, the Cheay Areng Valley dam had been budgeted at $327 million and has already been dumped by a previous company, China Southern Power Grid, which deemed it unfeasible in 2010. Social and environmental impact assessments by both companies have been approved by the government, though only the first one has been made publicly available, drawing criticism from environmental groups. Liang Jing Li, a Guodian Corporation representative, could not be reached yesterday. Ame Trandem, Southeast Asia program director at International Rivers, said the fact the latest SEIA had not been subjected to public scrutiny meant no one could assess how realistic the touted benefits were. “Cambodia does have a lot of blackouts, and that hurts business and industry. The problem with hydropower dams is in the dry season, they cannot produce power when it’s needed,” she said, labelling the power stations “dinosaur technology”. But Adam Starr, a project coordinator with Fauna & Flora International, said although he was against the dam, arguments for alternative power sources and eco-tourism were unlikely to sway decision-makers looking at the short-term economic bottom line. “You have this country that is 30 years behind every other country in the region desperately trying to catch up, and hydro dams look like the most attractive way,” he said. As for the villagers feelings about being forced to leave, Son Chhay said they were furious about the dam, but too scared to say anything. “No doubt some threats have been made against them that scared the hell out of them from talking about their ancestor’s culture and what they feel about the dam,” he said.

To contact the reporters on this story: May Titthara at may.titthara@phnompenhpost.com David Boyle at david.boyle@phnompenhpost.com <div>Please enable JavaScript to post a new comment</div>