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    JOURNAL OF APPLIED DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY, 18,149-l 67 (1997)

    ISSN 0193-3973

    All rights of reproduction in ony form reserved.

    0 1997 Ablex Publishing Corporation

    Intolerance of Human Differences: A

    Cross-Cultural and Developmental

    Study of American Japanese and

    Chinese Children

    DAVID S. CRYSTAL

    Georgetown University

    HIROZUMI WATANABE

    Ehime University

    WU CHIN

    School Board of Shandon, Shandong Province

    This study investigated intolerance of human differences among fifth-, eighth-, and

    eleventh-graders in the United States (N = 266), Japan (N = 408), and the Peoples

    Republic of China (N = 232). Intolerance was measured by childrens reactions to

    nontypical peers. Students were administered a self-explanatory questionnaire, present-

    ing brief scenarios describing the following six types of nontypical children: aggressive,

    mean (cruel), withdrawn, learning disabled, unathletic, and poor. For each nontypical

    child, students were asked how much they would want to be friends with that child, how

    they would feel working closely with the child on a class project, and how similar or

    dissimilar they were to the child. Childrens intolerant reactions varied by culture

    depending on the nature of the specific situation with which they were confronted.

    Overall, fifth- and eighth-graders were more intolerant of nontypical children than

    eleventh-graders. Various theories that might explain cross-cultural and developmental

    differences in the expression of intolerance are discussed.

    Intolerance of human differences, whether in regard to personality, race, or religion, poses

    a threat to the harmonious functioning of any group or society. It follows that, from a societal

    perspective, the elimination in children of intolerant attitudes toward dissimilar others would

    seem to constitute one of the chief aims of childrearing. On an individual level as well,

    childrens intolerance, as expressed in unadaptability, has been found to be correlated with

    Direct all correspondence to: David S. Crystal, Georgetown University, Department of Psychology,

    301 -D White-Gravenor, Washington, DC 20057-l 001.

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    CRYSTAL WATANABE

    later aggressive problems (Bierman, Smoot Aumiller, 1993). Since the elements of social

    prejudice-i.e., stereotypes, values, communication styles-are strongly influenced by

    cultural factors (Gudykunst, 1983; Kluckhohn Strodtbeck, 1961; Triandis, Lisansky,

    Setiadi, Chang, Marin Betancourt 1982), within a cross-national context, the developmen-

    tal study of intolerance of human differences can reveal much about the socialization of

    children in diverse societies. Despite the considerable social and psychological significance

    of the topic, we could find very few reports that explored the issue of intolerance from both

    a developmental and cross-cultural perspective (Lambert Kleinberg 1967). The present

    investigation fills this gap by examining intolerance of difference in children at three grade

    levels in three different cultures.

    Our main purpose in this study is to evaluate several theories and hypotheses that could

    be used to explain how cultural context might affect childrens intolerance of human

    differences. For example, Berrys (1984) theory of multiculturalism suggests that a weak

    sense of security within an ingroup will result in a more intolerant attitude toward members

    of an outgroup. It may be assumed that societal factors such as racial heterogeneity and an

    individualist orientation, where competition is emphasized and the chief value lies in

    maximizing the potential of the individual, would tend to promote a relatively weak sense

    of security among ingroup members. In contrast, cultures that are racially homogeneous and

    collectivist in orientation, where cooperation is stressed and promoting the harmony and

    well-being of the group is highly valued, would seem to foster a stronger sense of ingroup

    security. Therefore, we would expect children in heterogeneous, individualist cultures, such

    as that of the United States, to be more intolerant of outgroup, or nontypical peers than their

    counterparts in homogeneous, collectivist societies, such as that of Japan and China.

    l The theory of multiculturalism suggests that a weak sense of security within an

    ingroup will result in a more intolerant attitude toward members of an outgroup.

    A second model, known as the contact hypothesis, reflected in the work of investigators

    such as Newberry and Parish (1987) and Royal and Roberts (1987), implies that greater

    contact with diverse types of people leads to more tolerance of diversity. From this

    perspective, it could be argued that intolerance of human differences would be more

    prevalent in homogeneous societies, where the ethnic and racial similarity of individuals

    would reduce the opportunity or need to cultivate tolerant attitudes. Similarly, one might

    predict that members of collectivist societies, where conformity and convention are stressed,

    would be more intolerant of nontypical individuals than would their counterparts in an

    individualist culture that celebrates uniqueness and the concept of doing your own thing.

    In this view, Japanese and Chinese children, brought up in homogeneous and collectivist

    cultures, should be more intolerant of outgroup, nontypical children than their heterogeneous

    and individualist American peers.

    H2: The contact hypothesis implies that greater contact with diverse types of people

    leads to more tolerance of diversity.

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    INTOLERANCE

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    A third hypothesis, demonstrated in research by Sigelman and Toebben (1992), concep-

    tualizes intolerance as a strongly context-dependent phenomenon. These researchers found

    that the nature of intolerance in children strongly depended on what children were asked to

    tolerate and the sense in which they were required to be tolerant. Given that cultures stress

    certain situations as significant and make available specific patterns of behavior for these

    situations (Pfeiffer 1982), it might be expected that social values and cultural traditions

    would affect childrens degree of intolerance differently according to the specific nature of

    the situation. According to the context-dependent model, then, any predictions regarding

    intolerant reactions among Japanese, Chinese, and American children would chiefly depend

    on the particulars of the situation with which the children were presented.

    H3: Intolerance is conceptualized as a strongly context-dependent phenomenon. Any

    predictions regarding intolerant reactions among Japanese, Chinese, and American

    children would chiejly depend on the particulars of the situation with which the

    children werepresented.

    Although being intolerant of human differences is a hindrance to socialized individuals

    of any age, it would seem to be especially detrimental for children in middle childhood and

    adolescence. During this period, children begin to develop a social self (Damon 1983),

    define themselves in terms of interpersonal traits (I am kind, I am friendly, I am shy)

    (Benenson Dweck, 1986), compare themselves with others (Ruble, Boggiano, Feldman

    Loebl, 1980), and acquire a sense of peer group (Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood Sherif,

    1961). While the process of differentiating the self and identifying with groups generally

    calls for a narrowing of social preferences, at the same time, an increased tolerance of

    difference is demanded of the child to cope with the greater variety of peers encountered in

    middle school and high school in all three cultures (Cremin, 1988; Hayhoe, 1984; Rohlen,

    1983). Therefore, to capture the growing complexity of the social milieu that children

    experience moving from one educational level to another, we have included in the present

    study children in fifth, eighth, and eleventh grades in each culture.

    A second major goal of this study is to examine several theories that might explain how

    age differences affect levels of tolerance. Specifically, we test two competing theoretical

    frameworks: the cognitive-developmental theory of Piaget (1928), and social learning

    theory, as suggested by the work of Allport (1954). Cognitive-developmental theory postu-

    lates that the development of greater cognitive abilities allows for multiple classifications

    and the understanding that members of different categories may have similar traits. Such an

    understanding, in turn, is thought to lead to greater flexibility and a diminishing of intoler-

    ance. From the cognitive-developmental perspective, we would expect intolerance to de-

    crease with age, a finding reported by various researchers (Aboud, 1988; Katz Zalk, 1978;

    Powlishta, Serbin, Doyle White, 1994).

    In contrast, social learning theory asserts that children learn intolerance by picking up

    cues from their environment, specifically, by imitating adult models. Since children are

    thought to begin life without prejudice and to acquire negative judgments gradually over

    time, social learning theory would predict that intolerance would tend to increase, on average,

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    CRYSTAL WATANABE

    throughout childhood. In partial support of this viewpoint, investigators have found that

    attitudes become more extreme with age: positive feelings toward ingroups become more

    positive, negative feelings toward outgroups become more negative (Brand, Ruiz Padilla,

    1974). Due to the confusion in the literature, we refrain from making specific predictions

    regarding developmental trends in intolerance of human differences.

    Many current theories that might be applied to the expression of intolerance in various

    cultures often focus on the nature of ingroups and outgroups (Berry, 1984). Rather than

    define these groups on the basis of race or ethnicity, the connotations ofwhich are extremely

    culture-specific and difficult to interpret, we decided to use as our measure of intolerance

    childrens reactions to nontypical peers, a phenomenon which can be observed in all cultures.

    The term nontypical refers to children who, by virtue of certain cognitive, physical, or

    personality characteristics, are likely to be regarded by the majority of their peers as

    abnormal, handicapped, or different.

    Childrens reactions to nontypical peers are important for several reasons. First, they play

    a crucial role in either fostering positive peer relationships or increasing the likelihood of

    creating a rejected child who may be at risk for future social and emotional difficulties

    (Olson, 1992; Parker Asher, 1987). Second, intolerance of nontypical peers bears on the

    question of how to educate children with special needs, such as those with learning

    disabilities or emotional problems. A number of studies suggest that, because of normal

    childrens reactions, certain types of nontypical children do better in separate classrooms

    while others learn best in mainstream settings (Harris Connolli, 1993; Sandberg, 1982).

    Because of their prominence in the American and Asian literatures, we chose to focus on

    the following six types of nontypical children: (1) Aggressive (Chen Rubin, 1994; Coie

    Kupersmidt, 1983; Morishita, 1990); (2) Mean (cruel) (Ascione, 1993; Weisz, S man,

    Weiss Mosk, 1993); (3) Withdrawn (Rubin, 1985; Rubin, Li, Li Li, 1992); (4) Learning

    disabled (Cheng, Liu Gong, 1993; Sato, 1992; Wiener, 1987); (5) Unathletic (Nishida

    Sawa, 1993; Zakin, 1983; Zhu, 1993); and (6) Poor (Dubow Ippolito, 1994; Wall

    Holden, 1994).

    According to Byrnes (1971) effectance-arousal model, people are attracted to those

    possessing similar attitudes or behaviors. This notion, known as the attraction-similarity

    hypothesis, has been confirmed in numerous investigations (Drigotas, 1993; Rubin, Lynch,

    Coplan, Rose-Krasnor Booth, 1994). Intolerance may be thought of as behavior that

    carries the attraction-similarity hypothesis to the opposite extrem hat is, being repulsed

    by those who are dissimilar to oneself. Repulsion toward dissimilar others is the definition

    of intolerance used in this study.

    In summary, this study seeks to examine three conflicting hypotheses regarding the

    cross-cultural expression of intolerance of human differences in children:

    1. Berrys (1984) model of multiculturalism, suggesting that individualist and heteroge-

    neous American children should be more intolerant of nontypical peers than collectivist

    and homogeneous Japanese and Chinese children;

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    2. The contact hypothesis, predicting that Japanese and Chinese children, growing up in

    homogeneous cultures, will be more intolerant than their American peers, brought up

    in a heterogeneous culture; and

    3. The context-dependent model, asserting that childrens intolerant reactions will vary by

    culture depending on the nature of the specific situation with which they are confronted.

    This study also tests competing theories in regard to the influence of development on the

    prevalence of intolerance among children in different cultures: the cognitive-developmental

    theory of Piaget (1928), predicting that intolerance will decrease with age, and the social

    learning theory (Allport, 1954; Bandura, 1977), predicting that intolerance will increase as

    development progresses.

    METHOD

    Participants

    Data were collected in 199 1 and 1992 in three metropolitan areas: Detroit-Ann Arbor,

    Michigan; Matsuyama, Japan; and Jinan, Peoples Republic of China. The American and

    Japanese participants were representative samples, covering a wide range of socio-economic

    and achievement levels. The Chinese participants attended an experimental school in Jinan

    where students, although from diverse socio-economic backgrounds, were specially selected

    on the basis of scholastic aptitude. The Chinese sample, therefore, should not be considered

    as representative of the city of Jinan.

    Participants at the same grade level were similar among the three cultures in the

    demographic variables: age, sex, mothers education, and the number of adults in the home

    (see Appendix). The only obvious demographic differences were that Chinese fifth graders

    were a year older than their American and Japanese peers, and the educational level of

    Chinese mothers was lower and that of Japanese mothers was slightly higher than that of

    their counterparts in the other two locations, findings reported in other cross-cultural studies

    with Asian subjects (Chao, 1994).

    Measures

    The present analysis is based on measures that were part of a larger questionnaire used in a

    cross-national study of childrens reactions to nontypical peers. The questionnaire was

    originally constructed simultaneously in English and Japanese. Simultaneous composition,

    which has been used in a number of large-scale cross-cultural studies (Stevenson, Chen

    Lee, 1993), allows for immediate discussion of terms by participants before the selection of

    the items. It also assures that subtle connotations of words and questions are agreed upon

    and accurately rendered by psychologists familiar with the conceptual and linguistic prob-

    lems of both languages. The instrument was translated from Japanese into Chinese, and then

    back-translated from Chinese into English and Japanese by American and Japanese native

    speakers, respectively.

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    Participants were administered a self-explanatory questionnaire that they filled out

    by themselves in the classroom. The questionnaire presented six scenarios, each 2 or 3

    sentences long, briefly describing different types of nontypical children. The exact

    descriptions of the nontypical peers as they appeared in the English version of the

    questionnaire were as follows:

    1.

    2.

    3.

    4.

    5.

    6.

    Aggressive--A is always saying that he/she is not afraid of anybody.

    A

    often gets into

    arguments and physical fights with other kids.

    Unathletic-B is not interested in sports and is not very good at team sports. B is a slow

    runner. He/she often fumbles when trying to catch a ball or return a volleyball serve.

    Learning Disabled-C has a hard time learning what is taught in school. C understands

    very little of what the teacher teaches in class. He/she always gets low grades on tests.

    Mean-D likes to tease and make jokes about kids. D also plays mean tricks like putting

    tacks on kids seats, or hiding kids textbooks before a test.

    Poor-Es family doesnt have a lot of money. Sometimes E looks as if he/she doesnt

    get enough to eat. Es clothes are old and dont fit him/her well.

    Withdrawn-F is shy and seems to have trouble talking to other kids. When other kids

    are joking around or playing together, F often goes off by him/herself to a comer of the

    room, as if afraid to join in with the others.

    To measure childrens attraction and similarity to nontypical peers, after each description

    of a target child, students were asked three questions. One question dealt with friendship,

    one with working together in school, and one with the subjects perception of his or her

    degree of similarity to the target child. We clearly recognize the limitations of using

    single-item self-report indices to measure a complex phenomenon such as intolerance.

    However, since so few cross-national studies on intolerance have been done before, espe-

    cially among English-, Japanese-, and Chinese-speaking children, we believed that it was

    better to begin with global measures before attempting to construct a more detailed and

    comprehensive instrument. We specifically chose to focus on the areas of peer relationships

    and academic achievement because they represent the most important domains of develop-

    mental mastery for children in fifth through eleventh grades in all three cultures (Chen, Rubin

    Li, 1995; Rubin, et al., 1992; Sroufe Cooper, 1988; Stevenson, Azuma Hakuta, 1986).

    Furthermore, questions pertaining to friendship and schoolwork have long been used in

    investigations of prejudice and intolerance among children (Katz Zalk, 1978; Aronson

    Osherow, 1980; Whitley, Schofeld Snyder, 1984). The specific questions we asked were

    as follows: 1) Would you want to be friends with someone like ?; 2) Would you want

    to work on a school event or school project with someone like _?; and 3) How similar

    do you think you are to someone like

    ? The items regarding wanting to be friends and

    wanting to work with the target child both had 7-point scales, with 1 (definitely not) and

    7 (definitely yes). The item tapping similarity used a 5-point scale, ranging from 1

    (completely different) to 5 (just like 2).

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    RESULTS

    Attraction and Similarity

    A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) by location and grade was performed on

    the three measures of attraction and similarity for each of the six types of nontypical peers.

    Gender was found to have few significant effects on students reactions to nontypical

    children and was dropped from the analysis. When significant multivariate effects were

    found, they were followed up by Scheffe contrasts to determine the nature and direction of

    the differences between pairs of locations or pairs of grades.

    Cross Cultural Comparisons

    The MANOVAs yielded significant location effects for nearly all measures of attraction and

    similarity in all scenarios, s (2,872) = 4.19-105.49,~s < .O1 (see Table 1). Although results

    differed depending on the scenario, in a majority of cases, Chinese students reported

    significantly lower mean ratings of attraction and similarity than American or Japanese

    students. Only on the question about wanting to be friends with the poor child did Chinese

    children give higher ratings than their American and Japanese peers.

    On the whole, Japanese students appeared to be the most empathic toward the nontypical

    children. In three of the six scenarios, those related to the aggressive, unathletic, and poor

    peers, Japanese students indicated that they were significantly more similar to the target child

    than did the students in the other two locations. In contrast, American children saw

    themselves as being more similar to the child with learning disabilities than did their Japanese

    and Chinese counterparts. In almost every case, ratings of similarity to the nontypical peer

    were lowest among Chinese students.

    Developmental Comparisons

    As with location, grade yielded significant effects on almost every measure of attraction and

    similarity, s (2, 872) = 3.33-23.54, ps c .05 (see Table 2). Overall, eleventh-graders most

    consistently gave the highest ratings of attraction to nontypical children. Specifically, they

    were more likely than fifth- and eighth-graders to want to be friends with peers who were

    aggressive and who had learning disabilities, and to want to work with the peers who had

    learning disabilities, who were unathletic, and who were poor. There was no measure of

    attraction or similarity on which fifth- or eighth-graders gave higher ratings than the other

    two grade levels.

    Interactions between location and grade were significant for a number of attraction and

    similiarity measures, s (4,872) = 3.83-8.15,~s < .Ol (see Table 2.) In the U.S., reaction to

    the withdrawn peer elicited significant grade differences on all three indices, with fifih-

    graders indicating greater attraction and similarity to this type of child than children in the

    other two grades. American children were most in agreement in their reactions to the

    aggressive child. In Japan, grade differences on all three measures of attraction and similarity

    were found for the child with learning disabilities and for the poor child; in both cases,

    eleventh-graders overall gave the highest ratings. Japanese children showed the highest

    degree of concordance in their attraction and similarity to the mean child. In China, as in the

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    CRYSTAL &WATANABE

    TABLE 1

    Means and Standard Deviations for Indices of Attraction and Similarity to Nontypical Peers

    Among American, Japanese, and Chinese Students

    U.S. (U)

    Type of Peer

    N=264M(SD)

    1. Aggressive:

    Friend

    2.94 (1.58)

    Coworker 2.17 (1.60)

    Similarity

    2.17 (0.99)

    2. Unathletic:

    Friend

    4.09 (1.50)

    Coworker 3.92 (1.59)

    Similarity

    2.08 (1.07)

    3. Learning disabled:

    Friend

    4.07 (1.46)

    Coworker 2.12 (1.09)

    Similarity 2.93 (1.72)

    4. Mean:

    Friend 2.44 (1.76)

    Coworker

    1.95 (1.47)

    Similarity

    1.93 (1.23)

    5. Poor:

    Friend

    3.74 (1.57)

    Coworker

    3.92 (1.59)

    Similarity

    1.52 (0.78)

    6. Withdrawn:

    Friend

    3.77 (1.88)

    Coworker 3.92 (1.88)

    Similarity 2.03 (0.99)

    Japan (J) China (C)

    N = 406 M (SD)

    N = 232 M (SD)

    3.05 (1.38)

    2.30 (1.64)

    2.78 (1.43)

    2.68 (1.73)

    2.39 (0.86)

    1.76 (1.14)

    4.07 (1.18)

    3.61 (1.90)

    3.89 (1.23)

    3.28 (1.88)

    2.40 (1.08)

    1.80 (0.96)

    4.05 (1.25)

    4.00 (1.96)

    3.92 (1.24)

    4.19 (1.77)

    2.50 (0.97)

    1.67 (0.93)

    1.84 (1.30)

    1.77 (1.57)

    1.91 (1.34)

    2.09 (1.69)

    1.76 (0.90)

    1.35 (0.82)

    3.74 (I .36)

    5.42 (1.68)

    3.89 (1.23)

    3.28 (1.88)

    1.75 (0.77)

    1.32 (0.65)

    3.78 (1.60)

    3.39 (1.93)

    3.67 (I .51)

    3.55 (1.76)

    1.97 (0.96)

    1.78 (1.00)

    Scheffe Contrasts

    U,J>C

    J,C>U

    J>U>C

    U,J>C

    U,J=-C

    J>U>C

    J, :t U

    UrJzC

    U>J,C

    ns.

    U,J>C

    C>U,J

    U,J>C

    J>U>C

    J>C

    un;sc

    Note. All ps c .005.

    other two locations, eleventh-graders most consistently reported the greatest attraction and

    similarity to the nontypical peers. Chinese children were in highest agreement in their

    response to the child who was poor.

    Intolerance of Difference

    As noted above, we detined intolerance as repulsion toward those who are dissimilar to

    oneself. We therefore categorized as intolerant those students who indicated either that they

    did not want to be friends or did not want to work with the nontypical peer (a rating of 1

    or 2 on either of the attraction scales), and who, at the same time, described themselves as

    being dissimilar to the target child (a rating of 1 or 2 on the similarity scale). Cross-

    cultural and developmental differences in the percentages of students classed as intolerant

    were determined by conducting chi-square analyses. Analyses were performed separately

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    I NTOLERANCE

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    TABLE 2

    Means and Standard Deviations for Indices of Attraction and Similarity Among Fifth-, Eighth-,

    and Eleventh-Graders According to Location

    Grades

    Type of Peer

    Fiih Eighth Eleventh

    N = 284 M (SD) N = 408 M (SD) N = 232 M (SD) Scheffe Contrasts

    A.

    U.S.

    Aggressive:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Unathletic:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Learning disabled:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Mean:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Poor:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Withdrawn

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    B. Japan

    Aggressive:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Unathletic:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Learning disabled:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    Mean:

    Fri end

    Coworker

    Si ml ari ty

    2.89

    (1. 84) 3. 14 (1. 56)

    2. 23 (1. 82) 2. 36 (1. 63)

    2. 22 (1. 03 2. 24(1. 00)

    4. 39 (1. 87)

    4. 18 (1. 92)

    2. 16(1. 11)

    4. 23 (1. 69)

    3. 19 (1. 96)

    2. 02 (1. 00)

    1. 70 (1. 40)

    1. 52 (1. 22)

    1. 70 (1. 22)

    4. 18 (1. 90)

    4. 08 (1. 70)

    1. 56 (0. 85)

    4. 31 (2. 15)

    4. 77 (2. 04)

    2. 17 (1. 11)

    2. 97 (1. 52)

    2. 62 (1. 51)

    2. 64(0. 90)

    3. 96 (1. 37)

    3. 61 (1. 35)

    2. 37 (1. 14)

    3.89

    (1. 39)

    3. 60 (1. 40)

    2. 27 (0. 96)

    1. 67 (1. 37)

    1. 74(1. 42)

    1. 71 (0. 93)

    3. 66 (1. 29)

    3. 52 (1. 41)

    2. 01 (1. 04)

    3. 70 (1. 31)

    2. 43 (1. 44)

    2. 14 (1. 23)

    2. 84 (1. 85)

    1. 91 (1. 40)

    2. 08 (1. 28)

    3. 26 (1. 36)

    3. 52 (1. 40)

    1. 49 (0. 70)

    3. 27 (1. 57)

    3. 31 (1. 64)

    1. 80 (0. 78)

    2. 97 (1. 43)

    2. 75 (1. 50)

    2. 30 (0. 84)

    4. 09 (1. 20)

    4. 01 (1. 22)

    2. 32 (1. 08)

    4. 06 (1. 32)

    3. 97 (1. 26)

    2. 50 (1. 02)

    1. 85 (1. 20)

    1. 96 (1. 31)

    1. 77 (0. 88)

    -

    2. 77 (1. 26)

    1. 88 (1. 26)

    2. 02 (0. 94)

    ns.

    ns.

    n. s.

    4. 23 (1. 14)

    4. 06 (1. 27)

    2. 06 (1. 08)

    5, 11>8

    5, 11 >8

    n. s.

    4. 28(1. 26)

    3. 16 (1. 60)

    2. 18 (1. 04)

    I I >8

    5, l l >8

    n. s.

    2. 87 (1. 77)

    2. 51 (1. 64)

    2. 02 (1. 18)

    8, 11>5

    11 >5, 8

    ns.

    3. 75 (1. 21)

    4. 02 (1. 27)

    1. 48(0. 79)

    5,11 r8

    I I >8

    n. s.

    3. 71 (1. 71)

    5>8

    3.63 (1.60) 5>8,11

    2.13 (1.02) 5.11 >8

    3. 29 (1. 05)

    3. 06 (1. 44)

    2. 17 (0. 77)

    . .

    l K5

    5~8. 11

    4. 20 (0. 80)

    4. 15 (0. 93)

    2. 56 (0. 97)

    n. s.

    11>5>8

    n. s.

    4. 28 (0. 83)

    4. 30 (0. 75)

    2. 85 (0. 79)

    I I >5

    8,1115

    11>5, 8

    2. 08 (1. 31)

    2. 10 (1. 23)

    1. 82 (0. 89)

    n. s.

    n. s.

    ns.

    -

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    CRYSTAL&WATANABE

    TABLE 2

    (conti nued)

    Grades

    Fifth

    Eighth

    Tvpe of Peer N=264M(SD)

    N = 408 M (SD)

    -

    Poor:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    Withdrawn:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    C. China

    Aggressive:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    Unathletic:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    Learning disabled:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    Mean:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    3.45 (1.55)

    3.37 (1.45)

    1.48 (0.70)

    3. 79 (1. 34)

    3. 88 (1. 35)

    1. 76 (0. 77)

    3. 78 (1. 82)

    3. 67 (1. 74)

    1. 76 (0. 95)

    3. 75 (1. 62)

    3. 64(1. 51)

    1.99 (0.94)

    2. 00 (1. 58)

    2. 23 (1. 65)

    1. 91 (1. 29)

    1.74 (1.26)

    2.57 (1.63)

    1.60 (1.02)

    3. 75 (2. 19)

    3. 13 (2. 05)

    1. 71 (0. 94)

    2.93 (1.81)

    2.88

    (1. 72)

    1.74 (0.98)

    3. 80 (2. 20)

    3. 89 (2. 15)

    1. 33 (0. 59)

    3. 75 (1. 93)

    3. 94(1. 60)

    1. 79 (1. 22)

    1. 36 (1. 03)

    1. 69 (1. 39)

    1. 28 (0. 73)

    2. 07 (1. 91)

    2. 43 (1. 90)

    1. 49 (1. 02)

    Eleventh

    N = 232 M (SD)

    Scheffe

    Contrasts

    4.09 (0.90)

    11 >8

    4.20 (0.77)

    8,ll >5

    2.12 (0.72)

    11>8>5

    -

    Poor:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    Withdrawn:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Similarity

    3. 85 (1. 16)

    3. 73 (1. 08)

    2. 24(0. 94)

    ns.

    n.s.

    11

    >5

    3.10 (1.70)

    3.25 (1.75)

    1.74 (1.03)

    11>5, 8

    11~ 5, 8

    ns.

    4. 08(1. 47)

    3. 80 (1. 75)

    1. 94 (0. 96)

    5,ll >8

    11 >8

    ns.

    4. 44 (1. 64)

    4. 73 (1. 35)

    1. 91 (0. 80)

    ns.

    11>5, 8

    8, l l 25

    1.90 (1.62)

    2.18 (1.71)

    1.31 (0.69)

    8,ll >5

    8>5

    ns.

    5. 46 (1. 69)

    5. 32 (1. 78)

    1. 39(0. 82)

    5.44

    (1. 42)

    5.24

    (1. 47)

    1. 35 (0. 58)

    5. 35 (1. 91)

    5. 16 (1. 99)

    1. 23 (0. 55)

    ns.

    ns.

    n.s.

    2. 82 (1. 83)

    3. 64(1. 51)

    1. 50 (0. 95)

    3. 68 (1. 89)

    3.73

    (1.08)

    2. 05 (0. 98)

    5,ll >8

    n.s.

    11 >8

    3. 63 (1. 96)

    3. 67 (1. 74)

    1. 75 (1. 00)

    Note,

    U. S. :

    ifth grade, N = 93; eighth grade, N = 88; eleventh grade, N = 83. Japan: fifth

    grade, N = 152; eighth grade, N= 153; eleventh grade, N = 103. China: fifth grade, N = 80;

    eighth grade, N = 72; eleventh grade, N = 80. Allps -z .016 (Bonferroni Correction).

    on each of the

    attraction variables

    for each of the nontypical peers. When the results of the

    3-way chi-square tests proved to be significant, a series of pairwise comparisons were made

    to determine the precise source of the differences. For these pairwise tests, alpha levels were

    lowered to p < .016 in accordance with the Bonferroni Correction (Neter, Wasserman

    Kutner, 1985).

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    Cross Cultural Comparisons

    Two points stand out regarding the results of the chi-square analyses on intolerance of

    difference among the three cultures (see Table 3). First, on the majority of measures,

    American, Japanese, and Chinese students were found to be significantly different in the

    prevalence of children classified as being intolerant. Second, cross-cultural differences in

    the proportions of intolerant students varied considerably depending on the type of nontypi-

    cal peer with which students were presented, and on whether students were asked to be

    friends or to work with this peer.

    Aggressive Child. Significantly more Chinese than American, and more American than

    Japanese students were intolerant of the aggressive peer as a friend, and more Chinese than

    Japanese students were intolerant of the aggressive peer as a coworker. Among the three

    groups, Japanese students were the most tolerant of the aggressive peer both as a friend and

    as a coworker.

    TABLE 3

    Percentages and Chi-Square Values for Intolerance Toward Nontypical Peers Among Students

    in the United States (U), Japan (J), and China (C)

    Type of Peer

    of Students X2

    U

    J

    C U-J-C U-J u-c J-C

    1. Aggressive:

    Friend 36

    Coworker 53

    2. Unathletic:

    Friend 14

    Coworker 17

    3. Learning disabled:

    Friend 13

    Coworker 37

    4. Mean:

    Friend 59

    Coworker 65

    5. Poor:

    Friend 21

    Coworker 15

    6. Withdrawn:

    Friend 26

    Coworker 21

    23

    54 63.92

    12.82

    17.36

    64.11

    27

    43 49.27

    47.70

    n.s.

    17.17

    7

    9

    27

    47.65

    6.96

    14.44

    46.70

    32

    55.58

    10. 09

    15.23

    55.42

    9

    10

    22

    24.57

    ns.

    8.05

    24.10

    16 77.06 70.61

    28.65

    n.s.

    69 78

    19.88

    66

    68

    n.s.

    6.03* 19. 77 6.47

    ns.

    n.s.

    ns.

    18 5 27.94

    16 7

    12.83

    27.37 22.43

    9.94 12.12

    n.s.

    n.s.

    20 33 12.74*

    18

    25 ns.

    n.s. 12.75

    n.s. ns.

    n.s.

    n.s.

    Note. All ps c .OOl, except where noted. U = United States. J = Japan. C = China. U-X,

    N = 906, df = 2. U-J, N = 674; U-C, N = 498; J.C, N = 640, df = 1.

    *p < .05, p < .Ol

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    CRYSTAL WATANABE

    Unathletic Child.

    More Chinese than American, and more American than Japanese

    children were intolerant ofthe unathletic child in both the friend and the coworker situations.

    Child with Learni ng Di sabili ties.

    In terms of friendship, Chinese students were more

    likely to be intolerant of the child with learning disabilities than were American and Japanese

    students. When it came to working in school with this type of child, however, American

    students were more likely to be intolerant than their East Asian peers.

    Mean Child.

    In regard to being friends with the mean child, Chinese were the most

    intolerant, followed by the Japanese, and then by the American students. No significant

    cross-cultural differences emerged in childrens reactions to the mean child as a coworker.

    Poor Child. In both the friend and coworker situations, more American and Japanese

    students exhibited intolerance toward the poor child than did Chinese students.

    Withdrawn Child.

    Chinese were more likely than Japanese children to be intolerant of

    the withdrawn child as a friend. There were no cross-cultural differences in childrens

    intolerance of the withdrawn child as a coworker.

    Developmental Comparisons

    In support of the cognitive-developmental theory, in all three locations, eleventh graders,

    overall, were more tolerant of nontypical peers than fifth- and eighth-graders. As shown in

    Table 4, however, the great majority of the developmental differences occurred among

    Japanese and Chinese children. Except for reactions to the mean child, who was particularly

    disliked by fifth-graders, American students generally showed few differences among grade

    levels in their responses to nontypical children. The most pronounced developmental

    differences among Japanese students emerged in their reactions to the child with learning

    disabilities and to the poor child. In both cases, intolerance in the friend and coworker

    situations was most prevalent among fifth-graders, and least prevalent among eleventh-

    graders. In China, reactions to the aggressive child and to the child with learning disabilities

    produced the largest discrepancies among grade levels; in general, more fifth- and eighth-

    than eleventh-grade Chinese students indicated intolerance toward these peers both as friends

    and coworkers.

    Gender Comparisons

    On the whole, the prevalence of intolerance of nontypical peers was similar among boys and

    girls. A few significant differences, however, did emerge. Specifically, boys were more

    intolerant than girls of the unathletic and withdrawn peer as a friend, and of the poor peer as

    a coworker, X2 (1, N = 905) = 5.72-7.35, ps < .05. Girls were more intolerant than boys of

    the mean child both as friend, X2 (1, N = 905) = 4 1.70, p c .OO1, and coworker, X2 (1, N =

    905) = 30.3op < .OOl.

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    TABLE 4

    Percentages and Chi-Square Values for Intolerance Toward Nontypical Peers Among Fiih-,

    Eighth-, and Eleventh-Graders According to Location

    of Students Grades

    X2 Grades

    Type of Peer 5th 8th 11th 5-8-11 5-8 5-11 8-11

    United States

    Aggressive:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Unathletic:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Learning disabled:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Mean:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Poor:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Withdrawn:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Japan

    Aggressive:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Unathletic:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Learning disabled:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Mean:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Poor:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Withdrawn:

    Friend

    Coworker

    37 32 40

    n.s. n.s. ns. ns.

    53 51 57

    n.s. n.s. n.s. ns.

    15

    17 8 n.s. n.s. ns. ns.

    19 20 12

    n.s. n.s. ns. n.s.

    15

    18 5 7.28*

    n.s. ns. 7.24 m

    38

    44 29 n.s. n.s. ns.

    n.s.

    76 53

    47 17.95

    80

    60 54

    14.06

    20 26 16

    ns.

    17 20 8 ns.

    22 32 24

    ns.

    17 26 22 n.s.

    20 30 18 6.99*

    23 33 23

    n.s.

    11 8 2 6.73*

    14 8 4 7.79*

    11 11 2 7.79*

    16

    11 1

    14.96

    6.83

    8.94

    74 68 61 n.s.

    71 66 59 n.s.

    28 16 6 21.90

    26 14 3

    25.55

    25 21 12 6.92*

    22

    18 10 6.84*

    11.05- 16.13- n.s.

    8.64 12.87- n.s.

    n.s.

    ns.

    ns.

    n.s. n.s. n.s.

    n.s. ns. ns.

    n.s. n.s. n.s.

    n.s.

    ns. n.s.

    n.s. ns.

    n.s.

    n.s. n.s.

    ns. ;::5* n.s.

    n.s. 7.61

    n.s.

    15.25-

    ns. ns. n.s.

    ns. n.s. n.s.

    7.07ff 19.96-

    6.71* 23.99-

    n.s. 6.94 n.s.

    n.s. 6.89* n.s.

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    CRYSTAL WATANABE

    TABLE 4

    (Continued)

    of Students Grades

    X2 Grades

    Type

    of Peer 5th

    8th 1 Ith

    5-8-11 5-8

    5-11 8-11

    China

    Aggressive:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Unathletic:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Learning disabled:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Mean:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Poor:

    Friend

    Coworker

    Withdrawn:

    Friend

    Coworker

    71

    36

    18.77

    47

    29 10.11*~

    ns.

    n.s.

    7.25

    9.35

    18.18*

    n.s.

    30 40

    13

    15.28

    38 38

    23

    ns.

    ns.

    ns.

    7.32**

    n.s.

    15.33=*

    ns.

    30

    28

    29 9

    17

    3

    13.12

    t-is.

    19.18

    n.s.

    11.56-

    10.51**

    19.61*

    9.09

    86

    74

    74 ns.

    79 58

    65

    7.62*

    9

    6

    0 6.93*

    11

    7

    1 6.65

    n.s.

    ns.

    ns.

    n.s.

    ns.

    n.s.

    n.s.

    ns.

    30

    29

    46

    24 8.88*

    35

    14 9.50H

    n.s.

    8.21

    n.s.

    9.22

    ns.

    n.s.

    Note.

    Allps < .OOl, except where noted. U.S., 5-8-l 1, N = 265, df = 2; 5-8, N = , df=2. 5-

    8,N=639;5-11,N=591;8-11,N=580,df=1.

    p < .05, p < .Ol

    DISCUSSION

    A predominant aim of this study was to test three theoretical models regarding the relative

    expression of intolerance among members of diverse cultures: (1) Berrys (1984) model

    linking a sense of ingroup security to intolerance of outgroups; (2) the contact model

    suggesting that contact with diverse types of individuals increases tolerance of diversity

    (Royal Roberts, 1987); and (3) the context-dependent model asserting that the degree of

    intolerance will vary depending on the specific situation with which children are presented

    (Sigelman Toebben, 1992).

    The results of the present study clearly support the context-dependent model, and

    underscore the importance of the interplay among situational context and cultural values in

    understanding how tolerance and intolerance manifests itself in different societies. For

    example, the American students in our sample were less likely than the Chinese, andas likely

    as the Japanese students to be intolerant of the child with learning disabilities when asked

    to be his or her friend. But when asked to work in school with such a child, the American

    students were significantly more likely than either the Japanese or Chinese students to give

    an intolerant response. The greater intolerance of learning disabled students in the classroom

    setting shown by the American respondents may be seen as consistent with the highly

    competitive orientation of individualist cultures (Markus Kitayama, 1991), and with the

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    high value that American students have been found to place on academic achievement

    relative to their Japanese and Chinese peers (Crystal Stevenson, 1995). Similarly, the

    higher frequency of tolerant responses in regard to the aggressive child by Japanese students,

    and to the poor child by Chinese students is also in accord with widespread cultural values:

    in the former case, Japanese beliefs about the beneficial role of fighting in childrens social

    development (Peak, 1991; Tokyo Board of Education, 1982, p. 25) and, in the latter case,

    Chinese Communist beliefs about the moral superiority of poor peasants and laborers (Lin,

    1993). In all three examples, the prevalence of tolerance and intolerance may be best

    understood by applying specific cultural values to specific situational contexts, rather than

    by reference to broad-based theories such as that of multiculturalism (Berry, 1984) or the

    contact hypothesis (Newberry Parish, 1987).

    The findings also provide some support for the cognitive-developmental theory of

    prejudice (Piaget, 1928), which predicts that intolerance will decrease as cognitive abilities

    expand with age. Overall, significantly fewer eleventh- than fifth- and eighth-graders were

    categorized as being intolerant of nontypical peers in the majority of cases. It may be argued

    that a social desirability effect was partly responsible for these developmental differences,

    with eleventh-graders being more consciously aware of the politically correct response

    than their younger counterparts. Given the nature of the task, it is difficult to separate

    increasing awareness of social desirability from decreasing intolerance. However, if such an

    awareness did enter into students responses, it was by no means linearly correlated with

    age. There were several instances in all three cultures where more eighth- than fifth-graders

    gave intolerant responses in a certain scenario. Moreover, the developmental results of the

    present study accord with a fairly substantial body of literature linking increasing age with

    a diminishing of intolerance (Aboud, 1980; Doyle, Beaudet Aboud, 1988; Powlishta,

    Serbin, Doyle, and White, 1994; Zinser, Rich Bailey, 198 1).

    The few gender differences in intolerance that emerged may be viewed as reflecting

    gender stereotypes that appear to be common among various cultures--that of the male as

    physical, assertive, and insensitive, and that of the female as docile, shy, and sympathetic

    (Williams Best, 1990). Specifically, more boys than girls were intolerant of the unathletic

    and withdrawn peer as a friend, and more girls than boys were intolerant of the mean child

    both as friend and coworker. Apart from these differences, boys and girls were generally

    similar in the proportion of students classified as being intolerant, a finding reported in

    numerous studies on children and prejudice (see Aboud, 1988, for a review).

    The intellectual selectivity of the Chinese sample, and the consequent assumption of

    higher cognitive abilities among the Chinese students, poses a potential problem in terms of

    sample comparability and the generalizability of the results presented above. Since higher

    intelligence has been positively related to higher moral reasoning (Eisenberg, 1979; Hanks,

    1985), any findings of greater tolerance on the part ofthe Chinese students may be interpreted

    as resulting from their superior cognitive skills relative to the American and Japanese

    students. Our results, however, show just the opposite: in the vast majority of situations, a

    higher percentage of Chinese than American and Japanese students were found to be

    intolerant. We do not, therefore, believe that sampling bias has significantly affected the

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    CRYSTAL WATANABE

    findings we have presented. Nevertheless, future studies should seek to obtain either more

    academically comparable samples, or measures of intelligence that may be controlled for in

    the statistical analysis.

    Although considerably more cross-national research is needed, several practical implica-

    tions for American culture emerge from these initial findings. First, the relative intolerance

    of American children toward slow learners in the classroom suggests that we may want to

    examine once again our educational policies regarding the segregation and labelling of

    students with learning disabilities. Already by fifth grade, American children seem to be

    exhibiting a kind of academic elitism that may contribute to the development of other kinds

    of discriminatory and intolerant attitudes as well. Second, in a related vein, the intolerant

    reactions shown by one fifth of the American students toward the poor child indicate that

    further education about the plight of the economically disadvantaged, regardless of race or

    ethnicity, may be advisable.

    In summary, the present study represents an attempt to measure developmental variations

    in intolerance of human differences among diverse cultures. The results indicate that broad

    cultural dichotomies, such as collectivist versus individualist, or homogeneous versus

    heterogeneous, are insufficient to predict how intolerance will manifest itself within a given

    population. The clearly context-dependent nature of the intolerant reactions of the children

    in our sample is consistent with the findings of other studies (Sigelman Toebben, 1992).

    In the future, identifying key contextual cues of intolerant responses, and relating these cues

    to specific cultural values held by individual students and their parents, may deepen our

    understanding of how diverse societies socialize children to interact with individuals who

    do not fit the norm.

    Acknowledgment:

    The authors wish to thank Dr. Arthur Kirsch for his generous help with

    the statistical conceptualization of the paper.

    APPENDIX

    Demographic Characteristics of the American, Japanese, and Chinese Samples

    U.S.

    Japan China

    N = 266 N=466 N = 232

    Grades

    5th 6th 11th 5th 6th

    11th

    5th 6th

    11th

    Age

    10.7 13.8 16.9 10.7

    13.6 16.6 11.7 13.6

    16.3

    Sex

    fv

    48 44 42 74

    76

    50 40 37

    41

    Girls

    45 45 42 78

    77

    53 40 35

    39

    Mothers education

    12.9 11.9 11.9 13.5

    13.4 12.0 10.6 10.1

    10.6

    Adults in home

    2.2 2.1 2.7 2.3

    2.2

    2.3 2.1 2.3

    2.5

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