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TEXTUALTRANSMISSION

ANDAUTHORSHIP INCAROLINGIAN EUROPE:

PRIMOPAGANUS, BAPTISM,

ANDALCUINOFYORK1

Fraught with danger are arguments about the authorship of

anonymous early medieval texts. Nevertheless, in this article, I

attempt to make just such an argument. In 798, Alcuin of York, a

chief architect of the Carolingian Renewal, dispatched two letters

treating the subject of baptism, one to a priest named Oduinus and

another to a group of monks in Septimania.2 Both letters contain the

same explanation for the order of baptismal ceremonies with spiritual

interpretations of each ceremony. Identified by its opening words,

Primo paganus was the most copied and cited commentary on

1. I would like to thank Maximilian Diesenberger, Christopher Drew Jones, andThomas F.X. Noble for commenting on drafts of this paper. Their always carefuland judicious advice alerted me to many weaknesses in my argument. Any errors thatremain are mine alone. I would like to thank Mary Kelley, whose kindnesses to ayoung scholar will not soon be forgotten. I would also like to thank Michael Lapidge,without whose reckless generosity this paper would never have been written.2. The two letters, numbered 134 and 137, are printed in MGH Epp. IV, 202-203,

210-216. A new edition of Ep. 134 appears as Text 9 in Susan Keefe, Water and theWord : Baptism and the Education of the Clergy in the Carolingian Empire. Volume 2(Notre Dame : University of Notre Dame Press, 2002) 238-245. Alcuin's key role inthe Carolingian Renewal is well-explored see : Donald Bullough, Alcuin : Achieve-ment and Reputation (Boston : Brill, 2004). Important earlier works include EleanorShipley Duckett, Alcuin, Friend of Charlemagne : His World and his Work (NewYork : MacMillan, 1951); Arthur Jean Kleinclausz, Alcuin (Paris : Les BellesLettres, 1948); and C.J.B. Gaskoin, Alcuin : His Life and Work (New York : Russelland Russell, 1904). Important contributions on Alcuin's influence on Carolingian the-ology and liturgy are John C. Cavadini, The Last Christology of the West : Adoption-ism in Spain and Gaul, 785-820 (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press,1993) esp. 71-88; Donald Bullough, ��Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven : Liturgy,Theology, and the Carolingian Age,'' in Carolingian Essays : Andrew W. Mellon Lec-tures in Early Christian Studies. Ed. Uta-Renate Blumenthal (Washington, D.C. :Catholic University of America Press, 1983) 1-69; John Marenbon, From the Schoolof Alcuin to the Circle of Auxerre : Logic, Theology and Philosophy in the Early MiddleAges (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1981); and Gerald Ellard, MasterAlcuin, Liturgist (Chicago : Loyola University Press, 1956).

baptism under the Carolingians. In addition, at least thirteen other

ninth-century commentaries on baptism incorporate Primo paganus

into larger explanations of the rite of baptism.3 Despite the immense

popularity of the text, and � I believe � at least partially because of

it, uncertainty remains over the nature of Alcuin's relationship to

Primo paganus.4 Three possibilities exist. First, Alcuin incorporated

an old commentary on baptism into his own work and circulated it

widely. Second, Alcuin was one of many Carolingian authors who

made independent use of an old commentary on baptism. Third,

Alcuin composed this commentary and circulated it widely. The third

case is the most likely. As I will show, both the way Primo paganus

was crafted and the way it was inscribed into manuscripts across the

ninth century suggest that Alcuin of York composed it and distributed

it through his widespread and influential network of contacts across

the Frankish world. Moreover, internal textual evidence militates

against the first possibility, and manuscript evidence makes the

second possibility extremely unlikely.

Pursuit of Primo paganus's author offers two scholarly rewards, one

general and one more specific. On a general level, it sheds new light on

a vexing question : can wide circulation and citation of a work obscure

the author? On a more specific level, this pursuit illuminates the

genealogy of a key text in Carolingian intellectual and political

history. Baptism was a vital topic for Carolingian thinkers who

O. M. PHELAN 263

3. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 1, 80.4. Most recently, Donald Bullough acknowledges this problem in his magisterial

treatment of Alcuin; however, he does not offer a solution. See : Bullough, Alcuin :Achievement and Reputation, 213. Authorship per se remains a problematic area forscholars of the early middle ages. Some examples of the technical problems are dis-cussed by Paul Meyvaert, ��Medieval Notions of Publication : The ��Unpublished''Opus Caroli regis contra synodum and the Council of Frankfort (794)'' The Journal ofMedieval Latin 12 (2002) 78-89; Martin Irvine, The Making of Textual Culture �Gram-matica' and Literary Theory, 350-1100 (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1994)1-22; Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory : A Study in Medieval Culture (Cam-bridge : Cambridge University Press, 1990) 189-220; M.D. Chenu, ��Auctor, Actor,Autor'' Bulletin du Cange : Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 3 (1927) 81-86. Examplesof practical problems, which have vexed Carolingianists, embrace enigmatic authorssuch as Amalarius of Metz, burning theological issues such as iconoclasm, and sweep-ing liturgical efforts such as the supplement to the Gregorian Sacramentary. On Ama-larius of Metz see the introduction in Amalarii episcope opera liturgica omnia. Ed.J.-M. Hanssens. 3 Volumes (Citta del Vaticano : Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,1948-1950) I : 39-224. On a Carolingian response to iconoclasm, the Opus caroli regis,see the introduction in Opus caroli regis contra synodum (Libri carolini). Ed. AnnFreeman (Hannover : Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1998) 12-23. On the supplement tothe Hadrianum see the introductory essays in Le Sacramentaire Gregorien. Ses princi-pales formes d'apres les plus anciens manuscrits. Ed. Jean Deshusses. 3 Volumes (Fri-bourg : Editions Universitaires, 1979-1982) I : 62-70, III : 65-75.

worked to establish a Christian European Empire. Recognition of

Alcuin's hand behind this text centralizes our view of a Carolingian

program of baptism. Instead of several independent lines of reflection

on baptism, which all happen to draw on the same material, an

Alcuinian impulse may be observed driving a cascade of reflections on

the sacrament. The text's wide circulation and influence then

ultimately points to the effectiveness of Carolingian reform initiatives

launched by Alcuin and coordinated through his colleagues across the

Frankish world.

This essay consists of four movements. First, I will introduce Primo

paganus and survey arguments concerning its composition and

transmission to highlight how scholarly emphasis on sources has led to

a tenuous disposition against Alcuin's authorship. Second, I will

evaluate the different pieces of the text and argue that careful editing

of borrowed material reflects Alcuin's distinctive approach to baptism.

Third, I will analyze the manuscript dispersion of Primo paganus and

demonstrate that people familiar with it in the early ninth century

likely knew the text from Alcuin's letters. Fourth, I will examine

ninth-century manuscripts containing copies of Primo paganus not in

the letter form given by Alcuin to show that they were likely drawn

from Alcuin's letters and not from an independently circulating copy

of the text.

Primo paganus treats more than baptism. It presents as instructional

moments the activities leading up to baptism, the event of baptism

itself, and post-baptismal activities. The explanations given in Primo

paganus for the rite's order of events highlight three themes for the

process of Christian formation. First, the catechumen renounces the

devil and embraces the Christian God. The text begins by describing

rituals that define the catechumen, including exorcism and reception

of the Symbol, or Creed. Several anointings and scrutinies follow

before he is admitted to baptism. Second, the catechumen learns the

moral responsibilities of Christianity. After a baptism by triple

immersion, the priest clothes the new Christian in white robes that

symbolize his new pure moral state. Third, the new Christian

participates fully in a community in which he has both responsibilities

and privileges. Primo paganus mentions two post-baptismal anointings,

one by the baptizing priest and another by the local bishop, which

strengthen the new Christian for service to others. The rite of baptism

REVUE BENEDICTINE264

then concludes with the reception of the Eucharist at Mass,

emphasizing the new Christian's incorporation into the Body of Christ.

Primo paganus is not wholly original. Some of the text is drawn

from a letter of John the Deacon to a certain Senarius dealing with

the rite of baptism as practiced in sixth-century Rome.5 John worked

in Rome during the sixth century and may have been elected Pope

John I (523-26).6 Scholarly interest in Primo paganus has focused on

the presence of material from John the Deacon, specifically on how

such material demonstrates Roman influence on Carolingian liturgy.

Selections are also drawn from a Pseudo-Augustinian sermon.7 In

characteristically Carolingian fashion, the material from John the

Deacon and the material from Ps.-Augustine were deliberately edited

with phrases from each juxtaposed to create new sentences � and a

new text � from the borrowed words.

In 1933, Andre Wilmart suggested that Alcuin likely wrote Primo

paganus. Wilmart, who identified John the Deacon as an important

source behind the text, argued that Alcuin did not draw on John's

full letter; rather, he redacted a florilegium containing selections from

it. Wilmart included an example of the kind of text he believed Alcuin

used. He edited an edition of a florilegium in Biblioteca Apostolica

Vaticana Reg. Lat. 69, fols. 116-122, that contains much of the

information in Alcuin's brief text, though elaborated on and

interspersed with material from other patristic figures such as Cyprian

and Isidore.8 The manuscript, presently 130 folios, was written during

the eleventh century, perhaps at Angers.9 It is primarily a collection of

Alcuin's letters, which occupy the first 88 folios. The final 42 folios are

O. M. PHELAN 265

RB 15

5. The text of the letter is printed in PL 59.0399C-0408A and in Andre Wilmart,��Un florilege carolingien sur le symbolisme des ceremonies du bapte� me, avec un Ap-pendice sur la lettre de Jean Diacre'' Analecta reginensia. Studi e testi 59 (1933) 153-179, at 170-179.6. The connection between John the Deacon and Pope John is argued in Friedrich

Stegmuller, ��Bischof Angilmodus uber die Taufe : Ein Beitrag zur spatkarolingi-schen Tauftheologie'' in Romische Quartalschrift fur die christliche Altertumskunde undfur Kirchengeschichte 52 (1957) 13-32, at 14. Kelly mentions only that John was anelderly deacon when elected Pontiff. J.N.D. Kelly, The Oxford Dictionary of Popes(New York : Oxford University Press, 1986) 54.7. PL 47.1151A-1152C. The text is acknowledged as spurious in Clavis Patristica

Pseudepigraphorum Medii Aevi. Volume 1 (Turnhout : Brepols, 1990) 273-274.8. Wilmart, ��Un florilege carolingien,'' 157-170. Keefe re-edits this text using the

Vatican manuscript among others in Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 184-197.9. Hubert Mordek, Bibliotheca capitularium regum Francorum manuscripta. Uberlie-

ferung und Traditionszusammenhang der frankischen Herrschererlasse (Munchen : Monu-menta Germaniae Historica, 1995) 805-807. Importantly, Keefe identifies themanuscript as from the late ninth century, perhaps from Tours. Keefe, Water andthe Word. Volume 2, 104. Wilmart identifies the manuscript as a ninth or tenth cen-

a mix of materials, featuring florilegia drawn from authors such as

Gregory the Great, Isidore of Seville, and Alcuin.

In 1978, Jean-Paul Bouhot mapped the geography of Carolingian

baptismal commentaries. Upon noticing that Odilbert of Milan's

response to Charlemagne's circular letter on baptism from 811/812

included material from Primo paganus, he subjected the text to

vigorous scrutiny.10 He noted several tenth-century and later

manuscripts that contain this text, Primo paganus, as a small treatise

under the name Ratio de sacro baptismate, neither in a letter form, nor

attributed to Alcuin.11 He concluded that it was unlikely that Alcuin

wrote this text. Bouhot went on to suggest that the material from

John the Deacon must have worked itself through the eighth and

ninth centuries in at least three distinct florilegia : the florilegium he

suspected that Odilbert used, the florilegium edited by Wilmart in the

aforementioned article, and another florilegium first identified and

edited by Amelli.12 While all three florilegia contain citations from

John the Deacon, none contain material from Ps.-Augustine.

In 1983, Bouhot returned to Primo paganus in an article further

refining where he thought the text stood in relation to other

discussions of baptism from the end of the eighth through the middle

of the ninth century.13 He presented a stemma, based on his earlier

article and incorporating some new material. The stemma identifies

seven theoretical florilegia containing the work of John the Deacon

on which different Carolingian authors depended for their citations. 14


tury work. Andre Wilmart, Codices Reginenses Latini. Tomus I. Codices 1-250. (Cittadel Vaticano : Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1937) 152.10. For more on the letter of Odilbert and its transmission see : Friedrich Wie-

gand, Erzbischof Odilbert von Mailand uber die Taufe. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte derTaufliturgie im Zeitalters Karls des Grossen. Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie undder Kirche, IV (Leipzig : Dieterich, 1899) 27-37.11. Jean-Paul Bouhot, ��Explications du rituel baptismal a l'epoque carolingienne''

Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 24 (1978) 281. Manuscripts mentioned include Bam-

berg, Staatliche Bibliothek, Lit. 131 (A.II.53), 10thC, fols. 144v-145v; Munich, Baye-rische Staatsbibliothek Clm. 14581, early 12thC, fols. 107v-108; Vatican, BibliotecaApostolica Vaticana, Lat. 1146, fol. 66r; 1147, fols. 72v-73; 1148, fols. 70v-71;Vienne, Nationalbibliothek 914, fol. 99rv.12. Ambrogio M. Amelli, Specilegium complectens analecta sacra et profana, t. 1

(Mont-Cassin, 1888) 337-341. The text is reprinted in Keefe, Water and the Word.Volume 2, 171-183. Like the other florilegia, Amelli's find contains excerpts concern-ing baptism from numerous patristic individuals including John the Deacon. BothBouhot and Keefe agree that this last florilegium is somehow related to the one editedby Wilmart, due to a shared title and identical quotations from Isidore of Seville andJohn the Deacon.13. Jean-Paul Bouhot, ��Un florilege sur le symbolisme du bapte� me de la seconde

moitie du viiie siecle'' Recherches Augustiniennes 18 (1983) 151-182.

14. Bouhot, ��Un florilege,'' 152.

The compilers of several of the florilegia, especially the later ones,

remain anonymous. The earlier florilegia exist in works by known

authors. In addition to Alcuin's letters, evidence of John the Deacon

survives in Charlemagne's encyclical letter on baptism, the reply of

Odilbert of Milan, another reply to the encyclical letter emanating

from the circle of Arn, and a later work by Angilmodus of Soissons. 15

Many other works could be added to Bouhot's list. Other early ninth-

century letters connected to Charlemagne's encyclical clearly refer to

John's letter, for example letters written by Magnus of Sens and Jesse

of Amiens.16 Still others throughout the ninth century cited the Letter

to Senarius in influential works, for example, Hrabanus Maurus and

Hincmar of Rheims.17 As before, Bouhot's central interest is John the

Deacon, and it is material from John the Deacon that holds the

stemma together. No mention is made of Ps.-Augustine.

In her 2002 books on Carolingian baptism, Susan Keefe again

scrutinized Primo paganus. She set her comments against a backdrop

of the healthy Carolingian commerce in florilegia. 18 Her primary

interest was in the different orders given to the events of baptism.

She noted that the order of the events in the texts citing John the

Deacon often did not match John's order. Her attention to Primo

paganus was focused only on how it compared to and contrasted with

John's original letter. Among the variations she discussed is the order

of events in Primo paganus itself, which removed rites that John the

Deacon included (such as touching the feet) and the addition of others

(such as anointing the shoulders). Importantly, she identified these

changes in Primo paganus as consistent with the rite of baptism

O. M. PHELAN 267

15. Charlemagne's letter is printed in Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 261-263. The reply from the circle of Arn is printed in Keefe, Water and the Word. 2, 480-488. Angilmodus' text De ordine scrutinii is presented in Stegmuller, ��Bischof Angil-modus,'' 13-32. For more discussion see : Glenn C.J. Beyer, Charlemagne and Bap-tism : A Study of Responses to the Circular Letter of 811/812 (San Francisco :International Scholars Press, 1999); Bouhot, ��Explications'' 285. Previous editionsof ��the text from the circle of Arn'' are printed in Andrew Ewbank Burn, ��NeueText zur Geschichte des apostolischen Symbols'' Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte 25(1904) 149-154; and in Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Caro-lingian Reforms, 789-895 (London : Royal Historical Society, 1977) 213.16. Magnus of Sens' reply to Charlemagne's encyclical is printed in Keefe, Water

and the Word. Volume 2, 265-271. Jesse of Amiens letter concerning baptism is printedin Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 405-428.17. Hrabanus cites Primo paganus, in De institutione clericorum. Hrabanus Maurus,

De institutione clericorum libri tres. Detlev Zimpel (ed.) (Frankfurt am Main : PeterLang, 1996) 320-324. A letter to the priests of Rheims attributed to Hincmar alsocites the work. PL 126.0106A-0106D.18. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 1, 80.

known from the liturgical manuscripts of early medieval Tours. 19 Keefe

concluded that Primo paganus was based on the work of John the

Deacon. While she allowed for the possibility that Alcuin himself

composed the text, she did not find her analysis of the order of

events persuasive enough to make a definitive claim.

John the Deacon's Letter to Senarius has become the standard

against which Primo paganus' content has been studied and the

context within which Primo paganus' transmission has been tracked.

This line of analysis, in combination with the text's popularity, has

obscured Alcuin's authorship. In the next section, I will focus on the

liturgy of medieval Tours and the presence of Ps.-Augustine as

essential elements for a revised analysis of the text's composition and

transmission.

While there is no doubt that some material from the sixth-century

letter of John the Deacon appears in Primo paganus, a preponderance

of evidence suggests that Alcuin crafted the text. First, the internal

features of the Primo paganus reflect Alcuin's perspective on the

sacrament of baptism. Second, occurrences of Primo paganus in the

ninth century flow from Alcuin and not from another line of

transmission. Clear evidence is not just the presence of material from

John the Deacon, but deliberately edited material from John the

Deacon juxtaposed with equally deliberately edited material from Ps.-

Augustine. Citations from John the Deacon furnish vocabulary for

Primo paganus, but neither its organization nor its theology. All of

the quotations from the Letter to Senarius occur in the first third of

Primo paganus, and not all of these quotations reflect an integration

of John's ideas. Primo paganus, considered in its entirety, reflects

careful construction by an individual who had Alcuin's concerns about

baptism both in terms of ritual structure and theological emphases.

In any analysis of Carolingian writing, the words of the text are

important; however, just as important is the text's shape and context.

Carolingian authors commonly wove received texts into their writings.

Composition through careful compiling and editing of older works

marks many of Alcuin's most celebrated works. For example, his

widely circulated commentary on the Gospel of John borrows


19. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 1, 83-84. Keefe refers to work done byJean Deshusses, Le Sacramentaire Gregorien, ses principales formes d'apres les plus an-ciens manuscrits, III : 108-109. Specilegium Friburgense 28 (Fribourg : Editions Uni-versitaires Fribourg Suisse, 1982).

substantially from Augustine's work on the same Gospel. Similarly, his

work on the Trinity uses generous selections from Augustine, as well as

from Fulgentius of Ruspe. John Cavadini's characterization of this

method captures the challenge to scholars studying Carolingian

writers : ��The result [of Alcuin's work] at its best had an appeal not

unlike the patchwork quilt which has a unity and charism all its own

even though it is cut predominantly from pieces which were not

themselves the work of those designing the quilt.'' 20 One sees this

approach to composition among many Carolingians. For example, a

cursory glance at the impressive corpus of Hrabanus Maurus' output

finds little ��original work''. 21

The ordering of baptismal ceremonies in Primo paganus shares

features with the work of John the Deacon, and when one's interest is

in John specifically, these features may seem decisive. However, closer

analysis shows � as Keefe remarked � that the rite described in

Primo paganus more closely reflects the Tours liturgy familiar to

Alcuin than it does the Roman liturgy known to John. Keefe pointed

out that Primo paganus excludes several key events from John's

letter : pre-baptismal catechesis, multiple hand-layings, several

blessings, touching of the ears, and touching of the feet. Moreover,

Primo paganus includes events not mentioned in the Letter to

Senarius : anointing of the shoulders and confirmation. That the order

of events in Primo paganus agrees with the description of baptism in

the Sacramentary of St. Martin of Tours suggests that the underlying

O. M. PHELAN 269

20. John Cavadini, ��The Sources and Theology of Alcuin's �De fide sanctae et in-dividuae trinitatis''' Traditio 46 (1991) 123. For another example of Alcuin adoptingthis approach to composition, John C. Cavadini ��A Carolingian Hilary'' The Study ofthe Bible in the Carolingian Era. Ed. Celia Chazelle and Burton Van Name Ed-

wards (Turnhout : Brepols, 2003) 133-140. Older scholarship has tended toward anegative appraisal of Alcuin's efforts, Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in theMiddle Ages (Notre Dame : University of Notre Dame Press, 1964) 37-38.21. The derivative nature of Carolingian writing has long been acknowledged. For

Hrabanus Maurus one can easily find pessimistic conclusions : ��Auch in diesen zahl-reichen und umfangreichen Schriften ist er vollig unselbstandig, sie sind fast enfachePlagiate aus den Werken der Kirchenvater bis auf Isidor und Beda.'' Max Manitius,Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters. Erster Teil : Von Justinian bis zurMitte des zehnten Jahrhunderts (Munchen : C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1911)290. Optimistic appraisals can also be found : ��An extreme form of indebtedness con-fronts us in the commentaries of Hrabanus; for they are made up of extracts of vary-ing length from other writers. Still, though his own additions form a small part of thewhole, he fused the combined material so well that his exegetical works are true com-mentaries and not mere collectanea.'' M.L.W. Laistner, Thought and Letters in WesternEurope AD 500 to 900. 2nd Edition (London : Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1957) 301.

structure behind Primo paganus is the liturgy of Tours.22 For example,

in both Primo paganus and the Sacramentary of Tours sufflation and

exorcism occur before the delivery of salt. This is not the case in

John's letter. The Sacramentary of Tours is one of only a few

medieval liturgies where a touching of the nose is mentioned without

a touching of the ears, as in Primo paganus. Again, this is not the case

in John's letter.

Primo paganus not only rehearses the order of the baptismal liturgy,

but also comments on each event of the liturgy. And the commentary

reflects the experience and concerns of Alcuin of York, not John the

Deacon. For example, both texts mention that the breast is anointed

with oil.23 However, each text assigns a different significance to the

action. In the Letter to Senarius, the anointing happens ��so that they

[the catechumens] understand that they ought to promise with a firm

conscience and a pure heart that, with the devil left behind, they now

pursue the commands of Christ.'' 24 In Primo paganus, the anointing

occurs ��so that by the sign of the holy cross an entrance for the devil

is closed.'' 25 The focus of John the Deacon is on a moral implication of

anointing. John includes the devil almost as an afterthought to his

main concern of pursing the commands of Christ with a firm

conscience and pure heart. Primo paganus accents the devil, placing

the rite's emphasis on the power of the cross to bar him.

The explanation of John the Deacon violates Alcuin's approach to

the sacrament of baptism. In this early part of the baptismal rite, the

author of Primo paganus agreed with the order proposed by John the

Deacon, but he could not agree with the meaning. In three letters from

the year 796, Alcuin outlined a theory of missionary activity centered

on baptism. The issue of Christian conversion was a burning one for

Alcuin both because of the many problems experienced by Carolin-

gians among the Saxons and because a program was just beginning


22. Tours, Bibl. Mun. 184 and Paris, BNF lat. 9430. Again see : Keefe, Waterand the Word. Volume 1, 83-84, and Deshusses, Le Sacramentaire Gregorien, III : 108-109.23. For Primo paganus see : Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 202, 214 and Keefe,

Water and the Word. Volume 2, 243. For John the Deacon see : PL 59.0403A andWilmart, ��Un florilege carolingien,'' 174.24. PL 59.0403A and Wilmart, ��Un florilege carolingien,'' 174. ��ut intellegant fir-

ma se conscientia et puro corde debere promittere quod iam relicto diabolo Christi mandatasectantur.''25. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 202, 214 and Keefe, Water and the Word. Vol-

ume 1, 243. ��ut signo sanctae crucis diabolo clauditur ingressus.''

among the recently conquered Avars in central Europe.26 He

developed a three-fold theory. First, he advocated instruction in the

Christian faith. Second, he required people to undergo baptism. Third,

he expected people to learn the moral precepts of Christianity. 27

Because Alcuin desired moral instruction to occur after the washing

of baptism, the anointing � which occurred before the washing of

baptism � was not an appropriate place for moral instruction in his

view.

Alcuin's own agenda reveals itself in his discussion of baptism. In

the Letter to Senarius, John promoted triple immersion baptism

because it recalled the three days between Jesus' death and

resurrection. John wrote that baptism ��is completed by triple

immersion; and rightly for the one who is to be baptized approaches

in the name of the Trinity � so of course that very Trinity is

symbolized by the triple immersion � and acknowledges that he is a

debtor for his blessings, who on the third day rose for him from the

dead.'' 28 John's exegesis of the rite of baptism mentions the Trinity,

but focuses on the Paschal mystery, the death and resurrection of

Jesus. The new christian is a debtor to the one who rose from the

dead on the third day.

Primo paganus again reflects John the Deacon's description of the

mechanics of baptism by mentioning the importance of triple

immersion, but � also again � changes the significance of the triple

immersion in a manner that better matches Alcuin's specific concerns,

specifically the challenges posed by Spanish Adoptionism to Trinitarian

theology. Triple immersion, for Alcuin, symbolizes right belief in the

Trinity with respect both to the power of baptism and to the effect. 29

O. M. PHELAN 271

26. For a general treatment of Carolingian missionary activity see : RichardFletcher, The Barbarian Conversion : From Paganism to Christianity (New York :Henry Holt and Co., 1998) 213-222. For a more specific treatment of the Avar con-quest see : Walter Pohl, Die Awaren : Ein Steppenvolk im Mitteleuropa, 567-822 n.Chr. (Munich : Beck, 1988) 308-322.27. For a discussion of the letters and their content see : Owen Phelan, ��The For-

mation of Christian Europe : Baptism under the Carolingians'' (Ph.D diss., Universityof Notre Dame, 2005), 121-126.28. PL 59.0403B and Wilmart, ��Un florilege carolingien,'' 174. ��... trina demer-

sione perficitur; et recte. Nam qui in nomine trinitatis baptizandus accedit, ipsam utiquetrinitatem trina debet mersione signari, et illius se agnoscere benediciis debitorem qui tertiapro eo die resurrexit a mortuis.''29. Baptism was a key element in Alcuin's anti-Adoptionist polemics. For example,

he uses the image in his Seven Books Against Felix, see : PL 101.0151B-0151C. Healso focuses on baptism in his work On the Trinity, see : PL 101.0049A-0050A. For abrief overview of the Adoptionist Controversy see : David Ganz, ��Theology and theOrganization of Thought'' in New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume 2. c.700-c.900.

Primo paganus reads ��and thus by the invocation of the holy Trinity

he is baptized by triple immersion. And rightly man, who was created

in the image of the Holy Trinity, through the invocation of the Holy

Trinity is renewed in the same image. And he who fell into death by

the third grade of sin, that is by consent, having been lifted from the

font three times, is restored to life through grace.'' 30 Alcuin's

explanation of triple immersion baptism is drawn from a sermon

ascribed spuriously to Augustine of Hippo.31 Further, the sermon's

sentiments match the rationale Alcuin espoused against the Spanish

Adoptionists in the rest of his letter to the monks of Septimania. 32

Ps.-Augustine wrote, ��we who were made in the image of the holy

Trinity, baptized by triple immersion through the invocation of the

same holy Trinity, are renewed to the same image. And we who fall

by the third sin, that is in unjust thought, in the love of the flesh by

consent to the works of malice, having been lifted from the font three

times, with the remission of all sins ordered, through the grace of

Christ we rise to life just as he himself rose on the third day.'' 33

Alcuin's editing hand can be seen even more clearly when Primo

paganus's explanation of baptism is set into the context of Alcuin's

letters. It is important to note that two of Alcuin's letters contain

Primo paganus. The letter to Oduinus contains little more than a

salutation before launching into and concluding with Primo paganus.

The letter to the monks of Septimania includes Primo paganus in the

midst of a much larger critique of Spanish Adoptionism. In the context

of this second letter, the interpretive choices of Primo paganus mirror

Alcuin's specific concerns about Adoptionism. The deliberate

juxtaposition of lines from John the Deacon and lines from Ps.-

Augustine form an interpretation of triple immersion baptism that


Ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1995) 758-785.30. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 202 and 214. Keefe, Water and the Word. Vol-

ume 2, 243-244. ��et sic in nomine sanctae trinitatis trina submersione baptizatur. et rectehomo qui ad imaginem sanctae trinitatis conditus est, per invocationem sanctae trinitatisad eandem renovatur imaginem, et qui tertio gradu peccati, id est consensu, cecidit inmortem, tertio elevatus de fonte, per gratiam resurgat ad vitam.''31. PL 47.1151A-1152C.32. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 210-216.33. PL 47.1151B. ��Nos qui ad imaginem sanctae Trinitatis conditi sumus, trina sub-

mersione baptizati per invocationem ejusdem sanctae Trinitatis, ad eamdem renovamurimaginem. Et qui trino peccato maxime decidimus in mortem, idest in cogitatione iniqua,in dilectatione carnis consensu operum malorum, tertio elevati de fonte, remissione om-nium peccatorum precepta [percepta], per Christi gratiam, sicut ipse tertia die resurrexit,nos resurgamus ad vitam.''

highlights Trinitarian symbolism and points toward Alcuin's

authorship.

Similar instances of modification and dependence on Ps.-Augustine

can be easily multiplied. Each instance underscores Primo paganus's

compatibility with Alcuin's position versus Spanish Adoptionism. For

example, in the letter to the monks of Septimania, Alcuin identifies

three kinds of sins and relates them to the necessity of triple

immersion baptism. ��For original sin was done in three ways : in

delight, in consent, and in action. Accordingly, because every sin is

done either by delight or by consent or by action, a triple washing

seems to be appropriate for the three kinds of sins.'' 34 Alcuin provides

a frame for the comments he draws from Ps.-Augustine as he edits and

alters the words for inclusion in his own explanation of the significance

of baptism. Ps.-Augustine wrote about those who ��fall by the third sin,

that is in unjust thought.'' 35 In Primo paganus this phrase is adjusted

to match Alcuin's categories by identifying those who ��fell into death

by the third grade of sin, that is by consent.'' 36

The baptismal order and the theological content of Primo paganus

point to composition by Alcuin of York. All of the borrowed material

in Primo paganus was editorially adjusted in order to fit within a

baptismal program advocated by Alcuin. The distinctive elements of

ritual structure are those employed by the church at Tours, where

from 796 Alcuin was abbot of the famous monastery of St. Martin.

These adjustments are consistent with the terminology and

perspective offered by Alcuin throughout the rest of his writings.

Moreover, the distinctive elements of the content of Primo paganus

match the concerns held by Alcuin in the final decade of the eighth

century.

Beyond the specific content and epistolary context of Primo

paganus, the manuscript evidence, where it exists, suggests that ninth

century authors with access to the text received their information from

Alcuin and not from various hypothetical florilegia. At this point, it is

crucial to separate the transmission of information contained in John

O. M. PHELAN 273

34. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 214. ��Nam originale peccatum tribus modis ac-tum est : delectatione consensu et opere. Itaque, quia omne peccatum aut delectatione autconsensu aut operatione efficitur, ideo triplici generi peccatorum trina videtur ablutio con-venire.''35. See note 33.36. See note 30.

the Deacon's Letter to Senarius from Primo paganus. This can be done

by using the material from Ps.-Augustine as a point of comparison. A

notable � but explainable � exception is Charlemagne's encyclical

questionnaire on baptism circulated in 811/812, which contains no

references to Ps.-Augustine. This encyclical is significant because after

Alcuin's letters, dated by Dummler to 798, the next identified person

to cite Primo paganus is Charlemagne. The emperor's questionnaire on

baptism uses the language and ritual events of Alcuin's letter to

inquire with the metropolitan bishops of the empire about the

practice of baptism across the Carolingian world. Two problems arise.

First, the questionnaire does not contain lengthy extracts from Primo

paganus, either from sections derived from John the Deacon or from

sections related to Ps.-Augustine. Second, the order of events in the

encyclical does not strictly match the order given by John the

Deacon or Primo paganus. Because the letter asks about the

explanation for each event in the baptismal rite, it does not include

explanations with the questions. Furthermore, because the letter is

focused on the explanations, the order of questions is shuffled to

privilege teaching moments such as scrutinies and the handing on of

the Symbol, or Creed.37 Alcuin's connection to Charlemagne is clear

and uncontested. He was a leading intellectual at Charlemagne's court

during the final decades of the eighth century. Even after Alcuin

retired from court in 796, he remained an avid letter-writer until his

death in 804. It is difficult to imagine that Charlemagne would not be

familiar with Alcuin's thinking on a topic as important as baptism. In

fact, we know that Alcuin wrote to Charlemagne specifically about

baptism on at least one occasion, during which he implored the king

to eschew force and use persuasion and catechesis to Christianize the

Avars.38

Some Carolingian authors knew material from John the Deacon

from sources other than Primo paganus. The absence of material from

Ps.-Augustine helps us identify these texts. For example, Archbishop

Odilbert of Milan used a florilegium with citations of John the

Deacon, but which did not depend on Primo paganus.39 Even if


37. For more about the continuity between Primo paganus and the encyclical lettersee : Phelan, ��Formation of Christian Europe,'' 168-178.38. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Ep. IV, 157-159.39. Susan A. Keefe, ��The Claim of Authorship in Carolingian Baptismal Exposi-

tions : The Case of Odilbert of Milan'', in H. Fuhrmann (ed.), Falschungen im Mittel-alter, Teil V. MGH Schriften, Bd. 33, V (Hannover : Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1988)385-401.

manuscript discoveries had not made this clear, the comments on triple

immersion baptism would have proven decisive. The florilegium used

by Odilbert of Milan preserves the baptismal interpretation of John

the Deacon, noting that ��for the one who is to be baptized

approaches in the name of the Trinity � so of course that very same

Trinity is symbolized by the triple immersion � and acknowledges

that he is a debtor for his blessings, who on the third day rose for

him from the dead.'' 40

Of the other texts from the early ninth century whose authors are

identified and that cite John the Deacon, all are responses to

Charlemagne's encyclical letter. There are strong contextual and

paleographical reasons to think that each of these responses cite

Primo paganus because of Alcuin. Throughout the final decades of the

eighth century, Alcuin labored to impress his theological perspective on

the Carolingian intellectual world. He trained many influential clerical

leaders and corresponded with them frequently. This circle of contacts

kept Alcuin's writings and ideas in wide circulation during the early

ninth century. Bouhot identified one text citing Primo paganus as

originating from the circle of Arn of Salzburg.41 In fact, two related

commentaries on the order of baptism survive from early ninth-

century Bavaria. A variety of interpretations have been put forward

concerning their exact origins.42 Important for the purposes of this

article are that the texts respond to Charlemagne's circular letter.

They include material from Primo paganus, and they trace their

O. M. PHELAN 275

40. The florilegium submitted by Odilbert of Milan is reprinted in Keefe, Waterand the Word. Volume 1, 154-170. ��nam qui in trinitatis nomine baptizandus accedit,ipsam utique trinitatem trina debet demersione signare et illius se cognoscere beneficiisdebitorem qui tertia die pro eo resurrexit a mortuis.''41. Bouhot, ��Un florilege,'' 153, 155. Bouhot believes the text to have been com-

posed by a cleric in Arn's circle for use in Bavaria.42. The texts are printed in Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 467-479 and

480-488. In addition to sharing the text of Primo paganus, the Bavarian commentariesshare an introduction, which consists of selections from Alcuin's letter to Charlemagneon the conversion of the Avars. The order of events for the baptismal liturgy is iden-tical. The primary difference between the texts is that the longer one adopts more anddifferent authorities in expounding on the meaning of the rite. Several scholars haveweighed in on these commentaries. Keefe believes the texts to be instructional pam-phlets modeled on Charlemagne's questionnaire. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume1, 93-94. McKitterick assigns the one of the texts to Freising, arguing it was likelycomposed by Bishop Hitto (811/812-836). McKitterick, The Frankish Church, 212.Gamber thinks the text originated as a missionary handbook composed by Arn. KlausGamber, Niceta von Remesiana, Instructio ad Competentes, Fruhchristlichen Katechesenaus Dacien. Textus Patristici et Liturgici I. (Regensburg : F. Pustet, 1964) 17. Burnargues that the text represents Arn's response to Charlemagne's encyclical letter.Burn, ��Neue Text'', 148-154.

material through Alcuin. Both texts contain the same extended

quotations from Primo paganus, including the material from John the

Deacon, as well as citations from Ps.-Augustine. Moreover, while the

longer commentary contains the same quotations from Primo paganus

as the shorter one, the longer commentary prefaces each quotation

with either ��Alcuin in his letter'' or ��And just as master Alcuin said.'' 43

A surviving manuscript connection also connects these baptismal

commentaries to Alcuin. Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek 795

was assembled around the year 798 and belonged to Alcuin's friend

and bishop of Salzburg, Arn.44 The manuscript, much of which was

written by monks at Arn's previous post at St. Amand, was most

likely put together in Salzburg under Arn's supervision.45 It contains a

variety of materials connected to Arn and his mission in Bavaria. The

manuscript includes letters to Arn from Alcuin and Angilbert, biblical

commentary, treatises by Alcuin, various alphabets, and topographical

texts. Among the letters of Alcuin contained in ONB 795 is Alcuin's

letter to the monks of Septimania. The manuscript's compiler

designed it to focus the reader's attention on baptism, specifically on

how to prepare people for the sacrament. This focus makes sense in a

missionary area like Salzburg. The first item in the manuscript is

Alcuin's letter to Arn from 796 on bringing the Avars to the faith. 46

The second item is a letter from Alcuin offering condolence to an

unnamed friend, argued by some to be Arn, in which Alcuin takes a

moment to reflect on the afterlife and the preparations for death that

must be made in this life.47 After these two letters, the compiler placed


43. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 469. ��Albinus in epistola sua.'' ��Sicut etalbinus magister dixit.''44. Bullough, Alcuin, 44-51. Bernhard Bischoff, Die Sudostdeutschen Schreibschu-

len und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit. Volume 2 (Wiesbaden : Otto Harrassowitz,1980) 115-119. For a thorough discussion of the social context of the manuscript see :Maximilian Diesenberger und Herwig Wolfram, ��Arn und Alkuin 790 bis 804 :zwei Freunde und ihre Schriften'', Erzbishof Arn von Salzburg. Veroffentlichungen desInstituts fur Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung 40. Eds. Meta Niederkorn-Bruck andAnton Scharer (Vienna : R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 2004). Still valuable is the discussionof the manuscript with facsimile in F. Unterkircher, Alkuin-Briefe und andere Trak-tate : Codex Vindobonensis 795 der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Faksimileausgabe(Graz : Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1969). Also see : T. Sickel, ��Alkuin-studien I'' Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-His-torische Klasse 79 (1875) 461-550.45. Bischoff, Schreibschulen II, 117-118. To draw this conclusion, Bischoff identi-

fies the various hands in the manuscript. He also examines notes and correctionsmade throughout the manuscript by the Bavarian scribe Baldo.46. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 163-66.47. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 259-60. See Dummler's introduction and the

comments in Unterkircher, Alkuin-Briefe, 9-39.

Alcuin's De orthographia along with Greek, Runic, and Gothic

alphabets.48 Following the alphabets are several biblical commentaries

on the New Testament and a collection of Alcuin's letters, including

the letter to the monks of Septimania, which treat the topics of

Christian education and baptism.49

Not only the content, but also the order of the texts that form the

bulk of ONB 795 suggests that the justification for, the preparation

for, and the administration of baptism were important considerations

for the one who assembled this manuscript. The first letter announces

a rationale for baptism and for the evangelization of the Avars. The

second letter praises the importance of this pious endeavor for

pastors. Then there is a section on communication, comprised of a

lesson on writing along with the alphabets thought to be useful in a

missionary area like Bavaria. Finally, there are biblical commentaries

and letters on what to communicate and how. The biblical

commentaries contain material on the Christian faith useful for

introducing catechumens to a Christian dogmatic and moral

framework. The collection of Alcuin's letters focusing on Christian

formation includes Primo paganus in the letter to the monks of

Septimania. This focus along with the fact that this manuscript is so

closely connected to Arn make it likely that this manuscript provides

the context for the two Bavarian commentaries. 50

Responses to Charlemagne's encyclical letter also cite John the

Deacon's comments on the baptismal liturgy. For example, Magnus of

Sens submitted a reply to Charlemagne's inquiry.51 While he offered

some additions, omissions, and rearrangements, he tellingly cited both

John the Deacon and Ps.-Augustine as edited in Primo paganus.

Magnus of Sens pushed his rationale for triple immersion baptism to

the front of his letter. Following the salutation, Magnus began a

discussion of baptism that concludes with language echoing the

O. M. PHELAN 277

48. PL 101.0901C-0920A.49. The commentary material includes several passages suitable for meditation on

conversion (e.g., 1 Thess 5:23 ��Let no man deceive you by any means : for unlessthere come a revolt first, and the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition''), bap-tism (e.g., Rom 6:3 ��Know you not that all we who are baptized in Christ Jesus arebaptized in his death?''), and confirmation (e.g., Heb 6:4 ��For it is impossible forthose who were once illuminated, have tasted also the heavenly gift and were madepartakers of the Holy Ghost'').50. Bouhot, ��Alcuin et le �De catechizandis rudibus' de saint Augustin'' Recherches

Augustiniennes 15 (1980) 176-240.51. Magnus' response is printed in Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 265-271.

The order of events in Magnus' text are analyzed in Keefe, Water and the Word,Volume 1, 90-91 and Byer, Charlemagne and Baptism, 60-62.

citation of Ps.-Augustine in Primo paganus. Magnus wrote ��the

mystery of baptism is in no way able to be completed except under

the invocation of the Holy Trinity, because it is right that man who

was created in the image of the Holy Trinity, be renewed to the same

image.'' 52 Magnus also cited Primo paganus when discussing the

chrismal veil and episcopal hand laying.53

While Magnus was not as close to Alcuin as Arn was, surviving early

ninth century manuscripts reveal that he was likely to have had access

to many of Alcuin's works, including Primo paganus. Collections of

Alcuin's letters circulated widely during the ninth century, and

several manuscripts attest to a wide interest in Alcuin's thoughts on

baptism. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 14727, as it exists

now, contains three parts.54 Folios 53-138 were copied sometime

between 820-830 at St. Emmeram in Regensburg. This section is a

collection of Alcuin's works, which was designed to focus a reader's

thoughts on baptism. The collection begins with a copy of Alcuin's

Questions and Responses on Genesis.55 Next follows a series of his

letters : to Daphnis, to Gallicellulus, to Oduinus (which contains

Primo paganus), and to Fridugisus.56 Finally, there is an unattributed

clerical examination and a copy of Theodulf of Orleans' First Diocesan

Capitulary.57

Alcuin's Questions and Responses on Genesis provides an excellent

catechetical tool for the ambitious priest either in the missionary

reaches of the empire or in the Carolingian heartlands.58 The text

consists of simple questions and answers about the Genesis narrative

and how that narrative relates to the Christian faith. A catechetical


52. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 266. ��nullatenus itaque baptismi myste-rium perfici potest nisi sub invocatione sanctae trinitatis creatus est, ad eandem renoveturimaginem.''53. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 269-270. Attention is drawn to this fact

in Byer, Charlemagne and Baptism, 61.54. Mordek, 345-348. Bischoff, Schreibschulen I, 202-203, 253. See also : CLA

9.1309. Rosamond McKitterick calls this manuscript ��an admirable handbook forepiscopal use.'' Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church, 38.55. PL 100.0516-0566. (ALC 76). See also : Michael Gorman, ��Alcuin Before

Migne'' Revue Benedictine 112 (2002) 101-130.56. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 200-201. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 123-

124. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 202-203. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 203-204.57. Theodulf, Erstes Kapitular, MGH CE I, 103-142.58. Michael Fox underscores the basic nature of the work : ��Alcuin, I believe, in-

tended his text to function mainly as a primer for the literal interpretation of Gene-sis.'' Michael Fox, ��Alcuin the Exegete : The Evidence of the Quaestiones in Genesim''The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era. Ed. Celia Chazelle and Burton VanName Edwards (Turnhout : Brepols, 2003) 39-60, at 51.

frame for the work on Genesis is supported by the letter collection

following it. The letter to Daphnis is a brief explanation of the

Canticle of Solomon, especially the numbers found in the canticle and

how those numbers connect the Old Testament to the New. The letter

to Gallicellulus is a concise numerical catechism counting down from

the ten precepts of the law to the one baptism required for eternal

life. This leads neatly into the letter to Oduinus with its copy of

Primo paganus, laying out the order of baptism. The letter to

Fridugisus is probably the most complicated of the three, as it

explores the three types of sight : corporal, spiritual, and intellectual.

The letter could serve as a fine tool for the training of priests and

missionaries tasked with communicating the spiritual importance of

baptism to a Christian community.59

As significant as the existence of this Munich manuscript is in

explaining the dissemination of Primo paganus through the ninth

century, it is not the only copy of these letters, in this order, and

copied with the Questions and Responses on Genesis. For example,

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 14760 is an exact copy of

14727 made at Regensburg between 817-847.60 And the same

sequence of Alcuin's texts, the Questions and Responses on Genesis

followed by these letters, is seen in Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de

France lat. 13373, which has been identified as a ninth-century Corbie

manuscript.61 Another manuscript containing these texts is

Dusseldorf, Landes- und Universitatsbibliothek Sammelhandschrift

B.3 from a monastery in the region of Corbie, perhaps written around

820.62 An Alcuinian program of baptismal training was readily available

to thinkers across the Carolingian world. In sum, internal textual

evidence in the form of Ps.-Augustine and external manuscript evidence

reveal a web of influential Carolingian authors who received Primo

paganus either directly or indirectly from Alcuin.

O. M. PHELAN 279

59. Thomas F.X. Noble has drawn attention to the Carolingian fascination withvision. His discussion includes a treatment of this letter. Thomas F.X. Noble, ��TheVocabulary of Vision and Worship in the Early Carolingian Period'' in Seeing the In-visible in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Ed. Giselle de Nie, Karl F. Mor-rison, and Marco Mostert (Turnhout : Brepols, 2005) 213-237, at 217.60. Bischoff, Schreibschulen I, 210, 212-213.61. David Ganz, Corbie in the Carolingian Renaissance. Beihefte der Francia 20 (Sig-

maringen : Thorbecke, 1990) 45, 46, 137-138, and Plate 8.62. CLA 8.1183. For more recent discussion of this manuscript see : Steven A.

Stofferahn, ��Changing views of Carolingian women's literary culture : the Evidencefrom Essen'' in Early Medieval Europe 8 (1999) 69-97. Also see : Michael Gorman,��The Commentary on Genesis of Claudius of Turin and Biblical Studies under Louisthe Pious'' Speculum 72 (1997) 279-329.

Several ninth-century manuscripts provide important clues to how

Alcuin's name became separated from the text of Primo paganus, as

seen in the tenth and eleventh century manuscripts mentioned by

Bouhot.63 In her 2002 work on Carolingian baptism, Keefe listed six

ninth-century manuscripts that contain Primo paganus in a form

independent of the letter in which Alcuin disseminated the work.

While this fact may initially seem to support the contention that

Primo paganus was not Alcuin's work, an investigation of the

manuscripts shows just the opposite. Close connections between the

copies of Primo paganus and Alcuin exist in each case. Furthermore,

the overall composition of the manuscripts offers rationales for the

redactions of Primo paganus contained in each.64

The first manuscript � and perhaps the most helpful � is Vienna,

Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek 823, originating after 850 in western

Germany or eastern France.65 The largest part of the work is a copy

of Isidore's De ecclesiasticis officiis libri II, with which the manuscript

begins.66 Immediately following is a commentary on the rite of baptism

drawn from Isidore's De ecclesiasticis officiis.67 The third item in the

manuscript, on folio 43v, is Alcuin's letter to Oduinus on the order of

baptism.68 It is important to note that the letter is identified by a

bright rubricated title ��Ratio de Sacro babtismatae,'' the same title

noticed by Bouhot in an unattributed text from the tenth century.

Following Alcuin's letter is another commentary on baptism, this one

largely Primo paganus re-edited into a question and answer form,

titled ��Incipiunt questiones de rudimentis caticuminorum vel eorum qui

ad gratiam baptismi divina inspirante clementia vocandi sunt.'' 69

Following this text is an epistola formata, a letter of recommendation

for a monk wishing to transfer to another diocese and a Latin/Greek

alphabet. Given the manuscript's preservation of a question and

answer text drawn from and immediately following Isidore's De

ecclesiasticis officiis, a question and answer text drawn from Primo


63. See note 11.64. For a summary of each manuscripts' contents see the Appendix.65. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 1, Table 1. Keefe, Water and the Word.

Volume 2, 114. An acknowledgement is given to Dr. Eva Irblich, Deputy-Keeper,Handschriften- und Inkunabelsammlung, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna.66. Isidore of Seville, De ecclesiasticis officiis. Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina

113. Ed. C.M. Lawson (Turnhout : Brepols, 1989). Vienna, ONB 823 is not collatedin Lawson's edition.67. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 154-170.68. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 202-203.69. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 613-616.

paganus and immediately following Alcuin's letter to Oduinus offers

very unconvincing evidence of Primo paganus circulating indepen-

dently of Alcuin.

The second manuscript is St. Paul im Lavanttal, SB 5/1. It has

168 folios of which folios 3-6 and 9-56 were copied during the first

third of the ninth century somewhere in northern Italy. 70 The

remaining folios were copied at Reichenau sometime during the

second third of the ninth century. The text of Primo paganus is from

the Reichenau section of the manuscript. The manuscript contains

complete copies of Isidore of Seville's De ecclesiasticis officiis and

Differentiarum.71 After the works of Isidore are inscribed seven

baptismal commentaries of which the sixth is Primo paganus. The

text is copied on folios 149v and 150. On folio 149v the text is

provided a rubricated title, ��Ratio de sacro baptismatae.'' Although no

paleographic connection has been drawn between this manuscript and

the first one, a couple points of contact might be emphasized. First,

both manuscripts contain works of Isidore, who was widely read and

cited by Carolingian thinkers across the ninth century. Second, Primo

paganus appears under a common title, though only in the previous

manuscript does it retain its form as a letter by Alcuin. The St. Paul

manuscript does offer a clue as to why a redactor may have excerpted

Primo paganus from its letter context. Primo paganus is the sixth text

in a series of redacted commentaries on baptism. In compiling such a

series, it is not unreasonable to think the scribe may have stripped

away excess material, like a salutation.

The third manuscript is St. Gall, SB 222. It contains 143 folios

that were composed in the second or third third of the ninth century,

likely somewhere in eastern France.72 Primo paganus is on folios 137-

139 in the form of fifteen capitula. Immediately after the capitula from

Primo paganus are twenty-six capitula from the 813 Council of

Aachen. The Council of Aachen was one of a number of Carolingian

reform councils held in 813 on the heels of Charlemagne's 811/812

O. M. PHELAN 281

RB 16

70. Mordek, 695-698. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 91.71. St. Paul im Lavanttal SB 5/1 is collated in Lawson's Corpus Christianorum

edition. Isidore of Seville, Liber Differentiarum [II]. Corpus Christianorum. SeriesLatina 113. Ed. Maria Adelaida Andres Sanz (Turnhout : Brepols, 2006). St. Paulim Lavanttal SB 5/1 is collated in this edition.72. Mordek, 653-655. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 86. The manuscript

is assigned to the tenth century in Verzeichniss der Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothekvon St. Gallen (Halle : Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, 1875). Reprint,Gustav Scherrer (New York : Georg Olms Verlag, 1975) 79.

encyclical letter on baptism.73 The opening chapter from the Council of

Aachen is De baptismo. Keefe identified this text as a copy of Primo

paganus. The dramatic re-editing of Primo paganus into a capitulary

makes the capitulary a different text, and thus is it misleading to

view it merely as a copy of Primo paganus not in epistolary form.

Furthermore, in the context of this manuscript, the likelihood of a

connection to Alcuin, though perhaps very indirect, remains high.

Charlemagne's encyclical depended on Primo paganus. Numerous

replies to the encyclical drew on Primo paganus. These replies in turn

drove considerations of baptism at the reform councils of 813.

The fourth manuscript is Milan, Bibl. Ambros. L 28 sup. It has 105

folios copied in the final third of the ninth century, probably

somewhere in northern Italy.74 Primo paganus is copied on folios 64v-

66v. Although the text is not in the form of a letter from Alcuin, a

curious editorial decision identifies it as being drawn from Alcuin's

letter to Oduinus. Instead of starting ��primo paganus...'', the text on

fol. 64v begins ��In illo officio primo paganus...'' In Alcuin's letter to

Oduinus, the last sentence before the text Primo paganus ends

��... quod a sanctis patribus institutum est in illo officio.'' 75 This is a clear

example of Primo paganus being lifted from Alcuin's letter and

inserted into a manuscript dealing with baptism.

A fifth manuscript is St. Gall, SB 446. It contains 344 folios of

which the first 168 were copied at St. Gall in the final third of the

ninth century.76 On folios 83-84, Primo paganus appears outside the

context of Alcuin's letters. However, later in a portion of the

manuscript copied at the same time, folios 145-146, appears Alcuin's

letter to Oduinus. While it cannot be shown definitively that the

former copy of the text is related to the latter, one also cannot say

definitively that the former copy of Primo paganus is a transmission

of the text completely independent of Alcuin's letter.

A sixth manuscript is Bamberg, Staatl. Bibl. Lit. 131 (A. II. 53),

which contains 177 folios composed in the late ninth or early tenth


73. Wilfried Hartmann, Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit im Frankenreich und in Ita-lien (Paderborn : Ferdinand Schoningh, 1989) 128-140. Phelan, ��Formation of Chris-tian Europe,'' 213-216.74. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 34.75. Alcuin, Epistola, MGH Epp. IV, 202. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2,

240.76. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 88. The manuscript is assigned to the

tenth century in Verzeichniss der Handschriften, 144.

century somewhere in southern Germany.77 The text of Primo paganus

appears in the manuscript not in the letter form of Alcuin. There are,

however, two reasons to think that the text preserved in the Bamberg

manuscript may still be related to Alcuin's dissemination of Primo

paganus. First, the text is identified as ��ratio de sacro baptismi.''

Second, the Bamberg manuscript is likely a copy or descendant of the

previous manuscript, St. Gall, SB 446.78 Again, Primo paganus

appears with a title already seen to have been attached to the text

while in the letter form given by Alcuin. Although the title cannot

prove that the text was authored by Alcuin or even that it was

drawn from his letter, the title also cannot be submitted as evidence

that the text does not stem from Alcuin.

None of these six manuscripts proves that Primo paganus came from

a source other than Alcuin. To the contrary, several suggest how

Alcuin's name came to be separated from the text. Further, all the

manuscripts bear witness to the continued relevance of Primo paganus

to Carolingian considerations of baptism. Writers in the middle of the

ninth century understood Primo paganus to be a useful teaching text.

As they carved it up and re-edited it for pedagogical purposes, they

separated Alcuin's name from the text. Finally, these manuscripts

provide clues for understanding the text's future transmission. In at

least one case, the text, while still clearly attributed to Alcuin,

acquired a title by which it could be easily identified and which

Alcuin did not give to the work. This phenomenon, by obscuring

Alcuin's authorship, explains what Bouhot saw in the various tenth-

and eleventh-century manuscripts used in his study. For example,

Paris, BNF lat. 13092, written in the eleventh century, contains the

second commentary from ONB 823, ��Incipiunt questiones...'' 79 The text

appears in a collection of commentaries on baptism that does not

include any letter from Alcuin or an intact copy of Primo paganus in

any form.

O. M. PHELAN 283

77. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 16. The manuscript is assigned to thetenth century in Friedrich Leitschuh and Hans Fischer, Katalog der Handschriftender Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Bamberg (Bamberg, 1887-1912) 296. Michel Andrieu alsodates the manuscript to the tenth century. Michel Andrieu, Les Ordines Romani duHaut Moyen Age I. Les Manuscrits (Louvain : Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, 1931)84. In fact, this is one of the tenth-century manuscripts identified by Bouhot, see note10 above. Bouhot, ��Explications,'' 281.78. Andrieu, Les Ordines Romani, 481.79. Keefe identifies this manuscript as an eleventh century production but does not

give further citation. Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2, 639.

At the outset of this essay, I identified two scholarly rewards

I would pursue through the study of Primo paganus. First, I have

shown how surviving evidence points to the conclusion that Alcuin of

York composed Primo paganus, and how sustained interest in baptism

across the ninth century led to a wide dissemination of Alcuin's

writings that detached his name from the text. Second, I have laid

out an account of the interpretations offered in Primo paganus as well

as several manuscripts that carry the text, highlighting the enduring

influence of Alcuin's thought.80

To the first point, internal evidence and external contexts suggest

that Alcuin not only transmitted, but also composed Primo paganus.

Both the ritual order and theological interpretations offered in the

commentary closely match Alcuin's preferences. The order corresponds

with that used at the monastery of St. Martin of Tours, where Alcuin

was abbot when he included the short text in two letters during the

year 798. The interpretations parallel Alcuin's concerns over the

challenge of Spanish Adoptionism, which he inveighed against on

several occasions during the final decades of the eighth century. The

wide and enduring influence of Primo paganus is chiefly observed not

only through citations of John the Deacon, but through Alcuin's

steady editorial hand, which incorporates both John the Deacon and

Ps.-Augustine into a distinctive explanation of the meaning of

baptismal rites. This explanation is then incorporated in whole or in

part into subsequent Carolingian treatments of baptism, such as

responses to Charlemagne's encyclical letter from 811/812. Alcuin's

perspective is also represented in whole or in part in various florilegia

pulled together by anonymous authors down through at least the ninth

century. The various forms in which material from Primo paganus

appears speak to its influence, whether as a stand-alone document, a

series of questions or capitula, or redacted and dispersed within larger

florilegia or commentaries on baptism.

To the second point, Alcuin's students and colleagues, who held

influential positions across the Carolingian world, were likely to know

Alcuin's views on the significance of the rite of baptism. Arn of


80. This essay raises a collateral issue that cannot be fully addressed here. Thequestion of Alcuin's authentic corpus itself remains contested. Recently, the AlcuinClavis controversially attributed over ninety works to Alcuin, see : Marie-Helene Jul-

lien and Françoise Perelman (eds.), Clavis Scriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi. Auc-tores Galliae 735-987. Tomus II : Alcuinus (Turnhout : Brepols, 1999). Almostimmediately, Michael Gorman � equally controversially � pared the number downto seventeen, see : Gorman, ��Alcuin Before Migne'' 102-103.

Salzburg offers a compelling case of a close friend and student with

demonstrable access to Alcuin's writings, including Primo paganus,

and an obvious interest in the content for his missionary work in

Bavaria. Furthermore, Alcuin's celebrity led to dissemination of his

materials beyond his close circle of friends. These collections of

Alcuin's works were available in both the Eastern and Western

Frankish worlds. Surviving manuscript evidence supports this

conclusion. Of the ninth-century manuscripts which preserve Primo

paganus not in letter form, all have demonstrable points of contact

with the text in its letter form. Further, these manuscripts provide a

window into how the continued interest of Carolingian writers in the

topic of baptism, combined with the popularity of Alcuin's writings,

could have led to Primo paganus's removal from its letter context and

subsequent circulation without attribution.

Mount Saint Mary's, Owen M. Phelan

Emmitsburg

Appendix I :

The Manuscripts81

Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek 823

ff. 1-40 Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis libri IIff. 40-43 Commentary on the rite of baptism, based largely on Isidore

of Seville, but also including material from John the Deacon,Ambrose, and Gregory the Great (Keefe text 1)

f. 43v Alcuin's letter to Oduinus, which includes Primo paga-nus (Keefe text 9)

f. 44r-v Commentary on the rite of baptism in which Primopaganus is edited into question and answer form (Keefetext 55)

f. 45 Epistola formataff. 45v-46 Letter of recommendation for a monk transferring between

monasteriesf. 46 Latin/Greek alphabets

O. M. PHELAN 285

81. Keefe, whom I follow for the most part, provides descriptions of the followingmanuscripts in Keefe, Water and the Word. Volume 2. The contents are offered onlyas a general survey to provide context for my discussion.

St. Paul im Lavanttal (Carinthia), SB 5/1

f. 1 Two blessings for the consecration of a monkff. 1v-100 Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis libri IIff. 100-137 Isidore, Differentiarum libri II, only book twof. 137v Commentary on the rite of baptism, only the first nine lines of

a longer text (Keefe text 7)f. 138r-v Charlemagne's Encyclical Letter on Baptism from 811/812

(Keefe text 14)ff. 139-145v Odilbert of Milan's response to Charlemagne, which consists of

an introductory letter appended to the commentary seenabove (ONB 823, ff. 40-43; Keefe text 1)

ff. 146-147 Commentary on the rite of baptism, based largely on passagesfrom Isidore of Seville, Ps.-Maximus, and Ambrose (Keefetext 6)

ff. 147-149v Commentary on the rite of baptism (Keefe text 5)ff. 149v-150 Commentary on the rite of baptism, redaction of Primo

paganus (Keefe text 9)

ff. 150v-168v Commentary on liturgical activity, redaction of HrabanusMaurus, De institutione clericorum libri III including com-ments on the rite of baptism (includes Keefe text 44)

St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek 222

ff. 2-134 Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis libri II

f. 135 A blessing of the crossf. 136 blankff. 137-139 Fifteen capitula on the rite of baptism, consisting of a

re-edited of Primo paganus (Keefe text 9)

ff. 139-142 Capitulary of Aachen, 813f. 143 blank

Milan, Bibl. Ambros. L 28 sup.

ff. 1-36 Penitential of Halitgar of Cambraiff. 36-40v Decree of Gregory the Greatff. 40v-43 Epistle of Ps.-Jeromeff. 43-48 Sermon on Penanceff. 48-50v Preface to Penitential of Cummeanff. 50v-53v Ordo of Penanceff. 54v-64v Commentary on the rite of baptism, based largely on Isidore

of Seville, Celestine I, Augustine, John the Deacon, andCyprian (Keefe text 3)

ff. 64v-66v Commentary on the rite of baptism, Primo paganus(Keefe text 9)

ff. 66v-98 Ambrosius Autpertus, Libellus de conflictu vitiorum atque vir-tutum


ff. 98-103v Questions on virtues and vicesff. 103v-105v Instructions for questions about the rite of baptism

St. Gall, Stiftsbibliothek 446

f. 1 In a later hand, summary of contentsff. 2-18 Ordo Romanus Iff. 18-45 Liturgical Commentary, Amalarius, Eclogaeff. 45-50 Ordo Romanus VIIff. 50-74 Liturgical Commentaryff. 74-79 Liturgical Commentaryff. 79-85 Seven capitula on the ministries of the church, one of

which is a discussion of baptism excerpted from Isi-dore of Seville, and another of which is an edition ofPrimo paganus not in letter form (includes Keefe text60 and Keefe text 9)

ff. 85-105 Liturgical Commentaryff. 106-110 Ordo Romanus XIIIBff. 110-132 Ordines Romani XI and XXVIIIff. 132-138 Ordines Romani XLI and XLIIff. 138-139 Prayers of consecrationff. 139-141 Ordo Romanus XXXVIIAff. 141-145 Ordo de Sacris Ordinibusff. 145-145 Alcuin's letter to Oduinus, which includes Primo paga-

nus (Keefe text 9)ff. 147-159 Amalarius' reply to Charlemagne's Circular Letter on Baptism

from 811/812ff. 160-163 In a later hand, various biblical material

Bamberg, Staatl. Bibl. Lit. 131 (A.II.53)

ff. 1-26v Liturgical Commentary, Amalarius, Eclogaeff. 26v-30v Ordo Romanus VIIff. 30v-50v Liturgical Commentaryff. 50v-54v Liturgical Commentaryff. 54v-76 Theodulf of Orleans, First Capitularyf. 76r-v Ps.-Damasus to Jerome on the hour of celebrating Massf. 76v Gregory, On the Resurrectionff. 76v-84 Haito of Basel, Diocesan Capitularyff. 84-107 Continuation to Haito, consisting of excerpts from Walafrid

Strabo's Liber de exordiis et incrementisff. 107-108v Exposition on the Paternosterff. 108v-109v Exposition on the Paternosterff. 109v-117v Exposition on the Symbol (Nicene)ff. 117v-125v Exposition on the Symbol (Athanasian)ff. 125v-130 Commentary on the rite of baptism, excerpts from Isidore's

De ecclesiasticis officiis (Keefe text 8)

O. M. PHELAN 287

ff. 130-138v Commentary on the rite of baptism, same as that seen above(ONB 823, ff. 40-43 and SPL 5/1, ff. 149v-150; Keefe text 1)

ff. 138v-140v Commentary on the rite of baptism, same as that seen above(SPL 5/1, ff. 147-149v; Keefe text 6)

ff. 140v-144v Commentary on the rite of baptism, same as that seen above(SPL 5/1, ff. 146-147; Keefe text 5)

ff. 144v-145v Commentary on the rite of baptism, redaction of Primopaganus (Keefe text 9)

ff. 145v-161v Liturgical Commentary, selections from Amalarius, Liber offi-cialis

ff. 161v-162 Letter of Amalarius to Jeremiah of Sensff. 162-165 Liturgical Commentary, excerpt from Amalarius, Liber offi-

cialisff. 166-176 Liturgical Commentary, excerpt from Bede, De temporum

rationef. 176 unclear text


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