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THE TIME OF
THE TRIBES
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Theory , Culture Society
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he r i t age o f c l a s s i ca l soc i a l t heory , t he book se r i e s examines w ays i n
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EDITOR:
M i k e F e a t h e r s t o n e ,
University of Teesside
SERIES EDITORIAL BOARD
R o y B o y n e ,
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Deakin University
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Pasi Falk
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Jonathan Friedman
The Establ i shed and the Outs iders
Norbert Elias and John L. Scotson
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T h e V o y e u r ' s G a z e
Norman K. Denzin
Decentr ing Leisure
R e t h i n k i n g L e i s u r e T h e o r y
Chris Rojek
Global Moderni t ies
Mike Featherstone, Scott Lash and Roland Robertson
The Masque of Feminini ty
T h e P r e s e n t a t i o n o f W o m a n in E v e r y d a y L i fe
Efrat Tseelon
The Arena of Racism
Michel Wieviorka
U ndoing C ul tur e
G l o b a l i z a t i o n , P o s t m o d e r n i s m a n d I d e n t i t y
Mike Featherstone
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THE
TIME
O F
THE
TRIBES
The Decline of Individualism
in Mass Society
Michel Maffesol i
Translated by Don Smith
SAGE Publications
L o n d o n · T h o u s a n d O a k s · N e w D e l h i
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Eng l i sh trans lat ion © Sag e Pub l icat io ns 1996
Fore wor d © R ob S h i e l d s 1996
First published in English in 1996
Original ly publ i shed in French as Le Te mps des tribus b y
M eri d i en s K l i n ck s i eck , Par i s
© M e r i d i en s K l i n ck s i eck 1988
This trans lat ion i s publ i sh ed wi th f inancia l suppo rt from the
French Minis try of Cul ture
Al l r ights res erv ed . N o part of th i s publ ica t ion m ay be
rep r od u c ed , s tored i n a re tr i eva l s y s te m, t ran s m i t ted or
ut i l i zed in any form or by any means , e lectronic ,
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C O N T E N T S
F o r e w o r d : M a s s e s o r T r i b e s ? ix
Rob Shields
B y W a y o f I n t r o d u c t i o n 1
1.
A few w or ds o f w a rn ing 1
2 . T h e q u o m o d o 4
3 .
O v e r t u r e 6
1.
T h e E m o t i o n a l C o m m u n i t y : R e s e a r c h A r g u m e n t s 9
1. T h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a 9
2 .
T h e e t h i c a l e x p e r i e n c e 1 5
3 .
C u s t o m 2 0
2 .
T h e U n d e r g r o u n d
Puissance
3 1
1. A s pe c t s o f v i t a l i sm 31
2 .
T h e soc i a l d iv ine 38
3 .
T h e a loofn ess o f t he pe op le 45
3 .
Soc ial i ty vs . th e Socia l 56
1.
B ey on d po l i t i c s 56
2 .
A na tu r a l ' f am i l i a r i sm ' 64
4 .
T r i b a l i s m 7 2
1.
T h e a f fec tua l ne bu la 72
2 .
T h e ' u n d i r e c t e d ' b e i n g - t o g e t h e r 7 9
3 .
T h e ' r e l i g i o u s ' m o d e l 8 2
4 .
El ec t ive soc ia l i ty 86
5 .
T h e law of sec recy 90
6. M ass es an d l i fes ty les 96
5 .
P o l y c u l t u r a l i s m 1 04
1.
O f t r i p l i c i t y 1 04
2 .
P r e s e n c e a n d e s t r a n g e m e n t 1 06
3 .
T he po ly th e i sm of t he pe op le , o r t he d ive rs i t y o f G o d 110
4 .
T h e o r g a n i c b a l a n c e 1 14
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vi
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
6. Of Proxem ics 123
1. Th e comm un it y of destiny 123
2 . Genius loci 129
3 .
Trib es and netw ork s 139
4 . Th e net wor k of ne two rks 145
App end ix: The Thi nki ng of the Public Sq ua re 152
1. Th e two cu ltu res 152
2 . Fo r the pe op le 's happine ss 154
3 .
Th e or de r within 157
4 . Exp eri enc e, proxemic s and organic knowl edge 160
Index 166
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For Raphaele, Sarah-Marie
and Emmanuelle
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F O R E W O R D : MASSES O R
TRIBES?
E a r l i e r in t h i s c e n t u r y , H e r m a n S c h m a l e n b a c h u s e d T ö n n i e s a n d S i m m e l s
p reoccupa t ion w i th t he fo rms o f soc i a l i n t e rac t ion to c r i t i que the d iv i s ion
o f u r b a n a n d r u r a l o r t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y . B r e a k i n g a p a r t t h e d u a l i s m o f
G eme inscha f t and G ese l l scha f t , Schma lenbach no ted the endurance o f ne t
w orks o f a cqua in t ances and c i rc l e s o f f r i ends w hich s t ab i l i z ed the soc i a l
w o r l d s o f i n d i v i d u a l s w h o e x p e r i e n c e d t h e t r a u m a o f r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n i n
n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E u r o p e . A s i m i l a r i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e s e
bunde\
S c h m a l e n b a c h a r g u e d , w o u l d m a r k a n y d e c l i n e i n t h e r e l i a b i l i t y a n d
cen t ra l ro l e o f a soc i e ty domina t ed by soc i a l i t y a s soc i a t ed w i th l abour
c o n t r a c t s a n d j o b - b a s e d s o c ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . T h e s e e l e c t i v e a ff in it y g r o u p s
( W e b e r ) f o r m a t r a n s v e r s a l s t r u c t u r e l a r g e l y i g n o r e d b y t h e c l a s s - o r i e n t e d
c a t e g o r i e s of m o d e r n i s t s o c i o l o g y . W h i l e M a f f e s o li i s i n t e n s e l y c o n c e r n e d
w i t h i n t e r a c t i o n i n p u b l i c , h e t r a n s c e n d s G o f f m a n s f o c u s o n t h e i n t e r
pe rsona l t o cons ide r t he soc io log ica l impl i ca t i ons o f t he p l e thora o f sma l l
g r o u p s a n d o f t e m p o r a r y g r o u p i n g s w h i c h w e a r e m e m b e r s o f a t d i f f e r e n t
t i m e s d u r i n g o u r d a y . B e t w e e n t h e t i m e o n e m i g h t l e a v e o n e s f a m i l y
o r i n t i m a t e s i n t h e m o r n i n g a n d t h e t i m e w h e n o n e r e t u r n s , e a c h p e r s o n
e n t e r s i n t o a s e r i e s o f g r o u p s i t u a t i o n s e a c h o f w h i c h h a s s o m e d e g r e e
o f s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d s t a b i l i t y . W h i l e t h e p a s s e n g e r s o f a c o m m u t e r
b u s a r e h a r d l y a g r o u p , t h e r e g u l a r s k n o w a n d m a y w el l s a l u t e e a c h
o the r a s w e l l a s t he regu la r d r ive r . Spor t s c lubs , f r i ends a t t he o f f i c e ,
co f fee k l a t c he s , a s so c i a t i on s o f ho bb y i s t s , t h e c ro w d o f fans a t a spo r t s
m a t c h , t h e l o c al l e v e l o f a p o l i ti c a l p a r t y , N e i g h b o u r h o o d W a t c h
c o m m u n i t y p o l i c i n g , a n d s i n g l e - i s s u e p r e s s u r e g r o u p s a r e a l l e x a m p l e s o f
n e o - t r i b e s .
M a f f e s o li d e v e l o p s t h e c o n c e p t o f n e o - t r i b a l i s m b e y o n d S c h m a l e n b a c h s
'bund'.
T h e
tribus
a r e m o re t ha n a re s id ua l c a t ego ry of soc i a l l if e . T he y a re
the cen t ra l f e a tu re and key soc i a l f a c t o f our ow n expe r i ence o f eve ryday
l iv ing . Th i s u nd e rg ro un d cen t ra l i t y o f
tribus
persists despi te the sociological
fe t i sh o f abs t rac t ions , and o f more (and o f t en l e s s ) r e a l i s t c a t egor i e s . Whi l e
th e p o w er of c lass to inf lu ence o ut co m es i s no t in d o u b t , i t i s l ess s igni f icant
i n e v e r y d a y s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n t h a n m i g h t a p p e a r f r o m t h e a b s t r a c t i o n s o f
soc io log ica l s t a t i s t i c s . L ike o the r F rench theor i s t s such a s Miche l D e
C e r t e a u a n d J e a n B a u d r i l l a r d , M a f f e s o l i t a k e s u p a n e n g a g e d p o s i t i o n
wi thin the f lux of soc ia l l i fe ra ther than a t a cool d i s tance . The e ffec t i s to
p r o d u c e a n i n t e r n a l a n a l y s i s o f t h e s o c i a li t y w i t h i n E u r o p e a n s o c i e t ie s t o o
o f t e n k n o w n o n l y t h r o u g h t h e s i m u l a c r a o f s t a t i s t i c a l d e m o g r a p h i c s .
T h e W e b e r i a n p e r s p e c t i v e o f f o c u s i n g o n t h e m e a n i n g o f s o c i a l
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χ T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
inte ract ion for partic ipan ts is for egr ounded, but given a new twist in that
the affective neut ral ity of the sociologists - an ali ena tion effected th rough
the abstraction of quantitative data and the reification of social science
conce pts - is pro blem atiz ed.
Michel Maffesoli is a theor ist of the br ea k- up of mass cultu re. Le Temps
des tribus - t he time of the trib es - can also be transla ted as 't he time of the
masses'. The little masses' of Maffesoli 's analysis are heterogeneous
fragments, the remainders of mass consumption society, groups dis
tinguished by their members' shared lifestyles and tastes. Tribus are thu s
not 'tribes' in the traditional anthropological sense, for they do not have
the fixity and longevity of tribes. Nor are they neo-tribes; they are better
understood as 'postmodern tribes', or even pseudo-tribes. The 'Time of the
Tribes' is a time when the mass is tribalized.
Over a series of wor ks spa nni ng a de ca de Maffesoli's work m oved from
Marxist sociological categories to the anomalies of everyday life. As a
po stm od ern sociology, this work proc eeds from the premise that t he
modernist categories and the foundational narratives which 'explain' and
there by but tres s the social or de r of nati on states are facing pro found
challeng es. Non eth eles s, this work has been seen as ironically repro duci ng
a neo-modernism. Maffesoli refuses to give up the role of the sociologist
and the tradition of sociological theory. While he condemns social science
dogmatism, these are the jibes and blandishments of a suitor.
Against the theoreticism of lifeless groupings imposed by sociologists,
Maffesoli exploits Bergson's vitalism to argue for the power of the basic
sociality - t he 'be ing tog et he r' - of every day life. Th is is ma rr ied with
Durkheim's conceptualization of collective consciousness {conscience
collective)
and the life-affirming, Dionys ian quality of the t ran sce nden t
warmth of the collectivity
(divin social).
Thi s tra nsc end enc e is, in Maffeso
li 's wor d, ' i mma ne nt '. In its simplest ter ms, the Dur kh eim ian insight into
idolization and defence of the social group as the most primitive form of
religiosity is important because
tribus
be co me the highest social goo d for
their members. Out of the ethos of these tribus eme rge ethical orien tatio ns
and a form of natural law which challenges the legitimacy of traditional
morals.
Maffesoli makes a unique contribution by contesting the moral basis of
politics in the classic sense. While one might speak of a contingent politics
(Finn 1989), or simply igno re the univers al and tra nsc end ent al quality
which political principles share with moral dictates, Maffesoli detects the
existence of an ethical aesthetics, and art of living which emphasizes
'getting along' and getting by so as to maintain the solidarity of
tribus
and
facilitate everyday social interaction. This is not a Fascistic 'aestheticization of
politics' but rather aesthetics as the operationalization of situational ethics
(Shields 1991). If one wishes to keep close to the etymological meanings of
the wo rds, this is an app ropr ia te use of the classical notion of aesthe tics
(aesthesis) which focuses on que stio ns of be aut y and cor rec tne ss as defined
by collective experience, not transcendental principles of beauty (a
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F O R E W O R D : M A S S E S OR
TRIBES?
xi
relatively recent corruption of the long history of aesthetic judgement).
Rather than questions of universal right or wrong, one deals with questions
of appropriateness and 'fit ' within situations.
This is far from an ab an do nm en t of politics. Inst ea d it indic ates t he
sho rtc om ing of the ter ms in which politics is nor mal ly discussed. Pe rhaps
the most lasting legacy of the 'counterculture' movements of the 1960s was
to apply the political to every sphere of life. However, this may obscure as
much as it reveals, for the diversity of politico-aesthetical action at the level
of personal engagements in everyday life exceeds the merely political. The
situati onist slogan 'the per son al is the politic al' mus t be supp le me nt ed by
an insight that the per son al is the ethica l and aes thet ic centr e of social
relations.
Typical examples of tribus are not only fashion victims, or you th sub
cultures. This term can be extended to interest-based collectivities:
hobbyists; sports enthusiasts; and more important - environmental move
men ts, user-g roup s of state services and cons um er lobbies. Affinity-based
political groups may arise around access to services (for example,
Canadian senior citizens lobbying to use national park facilities which
nor mal ly close in the fall and winter beca use of a lack of hol ida yma ker s
when children are in school). One example of the political mobilization of
a tribus can be found in the case of the Nat ion al Rifleme n's Assoc iation
(NRA) in the United States. This group of gun collectors, owners of guns
(from sid ear ms to shot gun s and assault rifles), and hu nt er s is a key voice in
wha t is popular ly called the 'gun lobby' , a group that has successfully
campaigned to defeat numerous gun control bills and legislators who are in
favour of limiting free access to weapons within the United States and
mo re recently beyon d its bor der s in Ca na da . Cons um er protectio n and
other lobbies may appear unpolitical, but a reflection on the power of the
NRA in the United States will quickly dispel this view. Extending the
theo ry of tri bal iza tion to such far-flung gr ou ps is a bol d move which
requ ires mo re theoretica l co mm en t than is possible he re . Ho wev er, the
hypothesis that people with the same lifestyle and affinity of habitus may
share the same politics of everyday life appears fruitful. One may note, for
exa mp le, that in the Uni ted State s the NR A eve n functions as a surr ogate
political par ty which amplifies the voices of po or , disenfranc hised white
men.
Unlike, for example, Adam Smith's almost metaphysical notion of the
invisible hand of the market, Maffesoli's argument that ethical rules
em er ge from collectivities is strong ly bu ttr es sed by philo sophi cal analysis
and social theory. While they have weak powers of discipline (for example,
their only opti on is to exclude or shun mem be rs ), they have strong powe rs
of integration and inclusion, of group solidarity. These powers are
displayed and actualized in initiatory rituals and stages of membership. As
the highest social good, the members of
tribus
are ma rk ed by it, wearing
particular types of dress, exhibiting group-specific styles of adornment and
espousing the shared values and ideals of the collectivity. From the
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χ ί ί
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
perspective of a sociology of consumption, Maffesoli's work takes on great
importance, for
tribus
focus and segm ent processe s of bo th individual and
collective consumption.
Maffesoli is well aw ar e of th e po tenti al for this work to be ado pt ed as a
new romanticism which eschews the effort to achieve a higher level of
communicative rationality and an accessible and open public sphere. He
himself calls this a 'new barbari sm' , but in line with Hegel and Kier kegaard's
warnings on the dangers of sollen (ou ght ) war ns against the hect oring
tendencies of social scientists. The power of tribus is insc ribe d within a
tho roug hgo ing relativism. Unlik e anthropo logical tribes, ou r con tem por
ary social life is marked by membership in a multiplicity of overlapping
groups in which the roles one plays become sources of identity which, like
masks, provide temporary 'identifications'. Social status thus acquires an
ambiguous edge.
What is required is not only a defence of the tribus in te rm s of its real ism
in contrast with the hopeless idealism of theories such as communicative
rationality. An analysis of the implications of tribalization, and in particu
lar its negative and corrosive impact on modernity as a dominant form of
social org ani zat ion , is ne ed ed . The focus on the libe rato ry quality of the
tribus, the flexibility of identity and the dis-alie nating poten tial of every day
life needs to be expanded to take in the negative tribe-like forms of ethnic
nationalism, the Fascistic exploitation of tribus and sub seq uen t reification
of identity by governments facing simultaneous legitimation and restruc
turing crises. This text, therefore should be viewed not so much as setting
an agenda as opening up an arena of research.
Maffesoli's work undertakes a critique of academicism and dogma within
sociology. Here one should note the avoidance of elaborate structuralistic
analytical frameworks which stand in for everyday life, such as in the work
of Bourdieu. However, Maffesoli's work will still appear to the English
reader highly academic because of its essayistic format. Yet the tone of
formality and classicism so well preserved by Don Smith in his translation
mas ks the initiatory structu re of this wor k. A t first its pre ten sio n excludes
and intimidates, but this breaks down very quickly into the warmth of a
shar ed vision, for this is truly an in tim ate socio logy.
References
F i n n ,
G eral din e (1989) 'The politic s of continge ncy: the cont inge ncy of politics: on the
political impl icati ons of Merlea u-Po nty' s ont ol ogy of the flesh'. Paper pres ente d at CRC S
S y m p o s i u m , Carleton University, Ottawa, Fall 1990.
S h i e l d s , Rob (1991) 'Introduction to The Ethics of Aest heti cs ', Theory Culture Society,
v o l . 8, no. 1, 1-5.
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BY W A Y O F I N T R O D U C T I O N
1 . A few wo rds of wa rnin g
A m b ie nc e is a t e rm t ha t w i ll su r face aga in an d aga in i n t h i s bo ok , so i t
m i g h t p e r h a p s b e u s e f u l t o d e s c r i b e t h e a m b i e n c e s u r r o u n d i n g i t s c r e a t i o n .
I b e g a n a p r e v i o u s b o o k b y t a k i n g S a v a n a r o l a a s m y i n s p i r a t i o n ; t h i s
t im e i t i s t h e n am e o f M ach iave l l i t ha t I w o u ld i n vo ke , r e fe r r ing to w h a t h e
ca l l s ' t he t h ink ing o f t he pub l i c squa re ' . The fo l low ing re f l e c t i on exp lo re s ,
v i a such no t ions a s
puissance,*
s o c i a l it y , t h e q u o t i d i a n a n d t h e i m a g i n a r y ,
t he deep founda t ions o f t he eve ryday l i f e o f our soc i e t i e s i n t he se c los ing
d a y s o f t h e m o d e r n e r a . W i t h t h e g r o u n d t h u s c l e a r e d , w e c a n f o r g e a h e a d
in to t he i dea o f
culture,
t o be un de rs to od in i t s s t r i c t e s t s en se , now
p r e v a i l i n g i n t h e p o l i t i c o - e c o n o m i c p r o c e d u r e . M y e m p h a s i s o n v a r i e d
r i t ua l s , o rd ina ry l i f e , dup l i c i t y , t he p l ay o f appea rances , t he co l l e c t i ve
sens ib i l i t y , de s t i ny - i n sh or t , t he D i on ys i an th em a t i c - m ay ra i se a few
e y e b r o w s ; t h i s a p p r o a c h h a s n e v e r t h e l e s s b e e n u s e d i n a v a r i e t y o f w a y s i n
a n u m b e r o f c o n t e m p o r a r y a n a l y s e s . T h i s is o n l y t o b e e x p e c t e d ; t h e
h i s t o r y o f t h o u g h t s h o w s t h a t , a l o n g w i t h i n t e l l e c t u a l m i m e t i s m o r
a priori
s e l f - j u s t i f i c a t i o n s , l e g i t i m a t e i d e a s m a y d e v e l o p a l o n g t h e w a y . W h e r e a s
s o m e p e o p l e p o s s e s s a c a p i t a l o f k n o w l e d g e , o t h e r s , i n t h e e t y m o l o g i c a l
sen se o f t h e t e rm , i nv en t , t h a t is t he y ex t ra c t t h a t w h ich is p r e se n t bu t
which may be di f f icul t to d iscern .
T h e r e is ho w ev e r n o ne ed to c ry v i c to ry , a s t h i s d i s ce r nm en t is no t e a s il y
w o n . T h e s e r i o u s a p p r o a c h r e i g n s i n o u r d i s c i p l i n e ; b u t w h i l e t h e
app l i c a t i o n o f a de gr ee o f p ru de nc e is c e r t a in ly n ece ssa r y , it c an too o f t en
be s tu lt i fy ing . M or eo v e r , i t i s i n t e re s t i ng to no t e t ha t th i s a t t i t ud e
s o m e t i m e s g o e s h a n d i n h a n d w i t h t h e m o s t p r e t e n t i o u s c a s u a l n e s s . I s t h e r e
s u c h a d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n w h a t W e b e r c a l l e d t h e ' c h a i n s ' o f t h e t e c h n o
c r a t i c a p p r o a c h a n d t h e ' d a m n - i t - a l l ' a t t i t u d e w h i c h g r e a t l y d e v a l u e s t h e
i d e a s h e ( a n d o t h e r s ) p r o d u c e d l o n g a g o ? I n f a c t, t h e y r e i n f o r c e o n e
a n o t h e r , a n d t h e i r j o i n t p r a i s e b y a n a d m i r i n g p u b l i c is w o r t h c o n s i d e r i n g .
Mus t w e now rev i l e a sha l low and ignoran t e ra , a s o the rs do? I w i l l no t
fo l low suc h a fac il e rou t e . I t i s on ly t o be exp ec t ed th a t som e pe op le p l ay
* Transl. note: T h e t erm p u i s s an ce i n Fren c h co n ve ys th e i d ea o f th e i n h eren t en ergy an d
v i ta l force o f th e p eo p l e , a s op p o s ed to th e i n s t i tu t i on s o f p ow er ( p ou vo i r ) . M af fes o l i
mak es a c l ear d i s t i n c t i on b etween th es e two terms , b o th o f wh i ch are u s u a l l y ren d ered a s
p ow er i n E n g l i s h . I h av e ch o s en to l eave th e t erm p u i s s an ce i n th e or i g i n al Fre n ch , i n
ord er to ma i n ta i n th i s d i s t i n c t i on .
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2
THE TIME OF THE TRIBES
the foo l fo r ha rd -p r e s s ed jo urn a l i s t s ; a f te r a l l , t ha t t oo is pa r t o f t he soc i al
fab r i c . Bu t o the rs may have d i f fe ren t ambi t i ons : t o speak to t hose w ho
w ish to t h ink fo r t hemse lve s and w ho f ind in such and such a book o r
a n a l y s i s a s p r i n g b o a r d , a l l o w i n g t h e m t o e p i p h a n i z e t h e i r o w n t h o u g h t s .
N a i v e , p e r h a p s ? P r e t e n t i o u s ? O n l y t i m e w i l l t e l l . A n d o n l y a f e w i n f o r m e d
minds a re ab l e - j us t - t o see w ha t t he fu tu re ho lds .
T h u s ,
t h e amb i t i on o f t h i s bo ok i s t o addr e ss it s el f my s t e r iou s ly , w i th
ne i the r f a l se s impl i c i t y nor use l e s s complex i ty , t o t he communi ty o f minds
w h o ,
o u t s i d e o f c h a p e l s , c o t e r i e s a n d s y s t e m s , c a n c o n c e i v e o f M o n t a i g n e ' s
' h o m m e r i e ' * w h i c h is a l s o t o b e t h e i r f a t e . T h e s e a r e c e r t a in l y o p e n m i n d s
a s w e l l , fo r a s w e sha l l s ee , t he s inuous j ourney to come w i l l r equ i re a
c e r t a i n m a s t e r y o f o n e ' s t h o u g h t s . T h e
freischwebe nde intelligentsia:
he re i s
a somew ha t i nsecure p rospec t , bu t one w i th some in t e re s t fo r t hose w i l l i ng
to g ive t h i s adven tu re i t s due . In shor t , I have abso lu t e ly no w i sh to w r i t e
the so r t o f books t ha t , i n t he w ords o f G eorges Ba ta i l l e , ' appea l t o t he
faci li ty o f t he i r r e ad e r s . . . [ t hose bo ok s w hich ] a re en jo yed m os t o f t en by
v a g u e a n d w e a k m i n d s s e e k i n g t o e s c a p e a n d t o s l e e p '
(Oeuvres completes,
v o l .
8 , p . 583) .
I t i s no t s imply a qu es t io n o f f ram e o f m ind , bu t r a th e r o f p ro ce du re ,
w hich w ould be use fu l t o p rov ide s ince t he d i sc ip l ine ' s t r ad i t i ona l fo rma t
w i l l no t be re spec t ed . O f course , t h i s means i t w i l l no l onge r be poss ib l e t o
supp ly t he usua l degree o f i n t e l l e c tua l r e a s su rance . The ob jec t o f s tudy
i tse lf de m an d s th i s t r an sgr e ss io n ; i nd ee d , it i s i nc rea s ing ly an acc ep t ed fact
tha t the soc ia l exis tence under s tudy does not eas i ly lend i t se l f to a
d i s t i l l a t i o n o f c o n c e p t s . L e t u s r a t h e r l e a v e t h a t j o b t o t h e a c a d e m i c b e a n -
co un te rs wh o m ain ta i n a sc ienti f ic a i r wh i le c lass ify ing w ha t by r ights
shou ld be long to each o f us . Whe the r t hey make the d iv i s ion by c l a s s ,
soc io -p ro fe s s iona l c a t egor i e s , po l i t i c a l v i ew s o r any o the r
a priori
d e t e r m i
n a t i o n s , it is n o l o n g e r o f m u c h i m p o r t a n c e . T o u s e a r a t h e r c r u d e t e r m ,
wh ich I sha l l con t inu a l ly t ry to m ak e expl ic i t - t o se t do w n for a l l to see - 1
sha l l t ry t o ma in t a in a 'ho l i s t i c ' pe r spe c t iv e : a con s t an t r eve rs ib i l it y u n i t i ng
the ( soc i a l and na tu ra l ) w ho le w i th t he va r ious e l ement s (mi l i eux and
pe rso ns ) o f w hich i t i s con s t i t u t ed . P ro cee d in g f rom th i s pe r spe c t ive w i ll
a m o u n t t o g r a s p i n g b o t h e n d s o f t h e r o p e a t o n c e : o n t h e o n e e n d , a n
exis tent ia l ontology; on the o ther , the s imples t of t r iv ia l i t i es , the f i rs t
sh in ing a l a se r l i gh t on the d ive rse man i fe s t a t i ons o f t he second . 1
I t i s c l e a r t ha t from the pe rs pec t ive o f ' s ep a r a t i on ' , w h ich s ti ll r e t a i ns a
d o m i n a n t r o l e , t h i s p r o c e d u r e is d i s q u i e t i n g , a n d i t w o u l d b e p r e f e r a b l e t o
t a k e e i t h e r a m o n o g r a p h i c o r d e l i b e r a t e ly t h e o r e t ic a l a p p r o a c h . H o w e v e r ,
I wi l l l eave as ide the in te l lec tua l p leasure a fforded by each of these
a t t i t u d e s , c o n f i d e n t i n t h e f a c t t h a t c e r t a i n O u t d a t e d ' c o n s i d e r a t i o n s m a y
be pe r fec t ly adequa te t o t he i r t ime . I w i l l r e fe r t o Lev i -S t rauss w ho show ed
tha t t he c l a s s i ca l d iv i s ion be tw een magic and sc i ence shou ld no t be
e x a g g e r a t e d , a n d t h a t b y i ts e m p h a s i s o n ' t a n g i b l e p e r c e p t i o n s ' , m a g i c
* Transl. note:
the qual i ty of ma n.
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B Y
WAY OF
IN T R O D U C T I O N
3
played a considerable role in the progress of science. 2 For my part, I will
try to push such a comparison to its logical limits, or at the very least, to
apply it to other types of near-polarities. I will explain myself more fully on
this point in the final chapter, but it seems to me that herein lies a fertile
paradox. It allows us to appreciate fully the social configurations which are
increasingly the product of a synergistic relationship formerly seen in its
constitutive parts.
The antinomy of serious scholarship and common sense seems to be a
given. Naturally, serious scholarship has tended to regard common sense
as infirm: when it is not qualified as 'false consciousness', it is at best
defective. The scorn heaped on the anima Candida is the touc hst one of the
intellectual atti tud e. I hav e alrea dy written on this ph en om en on ; I would
now like to show how it can account for our failure to understand what, for
lack of a better term, we shall call life. To refer to life in general terms
carries with it a certain amount of risk. It can lead in particular to vague
illusions; but in so far as we can flesh out this consideration of 'tangible
per cep tio ns' , it will be possible to explo re a conc rete existen ce far rem ove d
from dise mbo die d ratio cinat ions. At the same tim e, it is imp ort ant to
preserve the ability to venture into deeper waters; we will thus be able to
'invent' new lands by applying the general principle. These are the stakes
of the synergy in question: to
propose
a va ga bo nd sociology which at the
sa me time is no t depr ive d of its ob jec t.
The reversible movement between formism and empathy can also
account for the current shift in importance from an essentially
mechanical
social order towards a complex, predominantly organic stru ctur e. We are
witnessing the usurping of linear History by the restorative myth; there is a
return to a vitalism whose varied modulations I will attempt to show. The
different terms evoked are all linked: organicity refers to Bergson's
elan
vital or life principle. Let us not forget, it was he who proposed the idea of
direct intuition in order to account for it. Scheler and Simmel also shared a
similar vision of the unicity of life.
3
I will return frequently to such a
consi derat ion si nce, aside from allowing us to und ers tan d the East ern
panvitalism at work in many small contemporary groups, it also accounts
for the emotional and the 'affectual' dimensions that structure them as
such. The reason for the above-mentioned caution becomes clear: the fact
that the social dynamic no longer follows the same paths as modernity does
not mean that such paths no longer exist. Moreover, following the
anthropological path I have indicated puts us in a better position to show
tha t a qua si-a nim al life is dee ply em be dd ed in the vari ous manifes tations of
sociality. This explains the emphasis on reliance,* an d on th e religiosity
which is an essential ingredient in the tribalism we shall be considering.
Transl.
note:
r e l i a nce
is a
t e rm Ma f f e so l i bo rro ws f ro m
M.
B o l l e
de Bai.
Et y mo lo g ica l ly
spea k ing , t h i s neo lo g i sm der iv es f ro m th e verb re l ier : to co nnec t , l ink or b ind t o g e t her .
Maffeso l i la ter re la tes this term to re l ig ion ( re l igare ) .
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4
T H E T I M E OF THE TRIB ES
Without in any way attempting to insert some sort of doctrinal content
into the pre sen t discussion, it is possible to speak of the deve lopm en t of a
genuinely holy dimension to social relationships that Dürkheim, in his
positiv ist way , called the 'social div ine '. This is how for my pa rt I
understand sociality's
puissance
which, by abs ten tio n, silence and rus e, is
the opposite of the politico-economic power. I will finish discussion of this
first approach with an insight from the cabbala, for whom these 'forces'
(Sefirot)* constitute the divinity. According to Scholem, these powers are
the prim ord ial el em ent s 'up on which all reality is founde d'; thus 'life flows
externally and vitalizes creation while remaining at the same time deeply
internal, and the secret rhythm of its movement, of its pulse, is the law of
the dynamics of nature' . 4 This small apologia sums up what to me appears
to be the role of sociality: above and beyond the instituted forms that still
exist and someti mes pred omi na te, the re is an informal und erg rou nd
cen tra lity t hat a ssures the perd urab ili ty of life in soci ety. It is to this realit y
we should turn: we are not used to it and our analytical tools may be rather
rusty. Nevertheless, many clues, which I am attempting to formalize in this
book, point us in this direction. These are the stakes for the decades to
come. As we know, it is only post festum that recognition daw ns; even so,
we mus t mainta in a certai n clarity and dispose of unnece ssar y intellectua l
impediments in order to hasten this insight.
2 . Th e qu omodo
It is indeed necessary, in so far as is possible, to adjust our ways of thinking
to the (re)born objects we are to examine. Must we then speak of a
Copernican revolution? Perhaps, however we must add a healthy dose of
relativism, if only to be mo re receptive to new d ev el op me nt s.
5
At first, in order to counter an attitude prevalent in modernity, it may
pe rh aps be nece ssary to accep t ourse lves as dep rive d of any p ur po se ,
denying any association with the practical, refusing to participate in any
inst rum ent al kno wle dge. Wit h this in min d, it is useful to recall th e
example, now strangely forgotten, of the founding fathers of sociology
wh o, acco rding to Nisbe t - that able historia n of the discipline - 'ne ver
ceased being artists'. Neither should it be forgotten that the ideas which
may later be structured in theory are primarily the product of 'imagination,
vision, intuition' . 6 T he advice is well ta ken , for this is ho w, at the tu rn of
the century, the authors now part of the canon were able to present their
pertinent and numerous social analyses. If only by force of circumstance,
that is, when conf ron ted with so me sort of social renewal - a new society -
it becomes important to put into practice a certain theoretical ' laxness',
Transl. note:
In the J ewish mystical tr adition, the ten eman at ions or powers of G od the
C r e a t o r .
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BY
WAY OF
I N T R O D U C T I O N
5
without, of course, as I have indicated, abdicating our obligation to think,
or succumbing to laziness or intellectual fatuousness. In the comprehensive
tradition, to which I subscribe, one always proceeds by approximate truths.
This is all the more important when one's focus is the realm of everyday
life. In this aspect, more than any other, we need not concern ourselves
with discoverin g th e ult ima te tru th . Tr ut h is rela tive, an offshoot of the
situation. This is a complex 'Situationism', since the observer is simul
taneously, if only partially, implicated in the situation he is describing.
Competence and appetence go hand in hand; hermeneutics supposes that
we are a part of what we describe; requires a 'certain community of
ou t look ' . 7 Ethnologists and anthropologists have consistently emphasized
this phenomenon, so it is time to apply it to the realities at hand.
Just as the newb or n is fragile, uncer tai n, imperfect, our appr oac h must
possess the same qualities. This goes far in explaining its apparent
slightness; a shifting terrain requires quick movements; there is therefore
no sh am e in 'surfing' ove r the waves of socia lity. It is in fact a jud ici ous a nd
highly efficacious way to proceed. In this respect, the use of metaphor is
qui te pert inen t: asi de from its pe di gr ee and th e fact that it has pla yed a part
in all times of intellectual ferment, the use of metaphor permits those
precise crystallizations of approximate and momentary truths. It has been
said that Beethoven found inspiration for his most glorious musical phrases
among the masses. Why should we not set down our score with the same
source in mind?
Just like the person who dons masks in the theatre of everyday life,
sociality is structurally de cep tive, unknowable - which explains the confusion
of the scholars, politicians and journalists who find it turning up
elsewhere,
after believing they had alrea dy pinne d it do wn . Backtr acki ng hastily, the
most honest among them will surreptitiously change theories to produce a
new, systematic and comprehensive explanation of this phenomenon.
Would it not be better, as I was saying, to make common cause and
practise the same deceptive strategy? Instead of attacking head-on through
positivizing or criticizing a fleeting social reality, it would be wiser to
ap pr oa ch stea lthil y, from th e side. Thi s is th e prac tice of a pop hat ic
theology: we can only know God indirectly. Thus, rather than trying to
fool ourselves into thinking we can seize, explain and exhaust an object, we
must be content to describe its shape, its movements, hesitations, accom
pli shm ent s and its var iou s convul sion s. Bu t, as they ar e all of a pie ce, this
strategy could also be applied to the various instruments traditionally used
in our disciplines, holding onto those which remain useful, but also
overcoming their rigidity. In this way, it would be desirable to do the same
as that oth er outs ider , Ervi ng Goff man, wh o inve nted conce pts, although
he preferred 'old words used in new ways or in new intriguing com
binations over clumsy neologisms' . 8
Favouring 'mini-concepts' or ideas
over established certainties may be surprising; however, I believe that it is
the proof of an intellectual outlook which most closely follows the bumpy
route taken by all social life.
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6
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
3 . Overture
These are the wide brushstrokes filling the canvas of the various sociological
con sidera tions to follow. Th e amb ien ce of an era , and perforc e the
ambience of scholarship, covers a period of years. Interim results were
tested on various colleagues and young researchers in France, as well as in
man y foreign unive rsities . Th e amb ien ce is built on a fundame ntal
paradox: the constant interplay between the growing massification and the
development of micro-groups, which I shall call 'tribes'.
This appears to me the founding tension characterizing sociality at the
end of the twentieth century. The masses, or the people - not to be
confused with the proletariat or other classes - are not posited on a logic of
identity; without any precise goals, they are not the subjects of historical
movement. As for the metaphor of the tribe, it allows us to account for the
process of disindividuation, the saturation of the inherent
function
of th e
individual and the emphasis on the role that each person {persona) is cal led
up on to play within th e tribe . It is of cou rse unde rs tood tha t, just as the
mass es are in a state of pe rpe tual sw arm , the tribes that crystallize from
these masses are unstable, since the persons of which these tribes are
constituted are free to move from one to the other.
The following list explains the shift under way and its resultant tension:
Social Sociality
Mechanical structure Complex or organic structure
(Modernity) (Post-modernity)
Political-economic organization Masses
(Cultural, productive, religious, sexual, ideological domains)
It is as a function of this do ub le hypoth esi s (shift and ten sion) th at , true
to form, I will incorporate various theoretical readings and empirical
research which seem to me to contribute to the present discussion.* As I
hav e indi cate d, the re is no reas on to disc rimi nate , and apa rt from
sociological, philosophical and anthropological works, the novel, poetry or
anecdotes also play their part. The essential task will be to highlight several
forms, which are per hap s 'un rea l' , but which help in the com pre hen sio n, in
* There is an exoteric as well as an esoteric aspect to any inquiry, expressed by the critical
a p p a r a t u s . In order to avoid overloading the body of the text, the apparatus describing my
views has been put at the back of the book. Aside from their illustrative role, these
references may also encourage the reader's own research.
Individuals
(function)
Contractual groups
versus
Persons
(role)
Affectual tribes
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BY
WAY OF
IN T R O D U C T I O N
7
the strictest sense of the word, of the multiplicity of situations, experi
ences, logical and non-logical actions that constitute sociality.
A mo ng the forms to be anal yse d, the re is of cou rse the tribalism which
lies at the he ar t of this work. Ar oun d this cen tral t he me , I shall be
discussing forms such as the emotional community, puissance and the
sociality from which tribalism springs. Following on from the question of
triba lism, I will touch on such forms as polyc ultura lism and pro xem ics ,
which are its consequences. I am proposing,
in fine,
a theoretica l ' met ho d'
to serve as a guide through the confusion surrounding tribalism.
There is, to be sure, a certain monotony to the subjects under consider
ation, as well as redundancy. This is an apt description of the 'obsessive
image s' to be found in any literary, poetic or cine matog raph ic end eav our .
Each era hauntingly repeats multiple variations on a few familiar themes.
Thus, the same preoccupations can be seen in every form we examine; only
the ang le of app roac h is ch ange d. I ho pe in this way to be able to account
for the polychromatic aspect of the social entity. In a remarkable attack on
the causal machinery, Gilbert Durand mentions the 'theory of the recital '
which is adva nce d as the most ade qu at e way of translatin g the redu ndan cy
of the mythical narra tive , its dou blet s and va ri an ts. 9 This theory meshes
nicely with the everyday knowledge I am attempting to explain. It is
limited to seeking out and re-citing the efflorescence and the recurring
ho dg e- po dg e of a vitalism that is battl ing with the anguish of dea th in a
cyclical, self -per pet uati ng way .
Ho we ve r, this ra the r aestheti c the ory of the recital is no t desi gned for
those who think it is possible to shed light on men's actions, much less is it
for those who, confusing knowledge and politics, believe action is possible.
It is rather a kind of quietism which is limited to recognizing that which is,
which occurs, in a sort of revaluing of the primum vivere. As I have said
before, these pages are directed at the 'happy few'. Acknowledging the
nobility of the masses and the tribes is limited to a certain aristocracy of the
mind; nevertheless, it is not the prerogative of a certain social class or
profession, much less a band of privileged specialists. Through speeches,
colloquia and discussions, I have discovered that such a cast of mind is
evenly distributed among a good number of students, social workers,
decision-makers and journalists, not forgetting of course those who can
simply be dee me d cu ltu red . It is to the se pe op le tha t I add ress this boo k,
which is bu t a me re intro duc tio n to wha t are further exp lor ati ons .
If thi s is a wo rk of fiction, th at is one which push es a certain logic to its
limits, this book 'invents' only that which already exists, preventing it, of
course, from proposing any solutions for the future. On the other hand, by
atte mpti ng to ask key que stio ns, this bo ok is atte mpti ng to spark op en ,
unwavering, honest debate.
In times of constant effervescence, certain stimulating impertinences are
req uir ed: I ho pe I hav e ma de my fair sha re. Utop ias be co me com mon
place; revived dreams bubble up to the surface. Who was it who said such
moments dreamed the next? Perhaps less in terms of projections than in
te rm s of fictions pieced toge ther from sca tte red fragm ents , inc omplete
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8
T H E T I M E O F T H E TRIBES
c o n s t r u c t i o n s , v a r io u s l y s u c ce s sf u l a t t e m p t s . I t i s u n d o u b t e d l y w o r t h w h i l e
f a s h i o n i n g a n e w i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e e v e r y d a y d r e a m s . D r e a m o n ,
s o c i o l o g y
Notes
1 . W e can s ee h er e an ap p roac h th a t wa s s h ared b y th i n k ers s u ch a s A . S ch u tz , G . H . M e ad
an d E . G of fm an n . O n th i s mat te r , I re fer to U . H an n erz , Exploring the City: inquiries toward
an Urban Anthropology,
N ew Yo rk , Co l u m b i a Un i ve rs i ty Pre s s , 1980 , ch . 6 , p art icu l ar ly
p . 221 for th e q u es t i on o f th i s com i n g an d go i n g mo ve m en t . O n e can a l s o c i t e P . B er ger a n d
T . L u c k m a n n ,
The Social Construction of Reality,
N e w Y o r k , A n c h o r B o o k s , 1 9 67 .
2 . C . L 6v i -S trau s s , The Savage Mind, L o n d o n , W e i d e n f e l d a n d N i c o l s o n , 1 9 6 8 , p . 11
et seq.
3 .
Μ . S ch el e r, The Nature of Sympathy, L o n d o n , R o u t l e d g e a n d K e g a n P a u l , 1 9 7 0 , p . 7 4 .
4 . G . S c h o l e m , La Mystique juive, Fren ch tran s l . Par i s ,
Cerf,
1985, p . 59 et seq.
5.
I h ave d ev o te d a b oo k to th i s q u es t i o n : M . M af f es o l i ,
La Connaissance ordinaire. Precis
de sociologie comprehensive, M er i d i en s K l i n ck s i eck , 1985 .
6 . R . N i s b et ,
The Sociological Tradition,
L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n E d u c a t i o n a l , 1 9 7 0 , p . 1 8 .
7 . Cf . a cer ta i n com mu n i ty o f ou t l ook i n W . O u th w ai te , Understanding Social Life: the
Method Called Verstehen, L o n d o n , A l l e n a n d U n w i n , 1 9 7 5 .
8 . H a n n e r z ,
Exploring the City,
p . 209 .
9 . G . Du ran d , L a B e au te com m e p res en ce p arac l e t i q u e: e s s a i s u r l e s res u rge n ces d u n
b a s s in s e m a n t i q u e i n
Eranos,
1984 , vo l . 53 , Fran k fu rt am M ai n , I n s e l Ve r l ag , 1986 , p . 128 .
O n t h e q u e s t i o n o f o b s e s s i v e i m a g e s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , c f. C . M a u r o n , Des Metaphores
obsedantes au my the personnel, Paris , J . Co rt i , 1962 .
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1
TH E
E M O T I O N A L C O M M U N I T Y :
RESEARCH A R G U M E N T S
1 .
T h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a
A t t he r i sk o f sound ing dogma t i c , i t w i l l be nece ssa ry t o re tu rn regu la r ly t o
t h e p r o b l e m o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m , i f o n l y b e c a u s e i t o b s c u r e s , i n a m o r e o r l e s s
p e r t i n e n t w a y , t h e w h o l e o f c o n t e m p o r a r y t h i n k i n g . I n d i v i d u a l is m , e i t h e r
p r op e r l y spe ak in g o r in i t s de r iva t ive fo rm of na rc i s s i sm , i s c en t ra l t o m an y
b o o k s , a r t i c l e s a n d t h e s e s w h i c h , n a t u r a l l y e n o u g h , t a k e a p s y c h o l o g i c a l , a s
w e l l a s h i s to r i c a l , soc io log ica l o r po l i t i c a l pe r spec t ive . Th i s i s a k ind o f
ob l iga to ry r i t e o f pa ssage fo r t hose w i sh ing to bu i ld a know ledge o f
m o d e r n i t y . W h i l e c e r t a in l y n o t w i t h o u t it s u s e s , t h i s a p p r o a c h b e c o m e s
i n c r e a s i n g l y q u e s t i o n a b l e w h e n u s e d i n c o u n t l e s s n e w s p a p e r a r t i c l e s ,
po l i t i c a l speeches o r mora l pos tu r ings a s a k ind o f mag ica l key to
u n d e r s t a n d i n g . S o - c a l l e d e x p e r t s , u n t r o u b l e d b y c a u t i o n o r s c h o l a r l y
n u a n c e , d i s s e m i n a t e a b o d y o f c o n v e n t i o n a l , a n d s o m e w h a t d i s a s t r o u s ,
w i s d o m a b o u t t h e w i t h d r a w a l i n t o t h e
self,
t he end o f co l l e c t i ve i dea l s o r ,
t a ke n in i t s w id es t s en se , t h e pu b l i c sp he re . W e the n find ourse lve s face t o
face wi th a k ind of
doxa,
w h i c h m a y p e r h a p s n o t e n d u r e b u t w h i c h is
n e v e r t h e l e s s w i d e l y r e c e i v e d , a n d a t t h e v e r y l e a s t , h a s t h e p o t e n t i a l t o
m a s k o r d e n y t h e d e v e l o p i n g s o c i a l f o r m s o f t o d a y . W h i l e s o m e o f t h e s e
n e w f o r m s a r e q u i t e o b v i o u s , o t h e r s r e m a i n u n d e r g r o u n d ; m o r e o v e r , t h e
spe c t ac u la r a spec t o f t h e fo rm er l e ad s on e to d i smiss t h em a s i r re l eva n t , a
c r i t ic i sm tha t se em s to f lour ish du r in g t im es of c r i s i s . T hi s of co ur se p av es
t h e w a y f o r t h e l a z y t e n d e n c y i n h e r e n t i n a n y
doxa.
I d o n ' t i n t e n d t o c o n f r o n t t h e q u e s t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m h e a d - o n ;
h o w e v e r I w i ll b e r e g u l a r l y a d d r e s s i n g it α contrario. T h e m a in th ru s t o f my
a r g u m e n t s w i l l b e t o s h o w , t o d e s c r i b e a n d t o a n a l y s e t h e s o c i a l c o n
figura tions t h a t s e em to go b ey on d ind iv id ua l i sm , i n o t he r w or ds , t h e
unde f ined mass , t he face l e s s c row d and the t r i ba l i sm cons i s t i ng o f a
p a t c h w o r k o f s m a l l l o c a l e n t i t i e s . T h e s e a r e o f c o u r s e m e t a p h o r s t h a t a i m
ab ov e a l l t o a cce n t ua t e t he un t id y a spec t of soc i a l i t y . H e re on ce aga in w e
may turn to the emblemat ic f igure of Dionysus . In the guise of f ic t ion, I
i n t e n d t o a s s u m e t h a t t h e c a t e g o r y t h a t h a s s e r v e d u s w e l l o v e r t w o
cen tu r i e s o f soc i a l ana ly s i s i s co m ple t e ly ex ha us t e d . I t i s o f t en sa id t h a t
t ru th i s s t r an ge r t han fic tion; l e t us t he re fo re t ry t o m ea su re up to t h e t r u th .
P e r h a p s w e o u g h t t o s h o w , a s c e r t a i n n o v e l i s t s h a v e , t h a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s
no longe r a s c en t ra l a s t he g rea t ph i losophe rs s ince t he age o f t he
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10
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
Enlightenment have maintained. This naturally represents a bias, but one
that I will adopt in any case, clarifying it along the way with notations,
rem ark s or anecdo tes which, while impe rtin ent , will not be unfo und ed.
Beckett's plays shatter our illusions of the individual in control of himself
and his desti ny. In a par oxy sma l* and pr em on it or y way, he show s the
contin gent an d ephe mer al n atu re of all individualism and underli nes the
factitiousness inherent in the process of individuation which can only lead
to a pri son . Individualis m is an ou td at ed bun ke r and as such deser ves
ab an do nm en t, according to the playwright. This attitu de is not without its
stimulating originality in an era where the consensus likes its thinking
ready-made. Of course, this view must have escaped many of his sycophants;
bu t it is nev ert hel ess in perfect c ongru enc e with the ancie nt wisdom that
sees every individual as the single link [puntum] in an uni nte rrup ted chain,
multifaceted and microcosmic, the crystallization and expression of th e
general macrocosm. Here we can recognize the idea of the persona, the
changeable mask which blends into a variety of scenes and situations whose
only value resides in the fact that they are played out by the many.
The multiplicity of the self and the communal ambience it induces will
serve as a backcloth to these reflections. I have proposed calling this the
'aesthetic paradigm', in the sense of fellow-feeling. Indeed, whereas the
individualist logic is founded on a se pa ra te and self-contained iden tity, the
pe rso n (p ers ona) can only find fulfilment in his rela tion s with ot he rs .
Gilbe rt Du ra nd , in looking at several mo der n autho rs (Th om as Ma nn ,
William Faulkner) speaks from a sociological perspective in which we exist
only in the 'minds of others'. 1 Such a point of view obliges us to go beyond
the classical subj ect/objec t d ich otomy that is fundam ent al to the ent ire
bour geoi s philosophy. T he accent is then on that which unit es, rathe r than
tha t which sepa ra te s. No longer is my per sonal history based on a
contra ctual arr ang eme nt with other ration al individuals; rath er it is a myth
in which I am an active par tic ipa nt. H er oe s, saints or em bl em ati c figures
may be rea l, how eve r they exist mo re or less as ideal typ es, em pty 'f o rm s' ,
matrices in which we may all recognize ourselves and commune with
oth ers . Dio nys us, Don Ju an , the Christian saint or Gree k her o - we could
go on and on listing the mythical figures and social types that enable a
common 'aesthetic' to serve as a repository of our collective
self-
expression. The multiplicity inherent in a given symbol inevitably favours
the emergence of a strong collective feeling. Peter Brown put his finger on
the question when he analysed the cult of the saint of late Antiquity. 2 By
cre atin g a chain of int erm ed iar ies , this cult allowe d on e to reac h God. Th e
fragmented persona and the specific links represented by the saints are thus
the main elements forming the deity and the ecclesiastical collective that
serves as its vector.
We may apply this analysis to our research: there are times when the
social 'divine' is em bo di ed in a collective emo tio n t hat recognize s itself in
Transl. note: Maffesoli uses this term througho ut to mean 'ext reme ' or 'acute'.
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T H E E M O T I O N A L
COMMUNITY
11
one or another typification. In this scenario, the proletariat and the
bou rge ois ie could be 'histo rical subjec ts' with a task to accompli sh. A
certain scientific, artistic or political genius could deliver a message
indicating the path to follow; however, they could remain abstract and
inaccessible entities, setting a goal to be achieved. In contrast, the mythical
type has the simpl e role of colle ctor , a pu re 'c on ta ine r' . Its sole pu rpos e is
to express, for a precise moment in time, the collective spirit. This is the
main distinction to be drawn between abstract, rational periods and
'em pa the tic ' peri ods of history. Th e ration al era is built on th e principle of
individuation and of separation, whereas the empathetic period is marked
by the lack of diffe renti ation , the 'lo ss' in a collective subjec t: in ot he r
words, what I shall call neo-tribalism.
There are many examples in our everyday life to illustrate the emotional
amb ien ce exu ded by tribal de vel opm en t. Mo re ov er , it is not ewor thy that
such examples are no longer shocking to us: they are a part of the urban
landscape. The many punk or 'paninari '* looks, which are the expressions
of group uniformity and conformity, are like so many punctuations in the
pe rm an en t spectacle offered to us by the co nte mp ora ry megalo polis. W ith
respect to the tendency to examine the orientation of existe nce evid ent in
the cities of the West , on e may be remin ded of Aug usti ne Be rq ue 's
analysis of the 'sympathetic' relationship between the self and the other in
Ja pa n. Such a wea k de ma rc at ion - to the poi nt of indistinguishab ility, even
between the self and the other, the subject and the object, gives pause for
reflection. The idea of the extensibility of the self ('a relative and
extensible ego') may be a pertinent methodological tool for understanding
the contemporary scene. 3 It is almost not wor th men tio nin g the fascination
that Japan holds for us today; nor is it necessary to refer to its economic or
technological su prem acy in or de r to und ers cor e the fact tha t, althou gh
distinction
is pe rh ap s appl icab le to mo de rn it y, it is by con tras t totally
inadequate in explaining the varied forms of social groupings that are today
at th e foref ront. Th ei r out lines ar e ill-defined: sex, ap pe ar an ce , lifestyles -
even ideology - are increasingly qualified in terms ('trans', 'meta') that go
be yo nd th e logic of iden tity and /or binary logic. Briefly, and taking the
terms in their most accepted sense, we can say that we are witnessing the
tendency for a rationalized 'social' to be replaced by an empathetic
'socia lity', which is exp res sed by a succession of am bi ence s, feelings and
emotions.
For exa mp le, it is interes ting to no te that the Ger ma n Ro ma nt ic idea of
Stimmung (a tmo sp he re ) is mo re and mo re often used on the on e han d to
describe relations between social micro-groups, and on the other to show
the way these groups are situated in spatial terms (ecology, habitat,
neighbourhood). The same holds true for the constant use of the term
'feeling'** to describe interpersonal relationships. It will be a useful
Transl. note: A kind of Italian prep py, or as the French wou ld say, 'bon chic, bon genre'.
Transl. note: Thi s word appears in Engli sh in the text .
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12
T H E
T I M E OF THE TRIBES
criterion for measuring the quality of the exchanges, for deciding on how
far and how deep they go. If we are referring to a rational organizational
mo de l, the most unst abl e noti on we can emp loy is sen tim ent . In fact, it
seems necessary to make a change in the way we consider social groupings;
in this respect, Max Weber's socio-historical analysis of the 'emotional
communi ty ' (Gemeinde) can be pu t to good use. H e specifies that this
em oti onal comm un ity is in fact a 'ca teg ory ', that is, som eth ing that has
never existed in its own right but that can shed light on present situations.
The major characteristics attributed to these emotional communities are
their ephemeral aspect; 'changeable composition'; 'ill-defined nature'; local
flavour; the ir 'lack of or ganiza tio n' and rou tin iza tion (Veralltäglichung).
We be r also poin ts ou t tha t we find the se grou ping s un de r ma ny different
names, in all religions and in general, alongside the rigidity of institutions.
4
In the ete rnal rid dle of the chic ken and the egg , it is difficult to de te rm in e
which comes first; however, his analysis makes clear that the link between
shared emotion and open communal relationships leads to this multiplicity
of groups which manage, at the end of the day, to form a rather solid social
arr ang eme nt. This adju stme nt, like a co mm on thr ead throug h the social
fabric, is no less pe rm an en t for all tha t. Per ma ne nc y and instability are the
two poles around which the emotional will navigate.
It should be po in te d out right away that the em ot ion in quest ion is no t to
be confused with any common or garden pathos. It seems to me a mistake
to interpret the Dionysian values, to which this thematic refers, as the
ultimate manifestation of a collective bourgeois activism. According to this
inte rpr etat ion , the co mm on march towa rds the Enli ght enm ent came first,
followed by the attempt to master nature and technology, and culminating
in the coor din at ed or che stra tion of social affects. Bu t this pers pect ive is far
too closed or dialectical; of course, certain examples, such as the paradigm
rep res ent ed by 'Club Med ', may lead to this conclusion. Neve rthe less, this
analysis must be careful to consider the fact that the key characteristics
of the group attitude are its expenditure, the notion of chance and
disindividuation.
This does not allow us to regard the emotional community as yet another
stop along the pathetic and linear march of the history of humanity. I was
much drawn to this point through conversations I had with the Italian
philosopher Mario Perniola. 5 To ext end his work from a sociological p oin t
of view, I would say that the aesthetic of the 'we' is a mixture of
indifference and periodic bursts of energy. In a paradoxical way, we exhibit
singular disdain for any projectivist attitude, and experience an undeniable
intensity in whatever action we take. Thus can be characterized the
impersonal nature of proxemics.
Dürkheim underlined this fact also, and although he retains his wonted
caution, he still speaks of the 'social nature of sentiments' and shows its
effectiveness. 'We are indignant together,' he writes, referring to the
prox imit y of the ne ighbou rhoo d and its mys ter ious, format ive 'force of
att rac tio n'. It is within this fram ework tha t passion is exp res sed , co mm on
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T H E
E M O T I O N A L
COMMUNITY
13
beliefs are developed and the search for 'those who feel and think as we do'
takes place.
6
Th ese rem ar ks , ordi nary as they may ap pe ar, are applicable
to many objects, and reinforce the insurmountable nature of the everyday
subs tra te. This is the matr ix from which all rep res en ta tio ns are crystallized:
the exchange of feelings, conversation in the restaurant or shop, popular
beliefs, world views and other insubstantial chit-chat which constitute the
solidarity of the community's existence. Contrary to what has been
previously considered good form, we can agree on the fact that reason
plays only a small part in the formation and expression of opinions. Their
expression, whether by the early Christians or the socialist workers of
the nineteenth century, owes considerably more to the mechanisms
responsible for the spread of commonly held feelings or emotions.
Whether in the context of the network of tiny convivial cells or at a
favourite local pub, the collective emotion becomes concrete, playing on
the multiple facets of what Montaigne called the 'hommerie': that blend of
greatness and turpitude, generous ideas and venal thoughts, of idealism
and convinc ed worldliness - in a wor d: ma n.
Ne ve rt he le ss, it is precisely this mixtu re tha t assure s a form of solida rity,
of continuity across the various histories of humanity. I have previously
mentioned the community of destiny that sometimes may find expression
within the framework of a rational and/or political project but that at
others takes the more hazy and ill-defined path of the collective sensibility.
In this latt er case , the emp ha sis is pla ced on the dis or der ed as pect of the
small group which, in interaction with other forms of organisation,
guarantees the perdurability of the species. The first case produces what
Ha lb wa ch s calls th e 'view from with ou t', which is His tor y, and the sec ond ,
the 'view from within', or collective memory.
7
T o stre tch this pa ra do x even further, the collective me mo ry is on the on e
hand tied to the immediate surroundings and, on the other, transcends the
group itself, which is located in a long 'line' that we can take either stricto
sensu or from an imagi nary per spe cti ve. In any cas e, wha tev er we call it
(emotion, sentiment, mythology, ideology) the collective sensibility, by
superseding the atomization of the individual, creates the conditions necess
ary for a sort of aura tha t characteri zes a certain pe riod: the theological au ra
of the Middle Ages, the political aura of the eighteenth century or the
progressive aura of the nineteenth. We might possibly be witnessing
the development of an
aesthetic
aur a conta ining varying pro por tion s
of elements related to the communal drive, mystical propensity or an
ecological pers pec tive. Howe ve r it shou ld app ea r, ther e is a strong link
between these various terms; each in its own way takes into account the
organicity of things, the glutinum mundi from whic h, des pite (or bec aus e
of) such diversity, a whole emerges. This organic sense of solidarity
express es itself in a mu lt it ud e of ways , and it is sure ly from thi s ang le t hat
we must interpret the resurgence of the occult, syncretism and, more
commonly, a heightened appreciation of the spiritual or astrological. This
latte r ph en om en on especially is no long er the exclusive pre ser ve of the
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14
THE TIME OF THE TRIBES
c r e d u l o u s o r n a i v e . R e s e a r c h e r s a r e n o w fin din g a d o u b l e l a y e r o f m e a n i n g
a t t a c h e d t o a s t r o l o g y , b o t h c u l t u r a l a n d n a t u r a l . G i l b e r t D u r a n d h a s s h o w n
ho w ind iv idua l ly cen t red a s t r o log y is o f r e l a t i ve ly rece n t o r ig in , fo r
c l a s s i ca l a s t ro logy ' conce rned i t s e l f above a l l w i th t he
destiny of the group ,
o f t h e e a r t h l y d o m a i n ' .
8
Ast rology can be p laced in an ecologica l perspec t ive ,
rep re sen ted by the ' house s ' w h ich p red i spose a l l o f us t o l i ve i n a na tu ra l
a n d s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . W i t h o u t g o i n g t o o d e e p l y i n t o t h e m a t t e r , w e m a y
n o t e t h a t i t h a s s o m e t h i n g o f t h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a
(aisthetikos)
w h ich i s foun d
i n t h e u n i o n , h o w e v e r t e n u o u s , o f t h e m a c r o c o s m a n d t h e m i c r o c o s m s , a n d
t h e u n i o n b e t w e e n t h e s e m i c r o c o s m s . W h a t s h o u l d b e r e m e m b e r e d f r o m
th i s an d re l a t ed e xa m ple s is t ha t t hey se rve t o reve a l t h e ho l is t i c c l ima te
unde r ly ing the re su rgence o f so l ida r i t y and the o rgan ic i t y o f a l l t h ings .
T h u s ,
d e s p i t e t h e c o n n o t a t i o n a l l t o o o f te n a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e m , e m o t i o n o r
sens ib i l i t y mus t i n some w ay be t r e a t ed a s a b l end o f ob j ec t iv i t y and
s u b j e c t i v i t y . I n m y e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e q u e s t i o n o f p r o x e m i c s ( c f . C h a p t e r
6 ) ,
I p r o p o s e c a l l i n g t h i s a m a t e r i a l s p i r i t u a l i t y , a s o m e w h a t G o t h i c
e x p r e s s i o n t h a t r e f e r s t o w h a t B e r q u e t e r m e d , i n r e f e r r i n g t o t h e e f f e c t i v e
n e s s o f t h e m i l i e u , t h e ' t r a n s u b j e c t i v e ' ( s u b j e c t i v e a n d o b j e c t i v e ) r e l a t i o n
s h i p . I t i s i n de ed t im e to no t e t ha t t h e binary logic of separation t ha t on ce
p r e d o m i n a t e d i n a ll d o m a i n s i s n o l o n g e r a p p l i c a b l e a s s u c h . T h e s o u l a n d
t h e b o d y , m i n d a n d m a t t e r , t h e i m a g i n a t i o n a n d e c o n o m i c s , i d e o l o g y a n d
produc t ion - t he l i s t cou ld go on - a re no longe r seen a s comple t e
o p p o s i t e s . I n f a c t , t h e s e e n t i t i e s , a n d t h e m i n u s c u l e c o n c r e t e s i t u a t i o n s
t h e y r e p r e s e n t , c o m e t o g e t h e r t o p r o d u c e a d a y - t o - d a y lif e t h a t m o r e a n d
m o r e r e s i s t s t h e s i m p l i s t i c t a x o n o m y t o w h i c h w e h a d b e e n a c c u s t o m e d b y
a c e r t a i n r e d u c t i o n i s t p o s i t i v i s m . T h e i r s y n e r g y p r o d u c e s t h e c o m p l e x
soc ie ty tha t i s deserving of i t s own complex ana lys is . The 'mul t id imensiona l
a n d t h e i n s e p a r a b l e ' , to b o r r o w M o r i n ' s p h r a s e ,
9
t a k e u s i n t o a ' c o n t i n u o u s
l o o p '
w hich w i l l r ende r ou t o f da t e t he t r anqu i l and t e r r i b ly bor ing
p r a c t i c e s o f t h e a c c o u n t a n t s o f k n o w l e d g e .
Wi th t he nece ssa ry p recau t ions and c l a r i f i c a t i ons ou t o f t he w ay , i t
b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e t o a t t r i b u t e t o t h e m e t a p h o r o f s e n s i b i l i t y o r c o l l e c t i v e
e m o t i o n a f u n c t i o n o f k n o w l e d g e . T h i s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l t o o l a l l o w s u s t o
t r a v e l t o t h e h e a r t o f t h e o r g a n i c i t y t h a t s o c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y
u r b a n s c e n e . T h u s , t h e f o l l o w i n g a p o l o g i a b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e : ' I m a g i n e f o r a
moment t ha t t he Lord w i shes t o c a l l up to heaven a t yp i ca l house f rom
N a p l e s . B e f o r e h i s a m a z e d e y e s w o u l d a m a s s a c o l u m n o f a l l t h e h o u s e s o f
N a p l e s , o n e b e h i n d t h e o t h e r , t r a i l i n g t h e i r l a u n d r y , c o m p l e t e w i t h s i n g i n g
w o m e n a n d n o is y c h i l d r e n . ' 1 0
T h i s i s t h e e m o t i o n t h a t c e m e n t s t h e w h o l e .
Th i s w hole may be made up o f a p lu ra l i t y o f e l ement s , bu t t he re i s a lw ays a
spec i f i c ambience un i t i ng them a l l .
A t f irst, e xp er ie nc e is l ived in i t s ow n r ight a nd th e scho la r ly ob se rv er
shou ld rea l i z e t h i s . To summar i ze , i t may be sa id t ha t t he ae s the t i c s o f
s e n t i m e n t a r e i n n o w a y c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a n i n d i v i d u a l o r ' i n t e r i o r '
e x p e r i e n c e , b u t o n t h e c o n t r a r y , b y s o m e t h i n g e s s e n t i a l l y o p e n t o o t h e r s ,
t o t h e O t h e r . T h i s o v e r t u r e c o n n o t e s t h e s p a c e , t h e l o c a l e , t h e p r o x e m i c s
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of the common destiny. It is this which allows us to establish a close link
between the aesthetic matrix or aura and the ethical experience.
2 . Th e ethical expe rienc e
As I have already indicated, particularly when referring to ethical immoral-
ism, this term has nothing to do with the nondescript sort of moralism held
in such high regard these days. I will return to this question; however, in a
few words, let me say that I would contrast an abstract and overshadowing
mora lity with an ethic that wells up from a specific gr oup; it is fundamentally
empathetic and proxemical. History may promote a moral (political)
attitude, but space will favour an aesthetics and exude an ethics.
As we hav e see n, th e emo tion al comm uni ty is uns tab le, ope n, which
may render it in many ways anomic with respect to the established moral
or de r. A t the sam e ti me , it do es not fail to elicit a strict confo rmity am on g
its me mb er s. T he re is a 'law of th e milieu' th at is difficult to esca pe. Th e
more paroxysmal elements of this are well known: the Mafia, the
un de rw or ld ; but wh at is often fo rgo tten is that a similar confo rmity reigns
in the business world, the intellectual realm, and many others. Of course,
since in these different milieux the degree of belonging varies, fidelity to
the often unstated rules of the group shows just as many signs of
variab ility. Ho we ve r, it is difficult to ignore this confo rmity alt oge the r.
Wh at ev er the case, it is im po rta nt, in a non -no rma tiv e way, to appr ecia te
its effects, its richness and per ha ps its prosp ectiv e dime nsio n. In de ed , from
the point of view of the individualist
doxa
me nti on ed earlier, the persist
ence of a gr ou p et ho s is very often consid ere d a fading ana ch ron ism . It
wou ld seem tha t an evoluti on is un de r way toda y. Thu s, from th e small
productive groups best symbolized by Silicon Valley, up to what we call the
'groupism' operating within Japanese industry, it becomes clear that the
communal tendency can go hand-in-hand with advanced technological or
economic performance. Drawing on various studies that confirm this,
Berque notes that 'groupism differs from the herd instinct in that each
member of the group, consciously or otherwise, attempts above all to serve
the interests of the group, instead of simply seeking refuge there'. 1 1 The
term 'groupism' may not be particularly sonorous, but it does have the
mer it of unde rli nin g the str eng th of this pro ces s of identification which
allows for the att ach men ts that reinforce our co mm on bo nd s.
It is pe rh ap s pr em at ur e to ex tra po la te on the basis of a few isolate d
examples or from a particular situation such as that of Japan; however,
these examples are at least as relevant as those that give greater import
ance to th e cur ren t narcissism. Wha t is mo re , they are relate d to the
economic sphere, which remains, for the moment in any case, the main
fetish of the dominant ideology. I see this as one more illustration of the
holism taking shape before our eyes: throwing wide the doors of privacy,
sent imen t ta kes over , and in certain cou ntrie s its pre senc e is reinforced in
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the public sphere, thus producing a form of solidarity that can no longer be
de nie d. Of co ur se , we must not e tha t this solidarity reinvi gor ates , qu ite
apart from technological developments, the communal form that seemed
to have been left behind.
We may wonder about the community and the nostalgia underlying it or
ab ou t the politica l uses to which it is pu t. For my pa rt , and I re ite ra te it,
this is a 'form' in the sense that I have defined this term. 1 2 Whether or not
it exists independently is of little importance; it is enough that it serves as a
bac kc lot h, allowing us to highlight a parti cula r social ph en om en on . No
matter that it is imperfect or even
ad hoc,
it is no less th e expression of a
particular crystallization of shared feelings. From this 'formist' perspective,
the com muni ty is cha ract eriz ed less by a proje ct
(pro-jectum)
oriented
towards the future than by the execution in actu of the 'bein g-tog ether '. In
everyday language, the communal ethic has the simplest of foundations:
warmth, companionship - physical contact with one another. Psychologists
hav e point ed ou t that ther e is a glischomorphic tenden cy in all hu ma n
relationships. Without wishing to judge in any way, it seems to me that it is
this viscosity which is expressed in the commun al being- together. Thus , and I
mus t stress this rigorously in or de r to avoid any moral izing digression , it is by
force of circumstance; because of proximity (promiscuity); because there is
a sharing of the same
territory
(real or symbolic) that the comm unal idea
and its ethical corollary are born.
It is wor th re me mb er in g that this co mm un al ideal can be seen in the
popu list an d late r anarchist id eology whose basis is to be found in
the proxemic crowds. For these people, especially Bakunin and Herzen,
the village community
(obschina
or
mir)
is at the very hear t of work ing
socialism. Supplemented with the artisans' associations (artels), it paves the
way for a civilization built on solidarity. 1 3 The interest of such a romantic
vision goes well beyond the habitual dichotomy of the latest bourgeois
idea l, as much in its capitalist version as its Marxist vers ion. In de ed , hu ma n
destiny is seen as a whole, giving the
obschina
its pros pect ive aspe ct. I
should reiterate that this social form has, with good reason, been closely
identified with Fourierism and the phalanstery. Franco Venturi, in his now
classic book on Russian populism of the nineteenth century, points out this
con nect ion; mo reo ver , and mor e to the point in our reflections, he n otes
th e link be tw ee n thes e social forms and the sea rch for 'a differen t system
of morality'. He does this with some reticence; for him, especially with
regard to the phala nst ery , this search lies some wha t in the realm of
'eccentr ici ty ' . 1 4 What the esteemed Italian philosopher failed to notice was
tha t, beyo nd thei r appa re nt functionalism, all social gro ups include a
str ong co mp on en t of shared feeling. It is the se feelings tha t give rise to this
'different mor alit y' which I prefe r to call he re an ethical exp eri enc e.
To pick up again on the classic opposition, we might say that society is
concerned with history in the making, whereas the community expends its
energy in its own creation (or possibly recreation). This allows us to
establish a link between the communal ethic and solidarity. One of the
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mos t strikin g aspe cts of this rela tionsh ip is th e de ve lopm en t of the ri tual .
As we know, this is not strictly speaking finalized, that is, goal-oriented; it
i s , on the ot he r hand , repetitive and there fore com forting. Its sole function
is to confirm a group's view of
itself;
Durk hei m's exam ple of the
'c or ro bo re e' festivities is very helpful in this respe ct. Th e ritual per pet uat es
itself, and through the variety of routine or everyday gestures the
community is reminded that it is a whole. Although it does not need
putting into words, it serves as an anamnesis of solidarity and, as L.-V.
Thomas remarks, ' implies the mobilization of the community'. As I have
just stated, the community 'exhausts' its energy in creating itself. In its very
rep eti tiv ene ss, the ritual is the stro nge st proof of this ex pe nd itu re and by so
doing it guarantees the continued existence of the group. In the anthropo
logical view of de at h, it is this pa ra do x with reg ard t o th e funeral ritual that
reintroduces 'the community ideal which attempts to reconcile man to
death as well as to life'.
1 5
As I will explain more fully, there are times when
the co mm un it y of destin y is felt mor e acut ely, an d it is th rough grad ual
con den sati on that mo re atten tion is focused on uniting factors. This unio n
is a pure one in some ways, with undefined contents; a union for
confronting together, in an almost animal way, the presence of death, the
presence at death. History, politics and morality overtake death in the
drama
(drameiri)
that evolves as pr ob le ms arise and are reso lved or at least
confronted. Destiny , aesthetics and ethics, howev er, exhaust death in a
tragedy that is bas ed on the etern al mom en t and there fore exud es a
solidarity all its own.
Experiencing death matter-of-factly may be the outcome of a collective
sentiment that occupies a privileged place in social life. This communal
sensibility favours a pro xim ity -ce ntr ed et ho s; tha t is, simply pu t, a way of
being that offers an alternative to both the production and distribution of
goods (eco nomic or sym bol ic). In his occasionally perf unc tory but usually
rich analysi s of cr ow ds , Gu st av e Le Bo n no te s that 'it is no t with ru les
ba sed on the or ies of pu re equ ity ' that the crowd is to be led and that ,
generally speaking, impressions play a considerable role. 1 6 What can we
ass um e from this ot he r than th at justi ce itself is subo rd inat e to the
exper ien ce of clos ene ss; tha t abstrac t and eter na l justi ce is relativize d by
the feeling (whether hate or love) experienced in a given territory? Many
everyday occurrences, whether examples of carnage or generosity, illus
trate this general point. The doctrinally racist shopkeeper will protect the
neighbourhood Arab; the contented bourgeois will fail to denounce the
petty
thief,
and all in the most natural way. The code of silence is not
confined to the Mafia; police officers who have had occasion to make
inquiries in such and such a village or neighbourhood can testify to that.
The common denominator of these attitudes (which are deserving of
further e lab ora tio n) is the solidarity derive d from a share d sent imen t.
If we were to expand the field somewhat, with help from the media, we
wou ld find similar reacti ons th ro ug ho ut t he 'globa l villag e'. It is not an
abstract sense of justice that gives rise to soup kitchens, leads us to help the
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T H E
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unemployed or other charitable endeavours. We could even say that, from
a linear and rationa l view of just ice, thes e activities ap pe ar som ew hat
anachronistic or even reactionary. In a very
ad hoc
an d hap haz ard way,
without attacking a given problem head-on, they risk serving as an excuse
and being nothing more than a Band-Aid solution. While no doubt true,
such activities nevertheless accomplish their aim, as well as mobilize the
collective emotions. We may wonder about the significance or the political
repercussions of these actions; we may also note - and this is the point of
these remarks - how we no longer expect the all-pervasive state to remedy
by itself the problems whose effects we see around us, as well as how the
synergy of these activities brought home to us through the medium of
television can exert its own influence. In both cases, that which I see
ar ou nd m e , or which is bro ught closer to me thr oug h an im ag e, strike s a
chord in all of us, thus constituting a collective emotion. The mechanism in
que sti on is far from being of min or imp or ta nc e, which brings us back to the
holistic principle underlying these reflections: the common sensibility at
the heart of the examples cited is derived from the fact that we participate
in
or
correspond to,
in the strictest and possibly most mystical sense of
these words, a common ethos. In formulating a sociological law', I will
state as a leitmotif that less weight shall be given to what each individual
will voluntarily adhere to (contractually or mechanically) than to that which
is emotionally common to all (sentimentally and organically).
This is the ethical experi ence that had been a ba nd on ed by the ration
alization of exi sten ce; it is also what t he ren ew ed m ora l ord er falsely
portrays, since it tries to rationalize and universalize ad hoc reactions or
situations and present them as new
a priori,
whe re as thei r stre ngt h is
derived from the fact that they are grounded in a local sensibility: it is only
a posteriori
that they can be linked in an overall str uct ure . Th e co mmu nit y
ideal of the neighbourhood or the village acts more by permeating the
collective imagination than by persuading the social reason. To employ a
term Walter Benjamin used in his reflections on art, I would say that we
ar e in th e pr es en ce of a specific au ra , which in a pro ces s of feedba ck co me s
out of the social body and determines it in return. I will summarize this
process in the following way: the collective sensibility which issues from the
aesthetic form results in an ethical connection.
It would be useful to insist on that fact, if only to relativize the positivist
uka ses which insist tha t the collective imagination is superfluous a nd can be
dispensed with in times of crisis. In fact, it can be shown that it assumes the
mos t varied guis es: at times it is manif ested on the mac rosc opic level,
spurring on great mass movements, varied crusades, occasional revolts
or political or economic revolutions. At other times, the collective
imag ina tion is crystallized in a microsc opic way, prov iding de ep nour ish
me nt to social gr ou ps . Finally, ther e is on occasion a conti nuum be twe en
this latter process (esoteric) and the just -men tion ed genera l manifestations
(exote ric ). Wh at ev er the case, ther e is a wide -ranging aur a which serves as
a matrix to the always and freshly astonishing reality that is sociality.
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It is from this per spe cti ve that the comm un ity et hos must be co nsi der ed.
What I here call aura spa res us from de cidi ng on its exist ence or non
existence; it so happens that it functions 'as if it existed. It is in this way
that we can understand the ideal type of the 'emotional community' (Max
Weber), the 'orgiastic-ecstatic' (Karl Mannheim), or that which I have
termed the dionysiac form. Each of these examples caricatures, in the
simplest sense of the term, this exit from the
self,
ex-stasis, which is part of
the social logic. 1 7 This 'ecstas y' is much m or e effective in smalle r gr oup s,
when it becomes more perceptible to the social observer. In order to
account for this complex entity, I propose to use, in the metaphorical
sense, the terms 'tribe' and 'tribalism'. While refraining from overuse of
quotation marks, I will insist on the 'cohesive' aspect of the social sharing
of values, places or ideals which are entirely circumscribed (localism) and
which can be found, in varied forms, at the heart of numerous social
exp eri enc es. It is this con sta nt inter play of the static (spatial ) and the
dynamic (becoming), the anecdotal and the ontological, the ordinary and
the anthropological, that makes the analysis of the collective sensibility
such a potent tool. To illustrate this epistemological remark, I will give but
one example: the Jewish people.
Without wishing, nor indeed being able, to make a specific analysis, and
confining ourselves to indicating a course of research, we can show that the
Jewish people are particularly representative of the antinomy I mentioned.
On the one hand, they have an intense experience of the tribe's collective
sentiment which, on the other hand, has not prevented them throughout
the centuries from assuring the existence of general and (without any
pejorative connotations) cosmopolitan values. This sentiment includes a
tribal religion that has enabled them to resist assimilation; tribal customs,
which are the very basis of the community of destiny; and of course, tribal
sexuality which assured the survival of the race through the carnage and
vicissitudes of the ages. The flow of words, goods and sex: these are the
three anthropological pivots around which social life generally turns. In
essence, they have a strong tribal component. Many historians and
sociologists have highlighted the vitality, the ambience and strong cohesi-
veness, in many countries, of the 'ghetto', the shtetl, the synagogue. And
like a reserve of energy, these places were the source of a good portion of
what was to become the medieval city, the modern metropolis and,
pe rh ap s, the megal opoli s of toda y. Thu s, the etho s of the Gemeinsch aft, of
the tribe, regularly permeates the evolution of Western civilization. 1 8
As I
hav e said, this is bu t a cou rse of inqu iry; inde ed , many doma ins, whet he r
intellectual, economic or spiritual, have been influenced, in a prospective
way, by what came out of the stockpot of the Jewish emotional culture.
Th er e is no bett er way of expr essi ng this 'co nc ret e univers al' , which was
one of the principal tenets of nineteenth-century philosophy. By extra
polating, in a heuristic manner, the aforementioned example, it is possible
to state that , parad oxi call y, it is the tribal values which on occasion
cha rac ter ize an ep oc h. Inde ed , a significant po rti on of tho se characte ristics
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which will later be diffracted throughout'the social body may be crystal
lized in these values. The tribal moment may be compared to a period of
gestat ion: some thin g that is perfec ted, tested and tried ou t, before taking
flight in to th e grea t be yo nd . In this way, everyday life could be , to use the
words of Benjamin, ' the most extreme concrete'. This short description
lets us see the shared lives and experiences as the purifying fires of the
alchemical process in which the transmutation takes place. The nothing or
ne ar- no th ing bec om es a totali ty. Th e minuscul e rituals are inverte d until
they become the basis of sociality -
multum in parvo.
Of co ur se , it is
difficult to predict what will be transformed from minuscule to macro
scopic, as long as there are so many extraneous elements. However, this is
not t he essential facto r; it is en ou gh , as I hav e said, to indi cate the 'f orm ' in
which the gro wt h of social values is bor n . We may th en say that the eth ic is
in some way the glue that holds together the diverse elements of a given
whole.
Ne ver the les s, if on e is to und er st an d wha t I hav e just said, it is necessar y
to lend this term 'ethic' its simplest meaning: not an indifferent a priori
theorizing but one which on a daily basis serves as a vessel for the
collectivity's emotions and feelings. In this manner, with varying degrees of
success and in a given territory, we all adjust to one another and to the
natu ral envi ron men t. This acc omm oda tion is of course relative; carried out
in happiness and sadness, the product of often conflictual relationships, it
exh ibi ts a cer tai n neces sar y flexibility, bu t neverth ele ss is astonish ingly
long-live d. This is certain ly the most chara cteri stic expre ssion of the social
'will to live'. It is therefore necessary to take the time to consider, if only
for an instant, several manifestations of this ethic of the everyday, since as
an expression of the collective sensibility it gives us wide access to the life
of these tribes that, en masse, constitut e con tem por ary society.
3 .
Custom
From Aristotle to Mauss, by way of Thomas Aquinas, many have
examined the importance of the habitus (exis), a te rm which has since
passed into the sociological doxa}9 Thi s is all to the go od , for this the ma ti c
is of pri mar y impor ta nc e. It is rela ted to the com mo n aspect s of eve ryday
life, in a word the customs, which are, according to Simmel, 'one of the
most typical forms of everyday life'. Since we know the importance and
effectiveness he attached to 'form', it becomes possible to imagine that we
are dealing with more than the empty word. Further on, he is more
specific: 'custom determines the social life as would an ideal power'.
2 0
We
are led back to a persistent action that instills in beings and things their way
of seeing the world ; it is practically a mat te r of gene tic coding, limiting a nd
deline ating , in a much mo re profoun d ma nn er than the econ omic or
political situation, their way of being with others. Thus, together with the
aesthetic (the sha red sent imen t) and the ethic (the collective bo nd ), custom
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T H E
E M O T I O N A L OMMUNITY
21
is surely a go od way of char acte rizi ng the eve ryd ay life of c on te mpor ar y
groups.
I will adopt the following concern of Mallarme: 'to give a purer sense to
the words of the tribe'. And like all other 'mini-concepts' used previously, I
will use the term 'custom' in its most widely held sense, one that is also
closest to its etymological roots (consuetudo): the collection of co mm on
usages that allow a social entity to recognize itself for what it is. This link is
a mysterious one, only rarely and indirectly put into so many words (for
exa mpl e in the treatise s on man ne rs and cus tom s). Neve rthe less , it is at
work in the deepest layers of any society. Custom, in this way, is the
un spo ken , the ' resid ue' underlying the 'being-t ogether ' . I have pr opose d
calling it the underground centrality or the social puissance (as op pose d to
power), an idea found in Goffman
(The Underlife)
an d lat er on in
Halbwachs (La Sociäte silencieuse) . 2 1 These expressions emphasize the fact
that a large part of social existence cannot be accounted for by instrumental
rationality; nor does it let itself be finalized or reduced to a simple logic of
domination. Duplicity, subterfuge and the will to live are all expressed
th roug h a mu lti tude of rituals, sit uat ions, ges ture s an d exp erie nce s that
delineate an area of liberty. A tendency to see life as alienation or to hope
for a perfect or authentic existence makes us forget that daily routine is
stu bborn ly foun de d on a series of interstitia l an d relati ve fre edo ms. As ha s
be en see n in ec on om ic s, it is possi ble to de mo ns tr at e the existence of a
black-market sociality, which is easily tra cke d thr ough its divers e and
minuscule manifestations.
I am ado pti ng the perspective of Dü rk he im and his followers, w ho
always placed the greatest weight on the sacredness of social relationships.
As I have often said: I consider that any given entity, from the micro-group
to the structure of the state, is an expression of the social divine, of a
specific, even imm an en t, tran sce nde nce . But as we kno w, and many
religious historia ns have show n, the sacred is myst erio us, frightening,
disturbing; it needs to be coaxed and cajoled, and customs fulfil this
function. Th ey ar e to ev eryd ay life what the ritual is to relig ious life,
strictly speaking. 2 2 M or eo ve r, it is striking that in po pu la r religion
espe cially it is very difficult, a s th e ecclesiastical hi era rchy was obl iged t o
d o ,
to draw the distinction between customs and canonical rituals. Thus,
just as the liturgical ritual renders the Church visible, custom makes a
community exist as such. Furthermore, at a time when the division was not
yet firmly established, according to Peter Brown, it was by ritually
exchanging relics that the various local churches were constituted as a
network. These relics are the bond that held a small community together,
allowing the m to uni te and , in so do ing, to tr an sm ut e 'th e dista nce from the
holy into the deep joy of proximity'. 2 3
Any organization in statu nascendi is fasc inating to the sociologis t;
relations between individuals are not yet fixed and social structures retain
the suppleness of yo ut h. A t the sam e tim e, it is useful to find po int s of
comparison in order to formalize our observations. In this respect, the
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22
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
analysis car rie d out by the scho lars of Chri stia nity is very app os it e. It is
certainly possible, if only as a working hypothesis, to apply the double
process of social reliance and of negotia tion with the holy chara cteris tic of
the early Christian communities to the various tribes that are made and
unmade
in praesenti.
In more than one respect, the comparison is illuminat
ing: the organization, grouping around an eponymous hero; the role of the
ima ge; the com mo n sensibility, and so on . But it is fundamen tally the local
membership, the spatial emphasis and the mechanisms of solidarity which
are their corollaries that creates the whole. This, more ove r, characterizes
what I previously termed the increased sacredness of social relationships:
the complex mechanism of give and take that develops between various
persons, on the one hand, and between the entity thus created and the
milieu on the other. Whether these are real or symbolic exchanges is of
little importance; indeed, communication, in its widest sense, takes the
most varied routes.
The term 'proxemics' proposed by the Palo Alto School appears to me a
good way of accounting for both the cultural and natural elements of the
comm unic atio n und er consid eration . For his part , Ber que emphasize s the
'transubjective' (subjective and objective) aspect of such a relationship.
Perhaps we should just resort to the old spatial notion of the neighbour
hood and its affective c onno tat ion. It is an old-fa shione d te rm , but on e t hat
is making a reappearance today in the writings of many observers of the
social sce ne - a sur e sign tha t it is at the forefron t of ma ny m i nd s . 2 4 This
'nei gh bo ur ho od ' can be manife sted in man y diverse ways: it can be
delineated by a collection of streets, it may be invested with a libidinal
dim ens ion (a 'red-light distric t', for ex am pl e) , refer to a comm ercia l entity
or a public transit hub. The detail is unimportant; what matters is that it
rep res ent s the ove rlap ping of a certain functionality with an unden iab le
symbolic weight. An integral part of the collective imagination, the
nei ghb our hoo d is neverthe less only constitute d by the intersection of
ordinary situations, moments, spaces and individuals; moreover, it is most
often expressed by the most common stereotypes. The town square, the
street, the corner tobacconist, the bar at the PMU,* the newsagent, centres
of interest or necessity - just so many trivial examples of sociality.
Ne ve rthe le ss , it is preci sely the se inst anc es that give rise to the specific aur a
of a given nei gh bour ho od . I use this ter m delibe rate ly, as it trans late s
beautifully the complex movement of an atmosphere emitted by places and
activities, giving them in return a unique colouring and odour. And so it
may be for spiritual materialism. Morin speaks poetically of a certain New
York neighbourhood that shines with brilliance while at the same it is
founded on the 'lack of brilliance of the individual'. In widening his scope,
the whole city becomes a chef-d'oeuvre where as its 'lives rema in pitiful'.
However, he continues, 'if you allow yourself to be possessed by the city, if
you really get into its sense of energy, if the forces of death which exist only
Transl. note:
PM U =
parimutuel urbain
(race-track bett ing) .
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24
T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBES
wisdom it is no longer consi der ed tr endy to heed and which holds that 'life
is ha rdes t on the poor . . . mo ne y is difficult to com e by and ther efor e we
have an obligation to pull together and help one another'. 2 8
Poulat thus
sums up the popular substrate of the 'democratic-Christian' ideology. In
many respects, this is a model that merits a further look, for beyond the
Christian democracies stricto sensu, th er e is an ec ho of what for yea rs was
the Thomist social doctrine and which was a significant factor in the
dev elo pme nt of a co mm on symbolism. There for e, alongside a socio
political analys is, we can also und erl ine the socio -anth ropol ogica l dim en
sion and emphasize the close links between proxemics and solidarity. In
some ways, such mutual aid exists by force of circumstance, not out of
purely disinterested motives: the help given can always be redeemed
whenever I need it. However, in so doing, we are all part of a larger
process of correspondence and participation that favours the collective
body.
This close connection is also discreet; indeed, we give veiled accounts of
our personal, family and professional successes and failures and this orality
works as a rumour with an essentially intrinsic function: it delineates the
terr itor y wh er e the pa rta kin g takes plac e. Th er e is no place here for the
stranger, and if necessary, we may remind the press, the public authorities
or the merely curious that 'dirty laundry does not get washed in public'.
This survival mechanism works just as well for happy news as for
unsavoury information. Indeed, in various ways, the customary word or
the shared secret are the primordial glue of all sociality. Simmel showed
the example of secret societies, but it can also be found in studies on
traditional medicine which show that the individual body can be healed
only with the help of the collective body. 2 9
This is an inter estin g me ta ph or
since we know that this approach to medicine considers each body as a
whole that must be treated as such. But we must also note that this overall
vision is often au gm en te d by the fact that the individual body is bu t an
offshoot of the community. This observation allows us to give full weight to
the term 'mutual aid' as it refers not only to the mechanical actions that
consti tute neighb ourly rela tions; ind eed , mutua l aid as we und ers tan d it
he re is pa rt of an organi c pers pect ive in which all the ele me nts thr oug h
their synergy reinforce life as a whole. Mutual aid could thus be said to be
the 'unconscious' animal response of the social 'will to live'; a sort of
vitalism that 'knows' implicitly that 'unicity' is the best res pon se to the
onslaught of death - a challenge laid down, in a sense. Let us leave such
thoughts to the poet:
T o b e on e w i t h a ll l i v ing t h i ngs O n hea r i ng t h ese w or ds . . . V i r t u e ab d i ca t e s ,
d e a t h l e a v e s t h e r e a l m of c r e a t u r e s a n d t h e w o r l d , r e l i e v e d o f s e p a r a t i o n a n d o l d
a g e , s h i n e s w i t h n e w l ig h t . ( H ö l d e r l i n ,
Hyperion)
This collective feeling of shared puissance, this mystica l sensibility that
assures continuity, is expressed t hrou gh ra the r trivial vectors. With out
being able to go into detail here, these are found in all the places where
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T H E E M O T I O N A L
C O M M U N I T Y
25
chit-chat and conviviality are present. Nightclubs, cafes and other public
sph ere s are Ope n ar ea s' , in ot he r wor ds those places wh er e it is possible to
speak to others and, in so doing, address alterity in general. I took as a
point of departure the idea of the sacredness of social relationships. This
can best be seen in the transmission of the word that in general
accompanies the flow of food and drink. Let us not forget that the
Chr ist ian e uch ari st which under lie s the un ion of the faithful is just one of
the developed commensal forms found in all word religions. Thus, in a
stylized way, when I am sitting in the cafe, eating a meal or addressing the
ot he r, I am really add ress ing the deity. This leads back to the confir mation ,
expressed countless times, of the link between the divine, the social whole
and proximity. 3 0 Comm en sa lit y, in its vari ous forms, is only the most
visible evidence of this complex relationship. However, it is worth
remembering that the divine issues forth from daily realities and develops
gradually through the sharing of simple and routine gestures. The habitus
or custom thus serves to concretize or actualize the ethica l dim ens ion of
any sociality.
O ne need only re me mb er that cu st om , as an expr ession of the collective
sensibility, permits, strictly speaking, an ex-stasis within everyday life.
Hav ing a few dri nks ; cha tting with friends ; the anod yn e conv ersa tions
punctuating everyday life enable an exteriorization of the self and thus
create the specific aura which binds us together within tribalism. As we can
see , it is im po rt an t no t to re du ce this ecstasy to a few highly st ere otyped
and extreme situations. The dionysiac refers of course to sexual promis
cuity, as well as to other affectual or festive outbursts; but it also allows us
to understand the development of shared opinions, collective beliefs or
common doxas: briefly, those 'collective fram eworks of me mo ry ', to
borrow Halbwachs' expression, which allow one to emphasize what is
lived, the 'tides of ex pe ri en ce '. 3 1
Alongs ide a pure ly intellectual kno wle dge, ther e is a know led ge
[connaissance] which enc ompa sses the feeling dime nsio n, an awareness
tha t, tak en to its etymo logica l origins , we are 'bo rn with ' ['co-naissance'].*
This emb od ie d kn owl edg e is root ed in a cor pus of cus tom s deser ving of
analysis in its own right. We wou ld then be ab le to apprec ia te the
contemporary formulation of the 'palaver' whose varied rituals played an
important role in the social equilibrium of the traditional village or
comm un ity . It is not impossib le to imag ine tha t, correlatively with
technological developments, the growth in urban tribes has encouraged a
'computerized palaver' that assumes the rituals of the ancient agora. We
woul d no longer face the dan ge rs , as was first belie ved , of the macr oscopic
computer disconnected from reality, but on the contrary, thanks to the
personal computer and cable TV, we are confronted with the infinite
diffraction of an orality disse minate d by degr ee s; the success in Fra nce of
Transl. note: This etymo logi cal observa tion is not really translatable , The French for
knowledge is 'connaissance' and birth n a i s s a n c e , hen ce 'co-nais sance' = 'born wi th .
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26
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
the Minitel shoul d be in ter pr ete d in this light. In a nu mb er of doma ins -
edu cat ion , leisure tim e, job-sha ring and cultur e - t he close co mmun icati on
engendered by this process forms a network with all the attendant social
effects imaginable.
3 2
At first, the growth and multiplication of the mass media led to the
disintegration of the bourgeois culture founded on the universality and the
valuing of a few privileged objects and attitudes. We may well ask
ourselves whether this pursuit of growth and the generalization to which it
leads may bring the mass media closer to everyday life. In this way, they
could be said to reinvest a certain traditional culture whose orality is an
essential vector. In so doing, the contemporary media, by presenting
images of everyday life rather than visualizing the great works of culture,
would be playing the role that used to fall to the various forms of public
discourse: to ensure by means of myth the cohesion of a given social entity.
This myth, as we know, may be of several types; for my part, I believe that
ther e is a mythi c function which runs transverse ly thr oug h the whole of
social life. A political event or harmless, trivial fact, the life of a star or a
local guru, can all take on mythic proportions. In his study of these mass
media, Fernant Dumont subtly underlines that these myths, whatever their
precise contents, serve mainly to 'nourish, as in days gone by, gossip and
no rm al convers atio n . . . what we used to say abo ut the parish priest or the
notary, we now say about such and such a film star or politician'. 3 3
It is
impossible not to be struck by the appropriateness of this remark, at least
to those of us who have had the experience of overhearing office, factory or
playground conversations; even the notorious cafe conversations can be
instructi ve for the obs erv er of the social sce ne. I wou ld go eve n further and
say that it is within the logic of the media to set themselves up as a simple
pretext
to comm un ic at ion, as may have be en the case with the a ncie nt
philosophical diatribe, the medieval religious sermon or the political
speech of the modern era.
In some cases, the cont en t of the se vari ed forms is not inco nsid erab le.
Bu t it is be ca us e they reaffirm the feeling of bel onging to a lar ger grou p, of
getting out of
oneself,
that they apply to the greatest number. Thus, we pay
more attention to the form that serves as a backcloth; which creates an
am bie nc e and there for e u nit es. In any cas e, it is a que sti on, abo ve all, of
allowing for the expression of a common emotion, which causes us to
recognize ourselves in communion with others. It would be worth examin
ing whether the expansion of local television or radio has had any effect in
this regard. This is at least a possible hypothesis, one which does not
com plet ely depr ive custom of its imp or ta nt role . By reveal ing ou r ne ar
nei ghb our s, custom secretes a 'glue ' holding a given communi ty toge ther.
Neighbourhoods or even buildings with access to cable TV will perhaps
experience values not so far removed from those which guided the clans or
tribes of traditional societies.
Consequently, and taking the term 'communication' in its narrowest
sense - t ha t which str uc tures social real ity and which is no t an offshoot - we
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T H E
E M O T I O N A L
COMMUNITY
27
can see cust om in the light of on e of its par ticu lar man ife stat ions, a
manifest ation t hat tak es on incre ased imp ort anc e wh en , as a conse que nce
of the saturation* of organizations and overarching social representations,
proxemic values (re)surface. One might even say that at this stage of the
game, the scale tilts more towards the communications mode, since it is
expe rie nce d for its ow n sak e, witho ut any sort of finalization as a pre tex t.
There is a direct link between this emphasis on communication for its own
sake and the surpassing of the critical attitude that is tied to a more
instrumental, mechanical and operational approach to society. With the
communications mode predominant, the world is accepted as it is. I have
already proposed calling this 'the social given', to explain the link that can
be made between custom and communication. The world accepted for
what it is lies of course within the realm of the natural 'given', part of a
two-way flow common to the ecological perspective. But it is also part of
the social 'given', in whose structure each of us fits and which leads to an
organic sense of commitment between individuals, in other words, tribal
ism. This is certa inly wh er e the th em e of cus tom l eads us; the
individual
counts for less than the person wh o is call ed upo n to play his or her role on
the global scene, according to some very precise rules. Can we thus speak
of regression? Perhaps, if we consider individual autonomy as the base-line
of any existence in society. But, aside from the fact that anthropology has
shown us that this is a value which is immutable neither in time nor in
space, then we may grant that the principium individuationis has bec ome
increasingly contested in the very heart of Western civilization. The poet's
or novelist's sensibility can serve as a barometer (cf. Beckett's plays, for
example) of this tendency or, more empirically, we can see evidence of it in
the various group attitudes that colour the life of our societies.
Final ly, it is wo rth noti ng that certa in coun trie s which have not
dev elo ped from a tradit ion of individualism neverthe less are cu rrently
exhibiting signs of an undeniable
vitality
tha t, mo reo ve r, seems to exert a
lasting fascination for us. Japa n is just such a country and s o, paradoxically, is
Brazil. We must take both these countries to be prototypes whose auras
ar e esse ntia lly ritualistic, wh os e inne r str uc tures ar e the 't ri be ' (or the
organic grouping, to be less blunt), and which are, for at least one if not
both, poles of attraction for the collective imagination, whether from the
existential, economic, cultural or religious point of view.
Of course, it is not a matter of presenting them as finished models, but
rather of demonstrating that, as an alternative to the
principle of autonomy,
or however we wish to call it (self-direction, autopoeisis, etc.), we can posit
a principle of allono my** which is base d on adju stme nt, acc omm oda tio n,
on the organic union with social and natural alterity.
3 4 This principle goes
against the activist model built by modernity. Under the present hypothesis,
Transl. note: here and el se wh ere , Maffeso li use s the term 'saturation' to describe the worn-
ou t nature of institutional power, just as a sponge saturated with water can absorb no more.
** The law as an external force.
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28
T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
this principle is a customary one, and it reinvests, in a prospective way, the
traditional values long since thought to be surpassed. In fact, after the
period of 'disenchantment with the world' (Weber's Entzauberung), I am
suggesting that we are witnessing a veritable re-enchantment with the
world, whose logic I will try to make clear. For the sake of brevity, let us
say th at , in the case of the mas ses which are diffracted int o tr ibes , and t he
tribes which coalesce into mas ses , the com mo n ing redi ent is a shar ed
sensibility or emotion. I think back to the beginning of this discussion and
the prophetic meditations of Hölderlin on the peaceful banks of the
Neckar, where he made the connection between the 'nationel' ,* the shared
sentiment which holds a community together, and the 'shades of the Greek
gods [who] are returning to earth just as they were'. Upon revisiting this
oasis of calm, he found it imbued in these gods. It is also in the solitude of
that footpath in Eze that the other 'madman' Nietzsche experienced the
dionysian irruption. His vision was no less premonitory:
N o w so l i t a r y , l i v ing i n i so l a t i on f rom on e an o t he r , so m e da y you w il l be on e
p e o p l e .
T h o s e w h o h a v e c h o s e n t h e m s e l v e s w il l o n e d a y f o r m a c h o s e n p e o p l e
f r o m w h o m w il l e m e r g e a n e x i s t e n c e w h i c h su r p a s s e s m a n .
Our own Philosophenweg passes over beach es cra mme d with holiday-
makers, department stores thronged with howling consumers, riotous
sporting events and the anodyne crowds milling about with no apparent
purpose. In many respects, it would seem that Dionysus has overwhelmed
them all. The tribes he inspires demonstrate a troublesome ambiguity:
although not disdaining the most sophisticated technology, they remain
non ethe less so mew hat b arbar ic. Perh aps this is a sign of post mod erni ty. Be
that as it may, the principle of reality, on the one hand, forces us to accept
these hordes, since they are there, and on the other, urges us to remember
that time and again thr ougho ut history it was bar bar ity that bro ugh t man y
moribund civilizations back to life.
Notes
1. Cf. G. Dur an d, 'Le Retour des immort els' in
Le Temps de la reflexion,
Par is, Gal l imard ,
p p .
20 7, 219. O n th e 'a esth etic pa r ad igm' , cf. m y ar ticle in
G. Simmel,
Par is, Mer idiens
Klincksieck,
1986. Cf. also T. Ad or n o,
Notes to Literature,
t ra ns. Sherr y, Weber and
N i c h o l s o n ,
N ew Yor k, Colu mb ia Universit y Pr ess, 1992, p. 249, on th e qu estion of th e
Out da t ed bunker' of individualism.
2 . P. Br own, The Cult of the Saints: its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, Chicago,
Universi ty of Ch icago Pr ess, 1981, p. 51.
3 . A. Berqu e ,
Vivre Vespace au Japon,
Pa r is, P UF , 1982, p. 54. For an exa mp le of the
u n i f o r m ,
cf. F. Valen te, 'L es Paninar i ' in
Societes,
Pa r is, Ma sson , n o. 10 (Sept . 1986).
4 . M. Weber ,
Economy and Society,
Ber k eley, Univer sity of Californ ia Pr ess, 1978, for
example vol. 2, pp. 452-456.
5 .
M. Perniola,
Transiti,
Bologn a, Ca pp eli, 1985; or in Fr ench,
L Instant eternel,
Paris,
Librairie des Mer idi ens, 1982.
* Referr ing to the popular substr ate.
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T H E E M O T I O N A L C O M M U N I T Y 29
6 . E . D ü r k h e i m , Th e Division of Labour in Society, N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 , p . 1 02
( m y e m p h a s i s ) .
7 . M . H a l b w a c h s ,
La M imoire collective,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 6 8 , p . 7 8 , o n t h e t r a n s - in d i v id u a l is t
i d e o l o g y ; cf. a l s o J . F r e u n d , Sociologie du conf lit, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 0 4 .
8 . G . D u r a n d , La Foi du cordonnier, P a r i s , D e n o e l , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 2 2 ; c f. a l s o t h e t h e s e s u n d e r
w a y o n a s t r o l og y b y B . G l o w c z e w s k i a n d S . J o u b e r t ( P a r i s V - C e n t r e d ' o t u d e s su r l' a c t u e l e t
l e q u o t i d i e n ) . I t w o u l d a l s o h a v e b e e n p o s s i b l e t o s p e a k o f t h e ' t r a n s m i g r a t i o n ' o f s o u l s in t h e
c a b b a l a , w h i c h fit s i n w i t h t h e p r e s e n t h o l i s t ic p e r s p e c t i v e . C f. G . S c h o l e m ,
La M ystique juive,
P a r i s ,
Cerf,
1 9 8 5 , p p . 2 1 5 , 2 5 3 , et seq.
9 . A . B e r q u e , ' E x p r e s s in g K o r e a n m e d i a n c e ' , f r o m t h e c o ll o q u i u m T h e C o n d i t i on s a n d
V i s i o n s o f K o r e a ' s B e c o m i n g a n A d v a n c e d C o u n t r y , S e o u l , S e p t . 1 98 6 . W e m u s t a l s o r e f er
h e r e t o t h e r e m a r k a b l e a n a l y si s b y E . M o r i n w h i c h sh o u l d b e a c a u s e f or w o r r y a m o n g t h e
m o r e h o n e s t o f h is d e t r a c t o r s : La Methode,\o\. 3 , La Conn aissance de la connaissance/1,
P a r i s , S e u i l , 1 9 8 6 . O n t h e ' n o t i o n o f m i l i e u ' , c f. J . F . B e r n a r d - B e c h a r i e s , in
Revu e Franqaise
du marketing, v o l . 1 , n o . 8 0 (1 9 8 0 ) , p p . 9 - 4 8 .
10. C i t ed b y A . M e d a m ,
Arcanes de Naples,
P a r i s , E d i t i o n s d e s A u t r e s , 1 9 7 9 , p . 2 0 2 .
11 . B e r q u e , Vivre Vespace, p p . 167 , 169 .
12. A t t h e m o m e n t o f w r i t in g , a p o i n t e d a n d r a t h e r ca u s t i c a n a l y si s h a s j u s t c o m e o u t : J . L .
N a n c y , La Comm un aute desoeuvree, P a r i s , C . B o u r g e o i s , 1 9 86 . O n t h e q u e s t i o n o f ' f o r m i sm ' ,
c f. m y b o o k , M . M a f f e s o l i ,
La Con naissance ordinaire. Precis de sociologie com prehen sive,
P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 .
13. S e e t h e r e m a r k a b l e a n d e r u d i t e a n a l y s is o f t h i s b y B . S o u v a r i n e ,
Stalin, A Critical
History,
L o n d o n , S e e k e r a n d W a r b u r g , 1 9 4 0, p . 2 2 .
14. F . V e n t u r i ,
Les intellectuels, le peuple et la revolution. H istoire du populism e russe au
XlX e siecle, P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , 1 9 7 2 , p . 2 3 0 .
15. L . -V . T h o m a s ,
Rites de mort,
P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 5 , p p . 16 a n d 2 7 7 . i t m i g h t a l s o b e
p o i n t e d o u t t h a t J . L . N a n c y , p . 4 2 et seq. m a k e s t h e lin k b e t w e e n co m m u n i t y a n d d e a t h . O n
t h e c y c li c a l a n d t r a g ic a s p e c t o f t h e r i t u a l , I r e f e r t o m y b o o k , M . M a f f e s o l i,
La Conquete du
present. Pour u ne sociologie de la vie quotidienn e, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9.
16.
G . L e B o n ,
The Crowd,
N e w Y o r k , V i k i n g , 1 96 0 , p . 2 0 .
1 7. H o w e v e r it m a y a p p e a r t o h u r r i e d m i n d s , t h e o r g i a s t i c -e c s t a t i c t h e m a t i c is a c o n s t a n t o f
t h e so c i o lo g i c a l t r a d i t i on , e . g . W e b e r , Econ omy and Society, p . 5 5 4 ; K . M a n n h e i m , Ideology
and Utopia,
N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 1 95 4 , p . 1 9 2. O n e m u s t a l s o r e f e r t o E . D ü r k h e i m ,
Th e Elem entary Form s of the Religious Life, N e w Y o r k , C o l l i e r , 1 9 6 1 . I w o u l d a l s o r e f e r t o
m y o w n s h o r t s y n t h e s i s ,
L' Om bre de Dionysu s, contribution a un e sociologie de l'orgie,
P a r i s ,
L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 2 n d e d i t i o n , 1 9 85 .
1 8 . I m u s t r e f e r o f c o u r s e t o t h e c l a s s ic b o o k b y L . W i r t h , The Ghetto, C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y
o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 66 . O n t h e m e t r o p o l i s in t h e A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n E m p i r e , cf. W . M .
J o h n s t o n , L'E sprit viennois, t r a n s l. P a r i s , P U F . , 1 9 85 , p p . 2 5 - 2 8 . O n t h e w o r k o f t h e C h i c a g o
S c h o o l , s e e U . H a n n e r z ,
Ex ploring the City: Inquiries toward an Urban An thropology
, N e w
Y o r k , C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 0 , p p . 4 0 - 4 4 a n d 6 5 .
19 . C f . fo r e x a m p l e t h e a r t i c le b y G . R i s t , ' L a N o t i o n m e d i e v a l e
habitus
d a n s l a
s o c i o l o g i e d e P i e r r e B o u r d i e u ' , Revu e eu ropeenn e des sciences sociales, v o l . 2 2 (1 9 8 4 ) , n o . 6 7 ,
p p . 2 0 1 - 2 1 2 a n d M a f f e s o l i ,
La Conn aissance ordinaire,
p . 2 2 4 a n d n o t e s 6 0 , 6 1 .
2 0 .
G . S i m m e l , ' P r o b l e m e s d e la s o c i o l o g ie d e s r e l ig i o n s ' , Arch ives des sciences sociales des
religions,
P a r i s , C N R S , n o . 1 7 ( 1 9 7 4 ) , p p . 1 7 a n d 2 0 .
2 1 . I h a v e d e v e l o p e d t h i s t h e o r y o f ' u n d e r g r o u n d c e n t r a l i t y' in m y p r e v i o u s l y c i t ed w o r k s ;
H a l b w a c h s ,
La M imoire collective,
p p . 1 3 0 - 1 3 8 ; o n G o f f m a n ' s a n a l y s i s o f t h i s q u e s t i o n , cf.
H a n n e r z ,
Ex ploring the City,
p . 2 1 6 ,
et seq.
2 2 . O n th e
tremendum
[ f e a r ] , cf. R . O t t o ,
Le Sacre,
P a r i s , P a y o t , 1 92 1 ; o n p o p u l a r
r e l i g i o n , M . M e s l i n , ' L e p h e n o m e n e r e l i g i e u x p o p u l a i r e ' i n Les Religions populaires, P r e s s e s
d e 1 ' U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , Q u e b e c , 1 9 7 2 .
2 3 .
P . B r o w n ,
The Cult of the Saints: its Rise and Fu nction in Latin Christianity,
C h i c a g o ,
U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 , p . 9 0 . O n c o n t e m p o r a r y ' r e l ia n c e ' , w i t h o u t s h a r i n g m a n y
o f h i s p e s s i m i s t i c n o r i n d e e d h i s h o p e f u l a n a l y s e s , I w o u l d r e f e r t o t h e i n f o r m e d b o o k b y M .
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30
T H E
T I M E
O F T H E TRIBES
B o l l e d e B a i ,
La Ten tation com m un autaire, les paradoxes de la reliance et de la contre culture,
B r u x e l l e s , U n i v e r s i t e d e B r u x e l l e s , 1 9 8 5 .
2 4 .
T h e P a l o A l t o S c h o o l is n o w w e l l k n o w n i n F r a n c e ; t h e w o r k s o f B a t e s o n a n d
W a t z l a w i c k a r e g e n e r a l l y fo u n d i n t r a n s l a t i o n p u b l i s h e d b y S e u i l , c f. t h e ' d i g es t * o f f e r e d b y Y .
W i n k i n , La Nou velle comm un ication, P a r i s , S e u i l , 1 9 8 2 ; t h e t e r m ' t r a n s u b j e c t i v e ' i s u s e d b y
A . B e r q u e i n h i s a r t i cl e ' E x p r e s si n g K o r e a n M e d i a n c e ' . O n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , cf. K .
N o s c h i s , La Sign ification affective du quartier, P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 98 3 a n d F .
P e l l et i e r , ' L e c t u r e a n t h r o p o l og i q u e d u q u a r t ie r ' in
E space etSocieti,
P a r i s , A n t h r o p o s , 1 9 7 5,
no . 15 .
2 5 .
E . M o r i n , a n d K . A p p e l , New York, P a r i s, G a l i l e e , 1 98 4 , p . 6 4 ; O n t h e ' a n t h r o p o
l o gi c a l c o u r s e ' , I w o u l d r e f e r n a t u r a l ly t o t h e cl a s si c w o r k b y G . D u r a n d ,
Les structures
anthropologiques de Vim aginaire, P a r i s, B o r d a s , 1 9 6 9.
2 6 . T h i s t y p e o f r e s ea r c h i s a sp e c i a li t y o f t h e S o r b o n n e ' s C e n t r e d ' E t u d e s su r l ' A c t u e l e t l e
Q u o t i d i e n [ C E A Q ] (P a r i s V ) . A s a n e x a m p l e , I w o u l d r e fe r t o
Sociitis
i s s u e s 8 ( t o u r i s m ) , a n d
7 ( c o o k i n g ) , a s w e l l a s t h e a r t i cl e b y L . S t r o h l , ' L ' e l e c t r o m e n a g e r ' [ h o u s e h o l d a p p l i a n c e s ] , in
Sociitis,
9 .
2 7 . S e e J . C . K a u f m a n n , Le Repli domestique, P a r i s , M e r i d i e n s K l i n c k s i e c k , 1 9 8 8 . O n t h e
n e t w o r k s a n d t h e i r f o r m a l i za t i o n cf. H a n n e r z ,
Ex ploring the City,
p p . 2 1 0 - 2 5 2 .
2 8 .
E . P o u l a t ,
Catholicisme, dimocratique et socialisme
( t h e C a t h o l ic m o v e m e n t a n d M g r
B e n i g n i , f r o m t h e b i r t h o f s o c i a l is m t o t h e v i c t o r y o f F a s c i s m ) , P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 7 7 , p . 5 8 .
2 9 . C f . t h e A f r i c a n e x a m p l e in E . R o s n y ,
Les Yeux de ma chivre,
P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 8 1 , p p . 8 1
a n d 1 1 1 . O n r u m o u r a n d i ts u s e s , c f. t h e r e s e a r c h b y F . R e u m a u x ,
L a Ru meu r
( t h es i s i n
p r o g r e s s a t t h e t i m e of w r i t i n g ) , U n i v e r s i t y P a r i s V . A l s o , c f. S i m m e l ' s a r t i c le ' L e s S o c i e t e s
s e c r e t e s ' i n Nou velle Revue de Psychanalyse, P a r i s , G a l li m a r d , 1 9 77 .
3 0 . A s t u d y o n p u b l ic s p h e r e s r e m a i n s l a r g e l y t o b e u n d e r t a k e n . R e s e a r c h o n c a f o s i s u n d e r
w a y a t t h e C E A Q . O n e c a n h o w e v e r r e fe r t o C . B o u g i e ,
Essays on the Caste System,
C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 1 , p . 4 5 ; c f. a l s o H a n n e r z ,
Ex ploring the City,
p . 1 9 8 ,
et seq.;
a n d
J . Μ . L a c r o s s e e t a l . N o r m e s s p a t ia l e s e t in t e r a c t i o n s , Recherches
sociologiques, Lo uv ain , vol . 6 , no . 3 (19 75 ) , p . 33 6 , espe cia l ly wi th regard to the cafe* as Op en
area .
3 1 .
H a l b w a c h s ,
La Mem oire collective,
p . 5 1 ,
et seq.
3 2 . Re ad e rs are re ferred to a rep ort b y M . d e Ce rteau an d L . G i ard , L'Ordinaire de la
communication,
Par is , 1984 (R ep or t of the Minis try of Cu l tur e) a l so cf . a mo re speci f ic area
d eta i l ed i n th e th es i s b y P . De l m as , L E l eve t erm i n a l , en jeu x s oc i au x e t f in alit e* d es n ou ve l l e s
tec h n o l og i e s od u ca t i ve s , Un i vers i t e Par i s VI I I , 1986 an d a work i n p rogr es s , C . M o ri co t , L a
T e l e v i s i o n c ä b l e e ' , C E A Q - P a r i s V .
3 3 . F . D u m o n t , o n t h e o r i g in s o f t h e n o t i o n o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e in
Cultu res populaires et
societis contemporaines,
P r e s s e s d e 1 ' U n i v e r s i t e d u Q u e b e c , Q u 6 b e c , 1 9 8 2 , p . 3 9 . I t i s a l s o
w o r t h c on s u l t i n g D u m o n t ' s
VA nthropologie en Vabsence de Vh omm e,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 1 .
3 4 .
B e r q u e a n a l y se d t h i s p r i n c ip l e o f a l l o n o m y in J a p a n , in Vivre V espace au Japon, p . 5 2 .
O n t h e s i gn i f i ca n c e o f r i t u a l c u s t o m i n B r a z i l , c f. R . D a M a t t a ,
Carnaval, bandit et hiros,
P a r i s ,
Seu i l , 1 9 8 3 .
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2
1 .
As pec ts of v i ta l i sm
I t w a s E m i l e D ü r k h e i m w h o r e m a r k e d t h a t i f e x i s t e n c e e n d u r e s , t h e n i t i s
b e c a u s e , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , m e n p r e f e r it t o d e a t h - a s e n s i b l e s t a t e m e n t ,
fo r al l i t s su r face ba na l i t y .
1
There i s no po in t i n go ing ove r t he d i f f i cu l ty some in t e l l e c tua l s have in
u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h i s w i l l t o l i v e (puissance) w h i c h , d e s p i t e o r p e r h a p s
b e c a u s e of it s m a n y i m p o s i t i o n s , c o n t i n u e s t o n o u r i s h t h e s o ci al b o d y .
W i th ou t kn ow ing a l l t he re a so ns fo r i t , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to spe cu l a t e on w h y
th i s ques t ion can no longe r be i gnored . Le t us rema in w i th in t he l imi t s o f
b a n a l i t y , if o n l y t o e n r a g e t h e u n i v e r s i t y b e a n - c o u n t e r s w h o h i d e b e h i n d a
sc ient i f ic aura in order to d isguise the t r iv ia l i ty of the i r th inking. Some a r t
h i s to r i ans d i s ti ngu i sh be tw een pe r io ds i n w hich the t a c t il e a r t s p re do m ina te
a n d o t h e r s in w h i c h v i s u a l a r t s p r e v a i l , o r i n o t h e r w o r d s , b e t w e e n a r t
w h i c h m u s t b e s e e n c l o s e u p a n d a r t w h i c h r e q u i r e s a c e r t a i n d i s t a n c e i n
or de r t o be ful ly ap pr ec i a t ed . I t i s by re ly ing on such a d i c ho tom y tha t
W o r r i n g e r d e v e l o p s h i s f a m o u s o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n a b s t r a c t i o n a n d
e m p a t h y
(Einfühlung).
Br ie f ly , em pa th y i s in tu i t ive in te rm s of i t s
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a n d o r g a n i c i n t e r m s o f s t r u c t u r e . O r , w e m a y b a s e
ourse lve s on the i dea o f
Kunstwollen,
w h ich re fe r s t o t he ma sse s and to t he
co l l e c t i ve fo rce w hich d r ive s t hem - i n shor t , t o t h i s r emarkab le v i t a l i sm.
2
O b vio us ly , t h i s c l a s si f ic a t ion m us t be co ns id e re d f rom an a rch e typ a l
point of v iew, tha t i s , i t does not exis t in a pure form. I t can be seen as an
u n r e a l i t y w h o s e s o l e f u n c t io n is t o r e v e a l c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h a r e
t h e m s e l v e s v e r y r e a l . T h u s , in o r d e r t o a n s w e r t h e p r e v i o u s l y s t a t e d
qu es t io n , i t i s pos s ib l e t ha t , fo l low ing a pe r io d in w h ich d i s t anc e p rev a i l ed
- an op t i c a l pe r io d w h ich w e m igh t r e fe r t o e tym olog ica l ly a s t heo re t i c a l
(theorein\
t o s e e ) , w e a r e n o w e n t e r i n g a t a c t i l e p e r i o d i n w h i c h p r o x e m i c s
p r e d o m i n a t e s . T o p u t i t i n t e r m s m o r e i n k e e p i n g w i t h s o c i o l o g y , t h i s t r e n d
can be seen a s t he t r ans i t i on f rom the g loba l t o t he l oca l , t he pa ssage f rom
the p ro l e t a r i a t a s an ac t ive h i s to r i c a l sub jec t t o t he masse s f reed o f
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y fo r t h e f u t u r e . W e a r e t h u s o b l i g e d t o c o n t e m p l a t e t h e
sa tu ra t i on o f t he ques t ion o f pow er ( i . e . o f po l i t i c s ) i n i t s p ro j ec t ive
f u n c t i o n , a n d t h e e m e r g e n c e o f t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e
puissance
a t th e he ar t of
t h e m a n y s p a r s e , s p l i n t e r e d , c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e s e c o m m u n i t i e s a r e s t i l l
l i nke d in a so r t o f d i f fe r en t i a t e d a rc h i t e c to n ic , exp re ss ing thems e lve s i n
w h a t I h a v e c a ll e d c o n f li c tu a l h a r m o n y .
3
I t i s wi t h in th i s sc he m at ic
f r a m e w o r k t h a t v i t a l is m s e m e r g e n c e s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d : t h a t is , t h a t life
T H E U N D E R G R O U N D
PUISS NCE
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32
T H E
T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
exists in opp osit ion to not hin g. Usually seen as fodder for 'se pa ra tio n' ,
alienation and the critical attitude which is its expression, it is important to
analyse the 'affirmative' quality of life, the societal 'will to live', which,
even from a relativist perspective, nourishes everyday life 'seen close up'.
Returning once again to my outline of the emblematic figure of
Dionysus, it seems to me that the role of puissance is continually at wor k.
However, its action may be either secret, discreet or displayed. When it is
not expressing itself in one of its effervescent forms such as revolts,
festivals, uprisings and other heated moments of human history, it is
hyperconcentrated in the secretive world of sects and the avant-garde, in
whatever form these may take, or hypoconcentrated in communities,
networks and tribes - in short, in the smallest details of everyday life which
are lived for their own sake and not as a function of any sort of finality.
4
I
am referring to the mystic or gnostic tradition, as opposed to the critical or
rationalist approach; but from the ancient gnoses to the gnosis of
Princeton, by way of the mysticism of Böhme and Loisy,
5
from the
unleashing of the senses and mores to 'New Age' medicines and contem
por ary astrological expl orati ons, ther e is a co mmo n thr ead runn ing
through: that of puissance. We might call the spiritual att itude 'dio nys ian'
and the more sensual perspective 'dionysiac'; however, they are both
founded on the primacy of experience, on a deep vitalism and a more or
less explicit vision of the organicity of the various elements of the cosmos.
A number of issues surrounding political saturation - changes in values;
the failure of the myth of progress; the resurgence of the qualitative; the
increased devotion to hedonism; the continued preoccupation with the
religious; the significance of the image - which we had thought drained of
all meaning but which increasingly intrudes on our everyday life (advertis
ing, television) - all of these questions are drawn against a backcloth of
what one might call an irrepressible puissance. This energy is very difficult
to explain; however, its effects may be observed in the various mani
festations of sociality: cunning, aloofness, scepticism, irony and the tragic
amusements which persist in the midst of a world supposedly in crisis. In
fact, the real crisis exists for the powers in their overarching and abstract
nature. It is this opposition between extrinsic power and intrinsic puissance
which must rigorously gu ide ou r th ink ing and which is the tra ns lat ion into
sociological terms of the previously mentioned aesthetic dichotomy
(optical versus tactile). In considering this movement of the pendulum, by
which issues (re)appear and fade away in a circular movement of return,
one should refer to the canonical author Celestin Bouglo. While of his time
(the turn of this rationalist century) and place (the French Positivist
School), Bougie nevertheless suggested inherent qualities which were not
strictly derived from Western tradition. Thus, in his highly nuanced
appraisal of the caste system - to which we will return - he remarks that
'the land of castes' could well be the cradle of the myth of Dionysus
( p . 146), and goes on to show us how there is a shift between the 'life of the
Greeks' (and we might also say their descendants), which was 'full of
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reality' and the fact that for the Hindu it was a 'deceptive illusion' (p. 144).
Thi s sceptic al view is ne ver the les s exp res sed in a 'b re at h of se nsua lity' ,
even 'brutality' (p. 145). Thus, by going beyond accepted truths, he cannot
help noting that non-activism (as opposed to passivity) can be dynamic. It
is no t possible to go int o gre at detail in the se pag es ; howe ve r, we can
recognize along with Bougie that the Ordering intellect' can be set against
an 'amplifying ima gin atio n' (p . 178), and that each of thes e may repre sent
fertile gr ou nd in its own ri gh t.
6
It is of cours e poss ible to ex tr apola te from his idea, an d to go be yond the
constricting fram ewo rk of 'ra ce ', in ord er to add the socio-anthro pological
dimen sion which interes ts us he re . It is possible that t he
puissance
at wor k
today may not be separate from the fascination which Eastern thought and
customs currently have for us. Of course, these do not hold a monopoly as
the European model once did or the 'American way of life'* still does for
the time being. Rather, according to differentiated modalities, they may
(and do already) fit into an intercultural composition which will reanimate
the tradition versus moder nit y deb at e. In this resp ect, the place occupied
by Japan in the contemporary imagination is a clear indicator; in my
opi nio n, its industrial per for man ce and its con que ring dynami sm are
incomprehensible unless we bear in mind the heavy dose of tradition and
the ritual dimension which permeate the various manifestations of its
collective life, th e im po rt an ce of which has be en widely ack now led ged .
The three-piece suit has its place alongside the kimono in the wardrobe of
the efficient manager. Here again, one might say that we are in the
presence of a 'dynamic rootedness' . 7
Thus, at a time when it has become fashionable to lament (or to
ce le br at e, which is mu ch the sa me thing) the end of th e social, we m ust ,
with co mm on sen se and lucidity, rem em be r that the en d of a cert ain form
of the social order, and the obvious saturation of the political order, can
more than anything leave an opening for the emergence of a
vital instinct,
which is itself far from exh aust ed . Th e disast rous scenario s ar ou nd us are in
fact very dialectical (Hegelian); too linear (positivist); and still too
Christian (parousia**) to account for the multiple explosions of vitalism
which are comin g from thos e gro ups or ' trib es' in cons tant ferme ntati on.
They are taking personal responsibility for multiple aspects of their
collective exi sten ce: this can truly be called pol ytheis m. A s is often the
case, the intellectuals, and more precisely the sociologists, will only
comprehend this post festuml
Let us venture a few metaphors: just like the phoenix of Antiquity, the
de at h of an old form inevita bly gives rise to a ne w on e. Th e 'expansi ve
imag inati on' me nt io ne d earlier allows us to un der sta nd tha t the dea th of
the historical or of political monovalence can represent an opportunity for
reinvesting the natural matrix. I have already explained this process: the
*
This appears in English in the text.
Transl. note: referring to the Sec on d Co mi ng of Christ.
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trans ition from an all-pervasive econ om y to a gene raliz ed ecol ogy, or in
the words of the Frankfurt School, the passage from nature as object
(Gegenstand) to natur e as par tne r (Gegenspieler). Mor eover , the ecological
movements (whether in the form of political parties or not), the fads of
natural foods, macrobiotics and other natural movements are instructive in
this regard. This is not a useless detour in my reflections, but rather a
parameter whose importance escapes only too often the nay-sayers, except
whe n redu ce d to its political co mp on en t. O ne may think of Jüng er and his
fascination with minerals, or refer to the poet Lacarriere who described
forcefully and beautifully the resurgence of the great Goddess Earth:
I have always found a certain resemblance between myths and coral: they both
exist on a common living branch which . . . becomes transformed into minerals
over the centuries . . . the burgeoning, living flowers, the tentacle-like branching
in short, the verbal and ephemeral arteries which continually nourish the
abyssal vigour of the phylum.
8
Th e whole of this beautiful b oo k, which is comp ara bl e to He nr y Miller's
Colossus of Marousia, con tinu es in the sam e vein; it descr ibes the re-
enchantment with the world by showing the close connection which exists
between the arborescence - even mineral - of nature and the explosion of
life to which the myth testifies. The phylum in question reminds us,
advisedly, that although civilizations are mortal or even ephemeral, the
sub stra te in which they impla nt themse lves is inva riab le, at least in the eyes
of the sociologist. It would be wise to remember this truism, which in our
self-abso rption we tend to forget.
That bei ng said, it is now possible to unde rst and wha t I have te rm ed
'social perdurability', a rather uncivilized term which describes the ability
of the masses to resist. This ability is not necessarily conscious, it is
incorporated; like a mineral in some ways, it outlasts political change. I
would hazard to say that there exists within the masses a 'sure knowledge',
an 'assured direction', after Heidegger, which makes them a natural entity
far exceeding their various historical or social manifestations. This may
seem a somewhat mystic vision; but it is the only one that allows us to
explain how across carnage and war, migration and death, splendour and
decadence, the human animal has continued to prosper. Now that we need
no longer fear invective and accusations; now that theoretical terrorism no
longer paralyses the adventure of thought (or even adventurous thought),
it is fitting that sociologists examine rigorously this global, holistic per
spective which was affirmed by the very founding of our discipline. The
recognition of an irrepressible vitalism -may go hand in glove with this.
There is no question of making an exhaustive survey of this research;
9
it is
enough to show that, according to Goethe's theme of the
Natur-Gott,
the
Na tu re -G od , this vitalism has forme d an integral part of the dep th
psychology so cent ral to the twentie th cen tur y.
It was patently obvious in the work of Carl Jung, whose fecundity is only
now being (re)-examined, but also on the fringes of the Freudian
mo ve me nt : the Organi zing princip le of life' is at the hear t of Gr od de ck 's
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work. Thus, according to one of his critics, the latter always displayed a
'great interest in the phusis, that is, the spo nta neo us gro wth; the accom
plishment of a destiny, in nature as in human beings'.
1 0
If in the
psychoan alytic tradition I qu ote G ro dd ec k, it is bec aus e, on the one han d,
he was inspir ed by Niet zsche, whose topicality has still no t be en fully
explored, but also because the adage he took as his own - Natur sanat,
medicus curat - is at the hear t of the alter nat ive move me nt s which the
world ove r are in the proc ess of over tur ni ng the social configur ation.
Furthermore, we will have to be careful to gauge the relevance of what I
call puissance. It is pos sibl e to ima gine that this 'fulfilment' in the natura l
or de r - th e arb or esc ence or ever-c ont inu ing growth - will hav e its effect on
the social or de r. It is in redis cove ring th e virtu es of Mo th er Na tu re that a
feeling of wholeness is restored. There is a reversibility at play, rather than
unilateral domination, which allows us to claim that all those groups for
wh om na tu re is seen as a pa rt ne r are alte rna tive forces. Th es e g roup s
signal at once a decline in a certain type of society as well as an irresistible
renaissance.
Of course, this process which we see in statu nascendi is comp lete ly
chaotic, disordered, effervescent. But we have known since Dürkheim that
this effe rvescenc e is the surest sign of the pr os pe ct ive, of that which is
called upon to last, to be institutionalized even. Bachelard calls this frenzy
of activity a 'pr imal im ag e' , rem ind ing us tha t in the se ven tee nt h cen tur y,
'the word "chaos" was spelled "cahot" ' .* This parallel is elucidating,
especially when o ne is awa re that cha os is the founda tion up on which t he
cos mos is cons tru cte d, as well as the m icro -cos mos which is the social
order. The throng is a sign of animalization but also of animation, 1 1
a fact
clearly illust rated by Du ra nd. Thi s th rong , with its stro ng nat ura l con
notation, can be seen as an expression of the puissance or the 'will to live ',
which are the cause and effect of the vital phylum. In the words of the
German psychoanalyst: 'Kot ist nicht Tot, es ist angfang von allem'.
Let us be even m or e preci se: alth oug h th er e is a declin e in the great
institutional and activist structures - from political parties, as required
me di at or , to the prole tar iat as historical subject - the re is on the oth er
hand the development of what might be termed very generally the basic
communities. These are built on a proxemic realit y whos e finished form is
nature. With great insight, Simmel showed that ' the sentimental attach
ment to nature' and the 'fascination with power' must surely be trans
formed into religion. There is, in the strictest sense of the term,
communion with beauty and na tu re . 1 2 Here, religion binds; it binds
precisely because of the close co-existence, because of physical proximity.
Th us , con tra ry to historical 'e x-t ens ion ', which is built up on vast and
increasingly impersonal structures, nature favours 'in-tension'
(in-tendere),
with all the co mm itm en t, en thusia sm and warm th that it supp oses. Th e
Transl. note:
Th is etym ological obser vat ion is not really tr anslat able. Th e word
' c h a o s '
in
French has the same meaning as in English; the word 'cahot ' can be translated as 'jolt ' .
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T H E
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rather cavalier reference to nature and the 'religion' which flows from it is
only made in order to show that beyond the arbitrary division between the
physical and the psychical, and hence between nature and the sciences of
the mind - divisions imposed by the nineteenth century - we are in the
midst of redi scovering a global perspe ctive tha t is not hing short of
prospective.
There are a number of scientists (physicists, astrophysicists, biologists)
who are actively working towards just such a revision. Some, such as Nobel
laureate Fritz Capra or biologist R. Sheldrake, even refer to the Tao or to
Hindu thought in order to express their hypotheses. In his case, physicist
J . E . Ch ar ro n tries to show that 'in physics, the spirit is ins epa rab le from
res ear ch' . Since I am not comp et en t in this ar ea , I will refrain from
entering into the fray. I can, however, use his analyses metaphorically in
order to illustrate the path taken by this vitalism or the puissance at work in
the social given, in particular with respect to 'black holes', those stars
which through a breathtaking process of increasing density die in our
space-time in order to be reborn 'in a new space-time', which he calls a
'complex space-t ime' . 1 3
In answer to those who question the decline of the
classic modes of social structuring, let me create a clearer image by
suggesting that it is the density of sociality, what I have just called its 'in
tension' (in-tendere), which help s it reac h anot he r space -time wh ere it
move s abo ut easily. Such a density has always existe d; it is experie nc e in its
various dimensions, the lived life in all its concreteness, the feeling or
passion which, contrary to conventional wisdom, constitutes the essential
ingredient of all social aggregations. In general, this density is expressed
through the delegations and representations that occur throughout human
history (general assemblies, councils, direct democracies, nascent par
liaments, etc.). However, over time, and because of the inevitably
increased rigidity of institutions, we see an increasing separation which
may lead to divorce. When this happens, this 'density' will be exiled to
another space-time while waiting for new forms in which to express itself,
since, to borrow the term from Bloch who applied it to other phenomena,
the re is quite often 'n on- con tem por ane ity ' bet wee n an institution and its
popular foundations. Thus, in our democratic countries, what some
pund its refer to as the devel opm ent of anti-pa rliament arianism is per hap s
nothing but a strain in the
libido dominandi
whic h sust ains pub lic life, or
even a saturation of the political game whose abiding interest remains its
theatrical gestures.
However, leaving aside those who make their living at questioning this
decline to their puerile games, it is still necessary to question the
'importance of the "black holes" of sociality'. This has the merit at least of
forcing us to turn our attention to the too often ignored basis of our
discipline. Let us leave behind celestial architecture for the bricks and
mo rt ar of ou r cities. Reflecting on the spaces conta ine d ther ein , Dörfle s,
inspired by the aesthetic movement, stated that there can be no architec
ture 'without an interior space'. Moreover, he widens the debate by
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showing that this interior spatiality has important anthropological roots
(gr ott o, niche, shelter) as well as psychological (mate rna l breas t, ute rus ,
digestive tract). The reflection on the 'labyrinth', which was particularly
well exploited by the Surrealists and the Situationists, or the 'empty spaces'
mentioned by Durand, highlights the fact that any construction requires an
interior space on which to rest. 1 4 What has been applied to architecture can
be extrapolated to the architectonics of sociality. This has been the central
hypothesis of my work for many years: the necessity of an underground
centrality.
Th e fact that co nte mpo rar y architects or urb an designers are
rediscovering the desire for lost space, the agora, the underground
pass age, por tico s, patios and so on is just the construedvist transliteration
of the pressing ne ed for the 'em pt y spac e'. I ha ve alread y said tha t, befor e
becoming the world we know, the mundus was the 'hol e' into which were
thrown sacrificial victims to the gods, infants rejected by their fathers as
well as refuse, 1 5 in short, all those things that give meaning to the city.
One fact (pointless to the urbanists of the time but which was to be felt
late r on ) which has enlivene d many discussions with friends from Grenob le ,
such as C. Verdill on, is wor th singling ou t. Wh en the City of G re nobl e
decided to construct 'Villeneuve', a living laboratory for a new way of
experiencing city living, it asked urban planners to design long 'passageways'
linking the apartments to the elevators, and 'galleries' which would provide
a place for people to congregate. These became a place of draughts, of
joggers - even panic. They also planned for, in conformity with regula
tions, a 'social square footage'. Thus, on top of socio-educational pro
visions, one room was left empty at the end of each passageway. It was to
be the place for meetings, groups, workshops. In fact, these rooms were
quickly occupied in an informal way for activities which could be classed as
anodyne or against the traditional morality. In any case, they were places
whe re it was tho ugh t - t hro ugh proj ectio ns or fantasizing - th at somet hing
extraordinary was occurring which was necessary to group life:
mundus est
immundus. Th e 'social squa re foo tag e' was the plac e for the squal id,
permitting communication, diatribes or vicarious living. Of course, it was
not to last and locks were put on these places of freedom which were then
ingloriously handed over to social directors
Bu t beyo nd this an ec do te , what I am trying to emp ha siz e is tha t ther e is
always, to borrow an expression from Simmel, 'a secret behaviour of the
group hidden from the outside' . 1 6
It is this be ha vi ou r which , following the
more or less established eras, is the basis of social perdurability and which,
apart from occasional declines, guarantees the continued existence of the
ph yl um . If it sho uld be nece ssary t o clarify furt her , I am talking abo ut an
ideal type which doe s not exist in pu re for m, whic h is rarely pre sen ted as
such by the protagonists themselves, naturally enough; however, it is
certainly this 'secrecy' which allows us to measure the vitality of a social
gr ou p. In de ed , it is in pro tec tin g the stage s of a rev olu tio n, the reaso ns for
a conspiracy or more simply through passive resistance or 'aloofness' with
regard to a particular (political, state, symbolic) power that a community is
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T H E T I M E
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forged . W he th er explos ive or silent, th er e is a violence whose found ing
functions we have only begun to explore. And puissance also has a rol e to
play here.
To sum up these few remarks, this surprising 'vitalism', which is the
condition for understanding the puissance of the life wit hout qua lit ies , can
be understood only by abandoning the judgemental (or normative)
attitude which generally belongs to the keepers of knowledge and power.
Julien Freund, in speaking of the fickleness of the crowd, proposes
classifying it 'u nd er the catego ry of the priva tive', that is, ne ith er positive
nor negative, 'at the same time both socialist and nationalist ' . 1 7
I will put it
in my own terms by saying that the crowd is hollow, vacuity itself, and it is
in this that its puissance res ide s. Refus ing the logic of identi ty, which
transforms the masses into the proletariat (into the 'subject' of history), the
crowd may be, either sequentially or concurrently, the everyday crowd or
the crowd in revolt, the racist crowd or the generous crowd, the naive
crow d or the cunn ing crowd . Philosophically s pea king, this is an i ncom
plete chapter, and as such it holds great promise. Imperfection is a sign of
life; per fec tion a synon ym for dea th . It is only in its ho dg e- po dg e, its
efferv escence, its dis ord ere d and stochas tic aspe cts, its touc hing naiv ety,
that the vitalism of the people is of interest to us. It is because it is in this
nothingness which gives sha pe to ever ythi ng tha t, relatively spe aki ng, we
can see an alternative to decline; but at the same time it tolls a bell for
modernity.
2 .
The social divine
We may ask ourselves about another aspect of the puissance of the mas ses,
tha t is the 'social div ine ', a ter m coine d by Dü rk he im t o descr ibe tha t
aggregate force which is the basis of any society or association. We could
also use the word 'religion', if it is used to describe that which unites us as a
community; it is less a content, which is the realm of faith, than a
con tain er, that is, a co mm on matr ix, a foundati on of the 'bein g-tog ethe r'.
In this regard, I will refer to Simmel's definition: 'the religious world sinks
its roots into the spiritual complexity of the relationship between the
individual a nd his pe ers or a gr ou p of his pee rs . . . the se relat ionsh ips
constitute the purest of religious phenomena in the accepted sense of the
t e r m ' .
1 8
There is no question of doing a sociology of religion here; besides, the
special ists in ou r field be co me ret ice nt as soon as ref ere nce is mad e to the
resurgence of the religious. I will take care not to tread on any toes and will
limit myself to the fluid, neb ulo us worl d of religious sen tim en t. Mo re ov er ,
I will do so purposefully, paying careful attention to religious develop
men ts strictly speakin g (especially their non-institution al manifes tations) ,
as well as to the importance accorded to the imaginary and the symbolic,
all things which encourage preoccupied or predisposed minds to speak of
the return of irrationalism.
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First, there is a definite link between the restoration of the natural
(naturalism) and the re-enchantment with the world which we are witness
ing tod ay. Bey on d the demystifications and the 'demyth ologi zing ', which
have found their supporters even in the midst of theological reflections, the
social 'sleu th' t ha t is the sociologist is sure to cons ider all those vari ous
elements which lend importance to fate, destiny, the stars, magic, tarot,
horoscopes, nature, cults, etc. Certainly, the development of games of
chance as we know them in France, of casino-type popular games (lotto,
tac ota c, tierce , natio nal lo tte ry) , is par t of this proce ss. These a re topics
which meri t sep ara te tre at me nt ; the re is no nee d here to ring the alarm
bells. Indeed, let us recall Durkheim's 'essential postulate of sociology':
'th at a hu ma n institu tion can no t rest up on an err or and a lie with out which
it could not exist. If it were not founded in the nature of things, it would
have encountered in the facts a resistance over which it could never have
t r i um phe d . ' 1 9 The wisdom of this remark can be applied to the subject at
ha nd . Com mo n sens e, empirical observ ati on, new spa per articles - they all
agree on the multiplication of religious phenomena. It is therefore
appropriate to deal with them, without unduly exaggerating their impact,
nor discounting them a
priori.
First , let us con sider a ph en ome no n whic h is wid esp rea d at all levels of
soc iety . As far as th e 'crow d' is co nc er ne d, it is no t surpri sing to find
inte rest in ho ro sc op es ; the y are also the topic of conver sati on (albeit
discreet) among the intelligentsia, who can be seen wearing various charms
or amulets around their necks or wrists. As for the other layers of society,
studies under way will show the same phenomena occurring. Let me
recount the following anecdote: recently, at a dinner which brought
together top civil servants (plus a few 'stand-ins' such as a bishop, a
university professor and an astrologer), I was able, on the one hand, to
have a long conversation with a certain well-known astrologer who named
all the politicians, of various political stripes, who were clients of hers and
on the other, to listen to a certain regional politician, a rational man if ever
there was one, explain to me in confidence the magical thrill - like a weekly
fix
he felt when the winning lottery numbers were drawn. Naturally, in
order to avoid total indiscretion, it was his driver who was charged with the
task of pur cha sin g the fateful ticke t. Of co ur se , this is all an ec do ta l, but it is
these facts, however minuscule they may be, which by successive layers
constitute the substrate of both individual and collective existence. They
underline in the strongest terms another way of relating to the natural or
cosmic environment than the one to which we had become accustomed by
purely rationalist thinking. Naturally, this different way of relating is not
wit hou t cons eq ue nc e for ou r rela tion ship s with ot he rs (family, office,
facto ry, n ei gh bo ur ho od ), since it is tru e that it is the way in which the
'h um an being thr own into the wor ld' is expe rien ced and repre sen ted that
de ter min es his or her perf orm anc e. Wh at I me an by this is the handling of
all thos e situations which bit by bit con stit ute the existential conca ten ati on .
If we can thus speak of the re-enchantment with the world, then it is
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T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
because this 'is a given'. This naturalism and connivance are worth
highlighting; they are what make it possible to talk of the social 'order' or,
to use Schutz's expression the 'taken for granted'. 2 0
We join in as best we
can; we are part of this miserable world, so imperfect and yet so much
better than 'nothingness'. Such a tragic vision, to be sure, which is based
less on chang e (refo rm, r evo lut ion), than on an acc ept anc e of things as
they are: the status quo. Some would cry fatalism, and they would be
partially correct; however, opposing this (Anglo-Saxon) activism which
pits individuals against one an oth er, is a certain (Me dit err ane an? ) fatalism,
which by integrating the individual into the matrix, reinforces the collective
spirit. Let me specify that although the human or social 'divine' (from
Feu er ba ch , by way of Co mte an d Dür kh ei m) is a preo ccup ation of social
thinking, we can nonetheless draw a parallel with a certain mystical
tradition which has as its goal to lose oneself in the 'greater whole'. Such an
attitude, on the one hand, refers to the naturalism mentioned earlier, as
well as functions as the basis for the formation of small groups (com munion ,
erotic or sublimated identification, sects, congregations, etc.) which are
not unrelated to things we can observe today. 2 1
It must not be forgotten
tha t the theologic al express ion which best desc ribes this proc ess - 'th e
co mm un io n of sain ts' - is base d primarily on the idea of pa rtic ipa tion ,
correspondence and analogy, notions which seem perfectly appropriate for
analysing social movements that cannot be reduced to their rationalist or
functional dimensions. The great sociologist Roger Bastide, the import
ance of whose analyses will one day be acknowledged, spoke of religion in
terms of an 'arborescent development ' . 2 2 There again, apart from the
naturalist image it conjures up, we are encouraged to see elements in an
organic structure (branches forming a tree), of rings and of concatenation,
of communities interwoven on a larger canvas. There is the old biblical
imag e of mythica l Jer usa lem 'wh ere all are as on e ', prefiguring the
conviviality of the paradise to come. Based on these few remarks, can we
extrapolate and make a link with the puissance of the mas ses ? I bel ieve it is
legitimate to do so, especially since the essential characteristic of religion,
in its different m anif esta tions, re mai ns neve rthe less intang ible : its tra ns
cendence. Whether it can be situated in a great beyond or whether it is an
' immanent transcendence' (the group, the community transcending indi
viduals) does not alter the truth of the matter. My hypothesis, as distinct
from those who lament the end of great collective values and the
withdrawal into the self - which they falsely parallel with the growing
im port ance of ever yda y life - is tha t a new (and evo lving) tre nd can be
found in the growth of small groups and existential networks. This
represents a sort of tribalism which is based at the same time on the spirit
of religion (re-ligare) and on localism (proxe mics, na tu re) . Per ha ps , since
the era of individua lism inau gur ate d by the French Rev olu tion is com ing to
a clos e, we will be con fron ted with wha t was an aborti ve exp eri men t
(Ro be spi err e): that is, the 'civil religion' advocate d by Rou sse au. This
hypo thes is is not withou t foundat ion , all the mor e so since , as Pou lat no te s,
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it continued to interest, throughout the nineteenth and up until the turn of
the centu ry, thin kers such as Pierr e Lero ux , Com te of cou rse , Loisy an d
Ballanche who thought that 'humanity would be called on to form a fourth
heavenly being' .
2 3
Inspired by a term applied to Lammenais, we can say
that this 'demotheistic'* perspective allows us to understand the strength of
tribalism, or the strength of a sociality which remains impervious to
economic-political analyses.
As we know, Dürkheim remained preoccupied with the religious
connection: 'how a society which nothing transcends but which transcends
its members can hold together'. This happy formula of Poulat's 2 4 clearly
sums up the theme of immanent transcendence. Causality or utilitarianism
alone are insufficient to explain the propensity for association. Despite the
various egos and interests involved, there remains a glue which guarantees
perdu rabili ty. P erh aps its source can be found in the shared sent iment .
Depending on the era, this sentiment may be based on lofty ideals or on
mo re powerful objec tives ne are r to ho me . In the latter cas e, it can not be
unified, rationalized fortiori; and its sca tter ed nat ur e will only serve to
highlight its religious dimension. Thus, the 'civil religion', which is difficult
to apply to an entire nation, can be quite easily experienced at the local
level by a multiplicity of towns (the Greek example) and special groupings.
At this stage, the solidarity it leads to becomes concrete. In this way, a
cert ain consecu tive uniformi ty, flowing from the global ization and ho mo -
genization of customs and even thoughts, can occur simultaneously with a
growing emphasis on individual values which are granted an intense new
meaning by some. Thus, we are witness to an ever-increasing penetration
of the mass me di a, un ifor mity in our dre ss , th e victo ry of the fast food
outlet; and at the same time we can also see the development of local
communication (private radio, cable TV), the rise of individual fashions,
local pr od uc e and cuisin e, so tha t it wou ld som eti mes seem tha t we are
in the proce ss of re appr op ria tin g our exis tenc e. On e is dra wn to this
conclusion by the fact that, far from erasing the strength of our ties (re
ligion), technological advances sometimes even bolster them.
It is beca use th ere is a satur atio n of abstract p he no me na , of ov erarchi ng
values, of great economic or ideological structures that we can notice,
without in any way contesting these structures (which would only be to
accord them too much weight), a reorientation towards goals near to hand,
genuinely shared feelings; in short, all those things which constitute a
world: customs and rituals which are 'taken for granted'.**
It is precisely this proximity that gives much of its meaning to what we
call the 'social divine'. It has nothing to do with any kind of dogmatism or
instit utional formu la; it str ength ens the pag an fibre which , whe ther
historians like it or not, has never entirely disappeared from the masses.
* T h e
p e o p l e
as god, or the
' s oc ia l
d i v i n e ' .
Transl. note: ' t a k e n for
g r a n t e d '
a p p e a r s in E n g l i s h in the
t e x t .
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42
T H E
T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
Like the Lares, the cause and effect of the family group, the divine of
which we speak allows us to recreate the cenacles that keep us warm and
provide social spaces in the heart of the cold, inhuman metropolis. The
dizzying growth of metropolises (megalopolises, rather) as demographers
inform us, can only foster the development of 'villages within the city', to
paraphrase a well-known title. Alphonse Allais' vision has come to pass.
Great cities have supplanted the countryside; their neighbourhoods,
ghettos, parishes, terrain and various tribes which inhabit them have
replaced the villages, hamlets, communes and cantons of yesteryear.* But
since it is necessary to gather round a protective figure, the patron saint of
our worship will be replaced by the guru, the local celebrity, the football
team or the much more modest sect.
The idea of 'keeping warm together' is a way of acclimatizing to or
domesticating an environment without it becoming in any way threatening.
Empiri cal resear ch in urb an settings has clearly dem ons tra ted these
phenomena. In analysing social changes flowing from urban migration in a
Zambian city, Bennetta Jules-Rosette noted that ' there are residents who
have always played an active part' in the reorganization and the growth of
the community. And she continues: 'The most distinctive characteristic
sha re d by ma ny of the se resi dent s is thei r me mb er sh ip in ind ige nous
African c hu rch es. '** It is mo re ov er this part icipation which cre ate s the
most visible of the sub-groups of the community.
2 5
Thus, urban change can
pe rha ps be corre lated to a rapid de-Christi anizatio n; how ever , it is bou nd
to favour a religious syncretism with yet unknown results.
In one of his writings on 'the social aspects of religion', which remains
surprisingly up to date, Dürkheim, for whom 'religion was the most
primitive of social phenomena', notes the end of the old ideals and
divinities. Nevertheless, he goes on to underline that one must dig 'below
the moral chill which reigns at the surface of our collective life to feel the
sources of warmth that our societies carry within'. These sources of warmth
he situates 'within the popular classes'. 2 6 This appraisal is well within the
bo un ds of my reflections here (a nd is increasingly sha red by a nu mb er of
res ea rch er s): the obv ious de huma niz ati on of ur ban life is giving birth t o
specific groupings for the exchange of passion and feelings. Let us not
forget: the dionysiac values, which seem very topical, concern sex, but also
religious feelings; they are both signs of passion.
It is only because the 'social divine' functions in a minor key of
ad ap ta ti on , or even a sort of pre ser va tio n, tha t we notic e its pr es ence , in a
ma jor k ey, in revolut ionary explo sion . I hav e alre ady touc he d on this
Transl. note:
Alph on se Allais (1854-1905) was a popu lar Fr ench hu mour ist wh o wrot e for
t he cabar e t journal
Le Chat noir.
His wr itings focussed on the absurdity of moder n
l i fe .
'La
Fore t encha nteV (The Enchanted For est )
{Le Chat noir,
27 Oct ob er 1888) tells th e stor y of
an entir e Par isian neighb our hood , newsta nd s an d cafos includ ed, arising out of the forest
before the astonished gaze of the narrator.
Transl. note:
Th is qu otat ion appea r s in En glish in the text.
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theme in the notion of 'ouroborus revolution' , 2 7 * by showing that there has
always bee n a heavy religious dime nsio n to revol ution ary ph en om en a
which were later classified as purely political. This is obvious in the case of
the French Revolution. It was also the case for the 1848 revolutions in
Europe; Henri de Man has shown that the Bolshevik Revolution was not
immune either. The Peasants' Revolt can be seen as a paradigm of this
phenomenon; Bloch's beautiful book makes an undeniable case for this
dime nsio n. Mo re ov er, it is on this topic that Man nh ei m spo ke of Orgiastic-
ecstatic energies' which had their 'roots in deeper-lying vital and elemental
levels of the psyche'. 2 8
It is im po rt an t to refer to the se effervescent
mo me nt s, if only to de mo ns tr ate that the re is a const ant to and fro be twee n
exp los ion a nd rel ease and tha t this process is cause and effect of the
religious link, i.e. the sharing of passion. In fact, religion in this sense is the
matrix of all social life. 2 9
It is the crucible in which all the various manifestations of the 'being-
together' are created. Ideals can of course age, collective values become
saturated, however, religious feeling continually secretes that ' immanent
transcendence' which explains the perdurability of societies across human
histo ry. It is in this sens e that we are conc ern ed with an el em en t of this
mysterious puissance.
I have mentioned the ex-static attitude which should be understood here
in its narrowest sense as an exteriorization of the
self.
Indeed, the above-
me nt io ne d per dur abi lity is bas ed primari ly on the existence of a ma ss, a
people. Le Bon even talks of 'the moralization of the individual by the
crowd', and he cites several examples. 3 0 This is wha t was un de rs tood by
the Catholic theologians for whom faith was of secondary importance to its
actual expression in a church setting. To use the language of the moralist,
the religious aut hor ity (o r ecclesiastical con sci enc e), is for them mo re
important than the 'inner conscience'. To use terms which are more
familiar to m e , de ve lope d previously when refer ring to wha t I called 't he
ethical imm oral ism' : whate ver the situation and the moral qualification,
which are , as we know , ephe mer al a nd localized, the shared sen timen t is
the true social bond. It can lead to political upheaval, occasional revolts,
bread riots, strikes for solidarity; or instead it can lead to festivities and
everyday banalities. In each of these cases, there is an ethos at work by
which, come hell or high water, carnage and genocide, a mass holds
toge ther as such and survives the vaga ries of politics. This 'd em ot he is m'
has been exaggerated here for our purposes (even caricatured), but, in my
opi nio n, this is necessary in ord er to und ers tan d the extra ordin ary
resistance to the multiform impositions which constitute societal living. If
we were to extend this hypothesis still further, based on the afore
mentioned, we might propose a minute change to the classic adage and
substitute populo for deo. Th us , for the sociologist trying to un de rs ta nd the
vitalism of sociality, the magic words could be
Omnis potesas a populo.
Transl. note:
'our oboru s': the Gre ek symb ol of a snak e (or drago n) devouri ng its own tail.
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4 4
THE TIME O F THE TRIBES
I n d e e d , a n d t h i s i s w h e r e t h e s o c i o - a n t h r o p o l o g i s t c a n b r i n g a p r o s p e c t i v e
n o t t o m e n t i o n p r o p h e t i c d i m e n s i o n t o h is o r h e r w o r k : i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t
the s t ruc tu r ing o f soc i e ty i n to many sma l l e r g roups i n combina t ion w i l l
make i t poss ib l e t o e scape o r a t l e a s t r e l a t i v i ze t he i ns t i t u t i ons o f pow er .
Th i s i s t h e g re a t l e s son to be l e a rn ed f rom the po ly th e i sm w hich ha s
a l r e a d y b e e n t h e s u b j e c t o f n u m e r o u s a n a l y s e s ; i t a l s o s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e r e
rem a in s fe r t i l e g r ou nd fo r r e s ea r ch . M or e spec i f ic a l ly , it i s poss ib l e t o
i m a g i n e a p o w e r i n t h e p r o c e s s o f g l o b a l i z a t i o n , t w o - o r t h r e e - h e a d e d ,
d i s p u t i n g a n d s h a r i n g e c o n o m i c - s y m b o l i c z o n e s o f i n f l u e n c e , p l a y i n g t h e
g a m e o f n u c l e a r i n t i m i d a t i o n . A n d b e y o n d t h is t r e n d , o r a l o n g s i d e i t , t h e r e
w ould be a p ro l i f e ra t i on o f g roup ings w i th va r i ed i n t e re s t s , t he c rea t ion o f
ind ivid ua l f ie fdoms, th e m ul t ip l ica t ion of th eo r ie s an d ide olo gie s wh ich a re
i n o p p o s i t i o n t o o n e a n o t h e r . O n t h e o n e h a n d w e w o u l d f i n d h o m o
g e n e i t y , o n t h e o t h e r , h e t e r o g e n e i t y ; i n o t h e r w o r d s , t o d u s t o f f a n o l d
image : t he d i cho tomy on a un ive rsa l s ca l e o f t he coun t ry a s a se r i e s o f
b o r d e r s a n d t h e ' r e a l ' c o u n t r y . T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e is b e i n g r e j e c t e d b y t h e
ma jor i t y o f po l i t i c a l o r soc i a l obse rve rs , i n pa r t i cu l a r because such a v i s ion
con t rad i c t s t he i r f r a m ew ork s of ana lys i s w hich a re de r ived f rom th e
pos i t i v i s t an d d i a l ec t i c a l t r ad i t i on s o f t he l a s t c en tu r y . H o w ev e r , if w e a re
capab le o f see ing the i nd i ca t ions be fo re us
(index:
th e po in t in g finger) su ch
a s m a s s i v e p o l it i c al a n d u n i o n d i s e n g a g e m e n t ; t h e g r e a t e r a t t r a c t i o n o f t h e
he re an d no w ; t he v i ew of po l i t i c s an d w ha t it r e a l l y rep re s en t s - t hea t r i c s
o r spec t ac l e s o f va ry ing degree s o f i n t e re s t ; t he i nves tmen t i n new
economic , i n t e l l e c tua l , sp i r i t ua l o r ex i s t en t i a l adven tu re s - a l l o f t h i s
sho u ld ca use us t o cons id e r t ha t t he soc i a l it y w hich i s be in g bor n ow es
no th i ng to t he o ld soc io -po l i t ic a l w or ld (w h ich i s ou r h e r i t ag e ) .
In th i s re ga rd , sc ien ce f ic tion i s a useful ex am pl e : dr ess ed in te ch no -
G o t h i c t r a p p i n g s , i t r e p r e s e n t s h e t e r o g e n e i t y a n d i n s o l e n c e w i t h r e s p e c t t o
t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d co n f o rm i s t b e h a v i o u r s . 3 1
I t is t h r o u g h t h i s g r o w i n g a u t o n o m y w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e o v e r a r c h i n g
po w ers t ha t t h e soc i a l d iv ine can find it s exp re ss ion . Ind ee d , l e av ing a s ide
the ques t ion a s t o w ha t t he soc i e ty o f t he fu tu re O ugh t t o be ' , w e sac r i f i c e
to loca l 'go ds ' ( lov e , co m m er ce , v io len ce , te r r i to ry , fest iv it ies , wo rk ac t iv i ties ,
f o o d , b e a u t y , e t c . ) w h o s e n a m e s m a y h a v e c h a n g e d s i n c e G r a e c o - R o m a n
t i m e s b u t w h o s e e m b l e m a t i c i n f l u e n c e r e m a i n s t h e s a m e . T h u s , w e c a n
w i tne ss t he reappropr i a t i on o f our ' r e a l ' ex i s t ence , w hich l i e s a t t he hea r t
of what I ca l l the
puissance
o f t h e m a s s e s . W i t h a s s u r a n c e a n d s t u b b o r n
n e s s ,
i n a pe rh ap s an ima l i s t i c w ay - t ha t i s , m o re a s an expre s s ion o f a v i t al
ins t inc t than a c r i t i ca l facul ty - groups , smal l communi t ies , a f f in i ty
n e t w o r k s a n d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s a r e p r e o c c u p i e d w i th c l o s e s o c ia l r e l a ti o n
s h i p s .
Th i s i s a l so t he ca se w i th re spec t t o our re l a t i onsh ip w i th t he na tu ra l
e n v i r o n m e n t .
Thus, even if one feels alienated from the distant econom ic-
political order, one can assert sovereignty over one's near existence.
T his i s
th e goa l of the ' soc ia l d iv in e ' , an d i s a l so the secr e t of i ts pe rd ur ab i l i t y . I t i s
i n t he sec re t , t he nea r , t he i ns ign i f i c an t (w hich e scapes mac roscop ic
f inality) th a t soc ia l i ty i s m as te re d. O n e mig ht even go so fa r as to say tha t
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T H E U N D E R G R O U N D PUISS NCE
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the powers can only be exercised if they are not too distanced from this
sovereignty. This 'sovereign' state can be understood within the contractual
perspe ctive of Rou ss eau , which confers upo n it a unanim ist and rath er
idyllic dimension.
3 2
This state can also be seen as that 'conflictual harmony' in which, by a
process of action-reaction, a group manages more or less to adjust its
natural, social and biological components and thereby assure its stability.
The theory of systems, as well as the writings of Morin, show with precision
how up to date and pertinent such a perspective is. Thus, even if it seems a
figure of speech to many, the link that can be made between the masses
and their soverei gnty is perfectly well foun ded . M or eov er, whe the r
through uprisings, violent actions or democratic means; by silence or
withdrawal; by scornful disdain, humour or irony, there are multiple ways
the masses have of asserting their sovereign puissance. Th e whole art of
politics consists of ensuring that these expressions do not take over.
Abstract power can occasionally triumph. We might ask La Boetie's
que stion : 'W ha t is the basis of volun tary serv itude ?'* Certainly, the
response can be found in that inbred assurance of the social body which
knows that in the long term, the Prince, in whatever form he takes
(aristo crat, tyr ant , dem oc rat , etc.) is always subject to the popul ar verdict.
If power is the issue of individuals or a succession of individuals, then
puissance is an at tri bu te of the phy lum an d tak es its plac e in the
continuum. In this way, puissance is a char acte risti c of wha t can be t erm ed
the 'social divine'. It all comes down to a question of precedence. To speak
of
puissance,
sove reignty and th e divine in con nec tion with the masse s is to
recognize, to borrow Durkheim's expression, ' that law derives from
custom, that is, life i tself '
3 3
and that it is 'customs which form the real basis
for states'. This vitalist priority, penned by that most positivist of hands, is
worth und erl ini ng; it is surely this reflection th at allows him to highlight the
importance of the religious link in the social structure. Of course, it is a
general idea which needs to be brought up to date; however, the
recognition that the close link between vitalism (naturalism) and the
religious consti tute s a ver ita ble force propel ling the mass es and assu ring
their continuity and puissance is significant at a tim e whe n c omm uni ca
tions, leisure, art and the everyday life of the masses are forcing a new
social deal.
3 . The aloofness of the people
When we look at human history, we can say that politics, in the form of the
adju stme nts of individuals and groups be twe en them selv es, is an unsur
passable structure. On this matter, one can only agree with Julien Freund
who spoke of 'the political essence'. Nevertheless, although this essence
Transl. note:
Eti enne de la Boe ti e (1 530 -63 ), author of
Discours de la servitude volontaire
( 1 5 7 6 ) .
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46
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIB ES
may be pe rm an en t, it is no less full of mo ve me nt . Ther e are modul ati ons in
the world of politics; depending on the situations and the values which
predominate at a given moment, the political order will exercise more or
less influence on the social structure. Naturally, this relative importance
depends for a large part on the attitude of those who govern. To return to
an expression applied to the sociological writings of Pareto, as long as there
is a 'physiologic al link' bet we en th ose who gover n and the mass es, a certain
reversibility will continue to be at work. There will be, if not consensus,
then exchange and legitimation. 3 4 This ph en om en on is far from an
exception: from the leaders of Antiquity to a certain business paternalism,
through the equanimity of the Antonines and a certain ecclesiastical
popu lis m, t he re exists a type of po we r which is bas ed a bov e all on the rea l
obligations of the leaders.
3 5
They are responsible for their authority and
they must resp on d as much to famine and nat ura l ca tas tro phe as to
economic or social disaster. The symbolic function they hold ceases or is
fractured as soon as the equilibrium of which they are the guarantors no
longer works.
Here it is not possible to develop this line of inquiry further. I only point
to it in order to shed light on that form of the puissance of the masses which
is 'alo ofne ss'. In de ed , it is whe n the ord er of reversibility no longer exists
(and the analysis of this breakdown can surely not be reduced to moralistic
considerations) that one can see the development of attitudes of with
drawal.
In order to understand this development, let us refer once again to the
metaphor of the 'black holes' which a certain number of us (Baudrillard,
Hil lma n, Maffesoli) have bo rro we d from astrophys ics. In a book int end ed
not so muc h to pop ula riz e as to rev eal , the physicist J. E. C ha rr on showed
how a black hole is a star whose increasing density gives birth to another
space - a 'new universe', he said. 3 6 Proceeding by analogy (a practice that
many refuse, although it retains some interest for our discipline) we can
formulate a hypothesis that at certain periods of history, when the masses
are no longer interacting with those in government, or
puissance
is
completely dissociated from power, the political universe dies and sociality
tak es ove r. Fu rt he rm or e, I believe tha t this mo ve me nt is a swing of the
pendulum, proceeding by saturation: on the one hand, direct or indirect
participatio n pre do min ate s; on the oth er ha nd , the re is an increased
emphasis on everyday values. In the latter case, one can say that sociality
preserves energies which in the political reign tend to take place in public.
Mo re ov er , it is intere sting to no te tha t, in gen er al, this refraining from
public expression goes hand in hand with an 'expenditure' in the existential
sphere (physical pleasure, hedonism, carpe diem, the bod y, sun-wo rship).
In the bourgeois reign, the opposite effects predominate: coldness, an
economy of (and in) existence and an expenditure of energy in the public
realm (the economy, public service, grand inspiring ideologies . . .).
Be that as it ma y, it is against this back cloth that on e must un de rst and a
who le series of eve nts tha t und erl ine a growi ng de ta ch me nt from t he
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abstract and general public sphere. The 'silent majority', which in fact is no
mo re than a con glo mera tion of jux tap ose d or intersecting grou ps and
ne tw or ks , can no long er be defined in te rms of an abs tra ct, com mo n front
decided in isolation. It can no longer be characterized on the basis of a goal
to be realized, that is as the proletariat, an agent of social change, or as the
obj ect of a stru ctur al and conge nita l mark : the feeble and /or childish
populace which must be led by the hand or protected. Between these two
opposites lie a number of ideologies and actions in which politicians
(conservatives, revolutionaries, reformers), public officials, social workers
and economic forecasters are still engaged. In fact, the debate has already
moved elsewhere. Indeed, by pursuing the hypothesis of the saturation of
the political order, one can explain the attitude of the masses - the cause of
so muc h worry to political co mm en ta to rs a nd analyst s - by virtue of the
fact of a latent anthropological reticence with regard to those powers which
continue to assert themselves from time to time and with varying degrees
of effectiveness according to time and place. As an example, in order to
und ers tan d this ph en om en on one may refer to thos e count ries - like the
Sicily portrayed in Lampedusa's
Guepard* -
which were able to preserve
their originality owing in whole or in part to the many invasions they
suffered. Because they knew enough to keep their heads down and rely on
their cunning, the inhabitants were able to maintain their particular
customs intact. In Bougie's analysis of India, he states: 'All sorts of
authorities have tried to rule over these immense masses: the people have
seen empires succeed each other and principalities multiply without equal.
The truth remains that all governments of whatever kind, have only rested
on the surface of the Hind u world . The y never reac h . . . its dee pes t sense .'
These remarks seem most up to date where the sociologist explains the
impossibility of mastering the 'real' country, owing to the caste system. He
makes the following delicious remark: the Hindus, because of this fact,
'seem made for subjugation by the entire world, without being assimilated
or unified by anyone' . 3 7 At the risk of causing Bougie to turn in his grave,
we can extrapolate this remark heuristically in order to state that the 'non-
domestication' of the masses, which constitutes their most solid defence
against the various dom ina tio ns, is base d ab ove all on pluralism. In the
Indian example, it may be the caste system; in Sicily, we may talk of the
puissance
of localis m, the ma ny 'cou ntr ies ' and 'families' tha t ma ke up this
island. In our socie ties, it could be the vari ous ne tw or ks , affinity and
interest groups or neighbourhood ties that structure our megalopolises.
Whatever the case, puissance is set aga ins t po we r, even if puissance can
only advance in disguise, to avoid being crushed by power. If the many
exam ple s of history are any gu ide, how ev er , it is possi ble to show tha t t he
sketchy details of today, whose birth we can observe, will become much
Transl. note: Le Guepard ( 1 9 5 8 ) , a novel by the Italian writer Guiseppe Tomasini, Prince of
Lampedusa (1896-1957), presents a chronicle of Sicilian life between 1860 and the turn of
this century.
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T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
clearer in the decades to come. With every resurgence of this 'polytheism
of values' as used by Weber, and which, apart from a few researchers brave
enough to weather the ambient conformity, 3 8 seem s to worry right-
thinking people, a relativization of the unifying structures and institutions
is under way. There is no reason to get upset about it; on the contrary,
since the effervescence flowing from thi s pol ytheis m is on the whol e th e
surest sign of a renewed dynamism in all aspects of social life, whether the
economy, spiritual or intellectual life or, of course, the new forms of
sociality . It is strik ing to no te that , as a ru le , th e wit hdr awa l from the
political sphere seems to shed light on the aforementioned dynamism. This
withdrawal is in fact the reactivation of the vital instinct of preservation, of
conservation in
oneself.
It is the dem on ic figure found in all my ths and
religions, the biblical Satan who refuses to be subjugated. Although it is
occasionally destructive, the satanic figure continues to exert a basic
function. In this manner, it ties in with the puissance of the mas ses . I have
stated elsewhere that there has always been a 'demonic wisdom' at work in
the social body to which we can surely attribute, at least in part, this faculty
of re tr ea t, of refusal to be part of a str uct ure . It is no tab le that, eve n in the
nin ete ent h centu ry, a time when the wor ker s' movem en t was just getting
orga nize d, the mo ve me nt found its expression in many tende ncies :
communist, anarchist , cooperative, Utopian, all with thei r ow n infinite
subdivisions. What can this mean, other than that no political institution
can claim a monopoly? As Poulat notes correctly: 'the popular masses
retain a certain degree of ind epe nde nce . . . by which they are only paying
back the upper classes' .
3 9 I woul d add: even when certai n me mb er s of the
upper classes claim to speak in the name of the masses, or to lead them,
which amounts to much the same thing. Those who are 'not one of us' can
nev er be comp lete ly trus ted since, from time imm emo ria l on e knows tha t
those who, inspired by the libido dominandi, rely on the masses to att ain
power are bound, for whatever valid-sounding reason, to practise a
realpolitik which has but faint origins in the popular will.
It would be easy to digress
ad infinitum
on this th em e; howe ver, on e
ne ed only show that this 'aloo fness' is muc h mor e stu bborn t han the
temporary or superficial loyalties to such and such a party or political
creed. For my part, I see it as an anthropological structure which, by way
of silen ce, ruse , ba ttl e, passivity, hu mo ur or deris ion, is well able to sta nd
up to the ideologies, teachings and claims of those who wish either to
dominate or be the salvation of the masses, which in this case are not so
very different. Such aloofness does not mean that one pays no attention at
all to the game of politics/politicians, but rather the contrary, precisely
because it is seen as a game. I have proposed calling it the 'politics of the
Bel Canto': the content matters little, as long as the song is beautifully
sung. We know that political parties are increasingly concerned with
getting their message across, rather than explaining the fine print. It is
impossible to go into this trend in any depth, but it seems as if it is the
pro duct of popu la r relativis m: in or de r to reply to dis eng age men t and
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re tr ea t, image is carefully cultivat ed. Passion is addre sse d mor e tha n
rea son and th e vari ety show aspe ct of political rallies is muc h mo re
important than the politician who increasingly finds him- or herself reduced
to the role of a Ho ll yw ood star .
It is with this in mi nd th at on e can und er st an d how it is poss ible to
'pretend', while still caring about the actions and the sincerity of the
political sal esm an. In my bo ok on eve ryd ay life, I sho wed the imp ort ance
of the category of duplicity: this trivial game of deception which plays such
a strong part in all our lives.
4 0
It is with in this fra mework that one can
appreciate the attitudes of 'pretending' as manifestations of puissance.
Dupli city is what allows us to live. Let us re me mb er the following aphori sm
of Nietzs che's : 'Ev ery thi ng that is prof oun d loves the mask . . . I would say
that, around every profound spirit there continually grows a mask.'*
This remark is not just applicable to the solitary genius, it is also a fact of
the collective genius. To be aware of this is to introduce into sociology an
onto logic al vitalism. It is within this con tex t that we can under sta nd the
peasant's cunning, the mockery of the worker; more generally the sense of
resourcefulness which, although we cannot put it into words, manifests a
str uct ural dist rus t of all that is insti tu ted , while at the sa me time affirming
the irrepres sible aspe cts of life. Ho we ve r, since it is not possib le to exp ress
openly this distrust and this will to live, one uses the 'perverse' (per via =
det our ) pro cedu re of simulated acquiescence.
This is the old anthropological structure of magic, which can yet be
found in per sist ent rituals and superst itious prac tice s. On e part icipates a nd
the n with dr aws ; this is why these rituals sum up the amb iva lence of ma n, at
once
sapiens
and
demens.
Wit h a different applica tion in min d, Morin
describes this double-dealing as 'aesthetic participation' . 4 1 It may be
believed that the popular devotion to such television series as Dallas is the
expression of this deeply engrained sense of play. Although this 'aesthetic'
attitude is at work with respect to the symbolic powers of television, art
an d school, th er e is no rea son w hy it shou ld no t also apply to the realm of
politics, if only as a function of what we have called its spectacular or
theatrical manifestations. A vote cast for such and such a deputy or party
may go hand in hand with a deep conviction that nothing will change with
respect to the 'rec ess ion ', which is wha t we now call insecurity or incr ease d
unemployment .
But by 'pretending', we are participating magically in a collective game
which reminds us that something like the 'community' has existed, does
exist or will exist. It is a que sti on of aesthe tici sm, d eris ion , part icipa tion
and reti cence all at on ce . It is ab ov e all th e mythical affirmation tha t t he
masses are a source of power. This aesthetic game or sentiment is
collectively produced just as much for oneself as for the power which
orchestrates it. At the same time, it allows one to remind this power that it
is only a ga me , and that the re are limits which mus t not be br ea ch ed . Wha t
Transl. note:
F. Nietzsch e,
Beyond Good and Evil: Prelude to a Philosophy of the Future.
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50
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
is call ed the versatil ity of the mas ses (one vot e for the Left, on e vo te for the
Right) can be interpreted in this way, occasionally even expressing itself
paroxysmally. All political minds have pondered this phenomenon; this
versatility , a veri tabl e sword of Dam oc le s, is in con trol of the gam e, since it
haunts the politicians who will decide on their strategy or tactic as a
funct ion of it; it is on e of th e manifest ations of puissance whi ch, strictly
speaking, determines power. A singular remark of Montesquieu sums it up
best: 'The people has always either too much action or too little. At times,
with the strength of one hundred thousand arms, it topples all; at other
time s, on e tho usa nd feet marc h as in se ct s' . 4 2 Thus, passivity and activity
are all rolled into one, in a way that escapes logic or reason. From a purely
rationalistic perspective, we cannot trust the masses. Basing himself on a
few historical examples, Julien Freund showed this ambivalence which is
all the more remarkable during paroxysmal situations: wars, riots, factional
fighting, revolutions.
4 3
In fact, from this perspective, what can be called
the stochastic strategy of the masses is in fact the expression of a true vital
instinct. In the manner of warriors on the field of battle, its zigzags help it
to duck the bullets of the authorities.
Refe rrin g to a particu larly reso nan t emble mat ic figure from Italy , one
may compare the versatility of the masses to la Pulcinella in whom the
con tra dic tor y is uni ted : 'My destiny is to be a we at he rv ane: servile and
rebellious, moron and genius, courageous and cowardly.' In some versions
of this my th , Punc h is a he rm ap hr od it e or a child of nob le birth and /or the
offspring of pe asa nts . Wh at is certa in is tha t he is the incarnatio n of that
absolute duplicity (double,
duple)
which per mits on e to esca pe the var ious
political uph eavals and res tor ati ons . It is not withou t coinc idence that this
figure ha s its origins in te em ing, lively Nap le s . 4 4
Fu rt he rm or e, it so hap pen s that its perp etua l ambiguity is express ed in
the form of derision for the powers that be and all forms of institution,
whether of political or even familial, economic or social nature. By
ext rap ola tin g, on e may say tha t in this att itude the re is no ques tion of
atta ckin g head -on t he overa rchi ng pow ers , which is the jo b of political
organizations, but rather of cheating and sidestepping. To restate a
situationist expression, rather than 'fighting alienation with alienated
methods' (bureaucracy, political parties, militancy, deferment of pleasure),
one uses derision, irony, laughter - all underground strategies which
undermine the process of normalization and domestication which are the
goals of the guarantors of the external and hence abstract order. As far as
ou r society is conc ern ed , this dom esti cati on of mo re s leads to what I hav e
termed 'social asepsis ' .
4 5 This has as a consequence the ethical crisis and
the social dismantling we are currently witnessing.
Nevertheless, irony inhibits this domestication from being total. From
the dionysiac laughter of the bacchanal, at the expense of the astute
administrator Pentheus, to the sad smile of the good soldier Schweik,
up da te d for mo de rn Czec hos lova kia, th e list of mind- sets that bet ray
noncon form ity is a long one . This is particu larly a nnoyin g for thos e in
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power, who obviously try to master the masses but who know only too well
that in order for this mastery to be long-lasting it must be accompanied by
the control of men's minds. The aloof quality of irony, albeit in a minor
way, introduces a rift into the logic of domination. Jests, fabrications,
pamphlets, songs and other popular word-play and even the whim of
'public opinion' allow us to measure its development.
And there has never been an era nor a country where this defence
mechanism has not produced positive results. We can see it at work in
recent years in France or the US, for example. It may be as a consequence
of an outbreak of scandal with inevitable political reverberations or the
progressive discrediting which gradually eats away at the legitimacy of
those in power. I would only point out quickly that, like late eighteenth-
century France or early twentieth-century Russia, this climate of subversive
irony generally precedes great revolutionary upheavals.
In his remarkable book on the formation of Brazilian society, Gilberto
Freyre gives many examples of what he calls the 'people's malice'. Thus, in
a cou ntr y whe re th e col our of on e' s skin is of gre at significance, on e can
hear nicknames and puns which play on the 'negroid traces in illustrious
families', as well as a whole series of traits which highlight their alcoholism,
their avarice or erotomania. 4 6 It is no t at all cer tain that the se are
moralistic reactions, but rather a manner, if only symbolic, of relativizing
power. This can be seen in particular in the example above as underlining
all that which, against their will and despite their stated ideologies, the
dominant classes owe to the turpitude and weaknesses of human nature.
This points to one of the hypotheses underlying previous reflections on
the
puissance
of the mas ses : tha t of vitalism , or a nat ura l evol ution which
translates to the social plane the whole dynamic of the phusis.* Laughter
and irony are an explosion of life, even and especially if this life is exploited
and dominated. Derision underlines that, even in the most difficult con
ditions imagin able , one is abl e, togeth er with or against those respo nsible ,
to reappropriate one's existence and, in relative terms, to enjoy it. This is a
tho rou gh ly tragic pe rsp ect ive, which is aim ed less at chan ging the wor ld
tha n gettin g used to and ti nke ring with it. Whi le it is tru e that we c ann ot
change death (the paroxysmal form of alienation), we can get used to it,
play with it and soften it.
It is thus quite natural that irony and humour lead us to the festive
dimension, in which the tragic, as we are too often liable to forget, plays an
important role. Borrowing the terminology of Georges Bataille, one can
say that the 'expenditure' sums up both the natural vitalism of the masses
and the derisory aspect of power (cf. the mechanisms of inversion, the
fools'
festivals, etc .) . Thi s 'e xp en di tu re ' is bu t a par oxy sma l way of
expressing irony, laughter or humour and in an almost institutional
manner. It is at the same time both cause and effect of this social
puissance
which is left un ex ha us te d by the ga mes and arc ana of powe r. Pla to was
* Transl. note: phus i s = g r o w t h
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T H E T I M E
O F
T H E T R I E S
interested only in the elite and was unconcerned with the ordinary man. He
even thought that, in order to avoid being exposed to the temptations of
power, the masses needed to be ruled by an 'intelligent hedonism' which
was 'the best practicable guide to a satisfactory life'.
4 7
This lesson was
heeded by many tyrants and various powers who were unstinting in
prov iding their popul ace with its qu an tu m of gam es in or de r to kee p th e
pe ac e. So me hav e point ed out , not unjustly, that this role is still playe d by
various shows, sports and other soothing television programmes. In the
familiar contex t of a soft tota lita rian ism, a pr og ra mm e such as Les Chiffres
et les lettres* has repl aced bloo dy circus ga me s. This the mat ic is not u nt ru e,
but it do es not ta ke into account the struc tural am bivalen ce of h um an
existence. The black and white absolutism that has prevailed in criticism,
offspring of the Enlightenment, and which continues to prevail in our
discipli ne, is inca pabl e of co mp re he nd in g the conflict of values that
underpins all social existence. One may however be convinced that the
fecundity of sociology lies in this acknowledgement. In this respect, it is
inter estin g to note a very fine analysis by the sociologist Henr i Lef ebv re,
representative emeritus of this critical approach, in which he cannot help
but unde rli ne the 'double dimens ion of ever yday life: trite and pro fou nd' .
In somewhat dated terms and while playing down his remarks, he is
oblige d to recognize that 'in the daily ritual s, the alien atio n, fetishism and
reification . . . the y all pr od uc e an effect. A t the same ti me , n ee ds ,
beco ming (to a certain extent) desire, enc oun ter objects and app rop riat e
t h e m ' . 4 8 In making this reference, I am trying above all to emphasize the
impossibility of reducing the polysemy of social existence. Its strength
resides precisely in the fact that each of its acts is at once an expression of a
certai n alie natio n a nd of a certain r esis tance . It is a mixt ure of the ord ina ry
and the exceptional, the morose and the exciting, the effervescent and the
rel axi ng. Thi s is part icul arly kee nly felt in the area of pla y, which can be
commercialized as well as being the realm of a real collective desire to
reappropriate existence. I have explained this phenomenon in all of my
previous books; it seems to me one of the essential characteristics of the
mass es. This charact eristi c is mo re or less self-evident; but it trans lates far
beyon d the Judaeo-Christian notion of separation (good-evil , Go d- Sa ta n,
true -fal se ) t he fact tha t the re is an organicit y to things and that , in a
differential manner, everything converges in their unicity. Along with
traditional cultural festivals, the multiplication of village feasts, folk
gatherings or better yet festive meetings grouped around the agricultural
produce of a given country are very instructive. Indeed, the celebration of
win e, hone y, nu ts, olives et c. , dur ing the tourist season is highly c omm er
cial, but also reinforces collective ties, at the same time as it shows how
these derive from natur e and its boun ty. In Fra nco pho ne Q ue be c, th e
Transl. note: a popular quiz show in France based on forming the longest word possible
from randomly drawn
l e t t ers ,
as well as devising a mathematical problem to arrive at a
randomly chosen number.
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T H E U N D E R G R O U N D PUISS NCE
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S o c i e t y o f P o p u l a r F e s t i v a l s h a s t h u s b e e n a b l e t o p u n c t u a t e t h e c a l e n d a r
w i t h a w h o l e s e r i e s o f g a t h e r i n g s a r o u n d t h e t h e m e of d u c k s , p h e a s a n t ,
b l u e b e r r i e s , a p p l e s a n d s o o n . T h e s e r e p l a y t h e cy c l e o f n a t u r e a t t h e s a m e
t im e a s the y r e in f o r c e the c o l l e c t ive f e e l ing Q u e b e c ha s o f
itself.
T h i s t h e n is h o w a n e x p e n d i t u r e , w h e t h e r c o m m e r c i a l o r r e c y c l e d , a s
so m e c yn ic s wo u ld p u t i t , i s a n ind ic a t ion o f r e s i s t a nc e a n d puissance. T o
se e k e v e r y da y p l e a su r e , t o l i ve f o r the p r e s e n t a n d e n jo y i t s f r u i t s , t o t a k e
p le a su r e in th e go od th in gs in l if e - a n y a na ly s t no t ye t de ta c he d f r om
e v e r y da y l if e i s a b le to ob se r ve suc h be ha v i ou r in e ve r y s i tua t ion a nd
i n s t a n c e w h i c h o c c u r t h r o u g h o u t t h e li fe o f s o c i e t i e s . T h e m e m b e r s o f t h e
w o r k i n g c l a ss h a v e a lw a y s b e e n e p i c u r e a n s o f e v e r y d a y l i f e . I n h i s b o o k ,
R . H o g g a r t m a k e s t h i s p e r t i n e n t r e m a r k a n d g i v e s m a n y e x a m p l e s . H e
un de r l i ne s tha t t h i s e p ic u r e a n i s m is d i r e c t ly t i e d to the m a ss e s d i s t r us t o f
p o l i t i c i a n s w h o s u p p o s e d l y h a v e t h e i r i n t e r e s t s a t h e a r t . S i n c e w e a r e a w a r e
of th e i l l u so r y na tu r e o f the i r p r om is e s , t he i r a c t io ns a r e ge n e r a l ly g r e e te d
w i t h s c e p t ic i s m a n d i r o n y . O n e m a y d i e fr o m o n e d a y t o t h e n e x t ;
t h e r e f o r e , it is i m p o r t a n t t o c o u n t e r t h o s e w h o a r e a l w a y s th i n k i n g o f
to m or r o w o r the da y a ft e r by r e a f f ir m ing th e pe r h a p s p r e c a r iou s r igh t s o f
th e p r e s e n t . Th i s r e la t iv i s t ph i l os op hy i s bo r n o f the ha r s h r e a l i t i e s of l if e
a n d u n d e r l i e s t h e a l o o fn e s s a n d h e d o n i s m o f t h e m a s s e s .
4 9
Notes
1.
E . D ü r k h e i m ,
Th e Elem entary Form s of the Religious Life,
N e w Y o r k , C o l li e r , 1 9 6 1 .
2 . C f . t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e h i s t o r y o f a r t in W . W o r r i n g e r , Abstraction and Em pathy: A
Con tribution to the Psychology of Style, t r a n s l. M . B u l l o c k , N e w Y o r k , I n t e r n a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t i e s , 1 9 6 7 . S e e p r e f a c e t o t h e F r e n c h e d i t i o n b y D o r a V a l l i er : K l i n c k s i e ck , P a r i s,
1 9 7 8 , p p . 1 3 - 1 4 .
3 .
C f . M . M a f f e s o l i ,
Essais su r la violence banale et fon datrice,
P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s
M e r i d i e n s , 2 n d e d i t i o n , 1 9 8 4.
4 .
I h a v e b o r r o w e d t h i s s c a l e o f ' h y p e r ' a n d ' h y p o ' f r o m t h e e n d o c r i n o l o g y o f B r o w n
S e q u a r t f o r m y b o o k
UOm bre de Dionysos. Con tribution a un e sociologie de Vorgie,
P a r i s ,
L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 2 ; I a m a l s o i n d e b t e d t o G . D u r a n d . C f . e s p e c i a l l y h i s a r t i cl e ' L a
N o t i o n d e l i m i t e ' i n
Eranos,
1 9 8 0 , F r a n k f u r t a m M a i n , J a h r b u c h e d I n s e l , 1 9 8 1 , p p . 3 5 - 7 9 .
5 . C f . f or e x a m p l e A . F a i v r e ,
Eck arthau sen et la theosophie chretienn e,
P a r i s , K l i n c k s i e c k ,
1 9 6 9 , p . 1 4 o r t h e s t u d y o n L o i s y b y E . P o u l a t , Critique et m ystique, P a r i s, L e C e n t u r i o n ,
1984 .
6 . C f. C . B o u g i e ,
Essays on the Caste System,
C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s,
1 9 7 1 ; I w o u l d a l s o r e f e r t o A . D a n i e l o u ,
Sh iva et Dionysos, la religion de la natu re,
P a r i s ,
F a y a r d , 1 9 7 9 .
7 . T h e t i t l e o f m y d o c t o r a l t h e s i s , G r e n o b l e , 1 9 7 3 , p u r s u e d in M . M a f f e s o l i ,
Logiqu e de la
domination, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 76 .
8 . J . L a c a r r i e r e , L'Ete grec, P l ö n , P a r i s , 1 9 7 6 , p . 1 4 8 .
9 . T h e
These d'Etat
u n d e r w a y a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g b y T u f a n O r e l ( U n i v e r s i t e d e
C o m p i c g n e ) o n v it a l is m w ill u n d o u b t e d l y p r o v i d e n o t a b l e in s i gh t .
10 .
C f . M . L a l iv e d ' E p i n a y , Groddeck, P a r i s , E d i t i o n s U n i v e r s i t a i r e s , 1 9 8 4 , p . 2 4 . C f .
p p .
1 2 5 - 1 3 4 fo r t h e f in e b i b l i o g r a p h y .
11 .
C f . t h e a n a l y si s b y G . D u r a n d ,
Les Structures an thropologiques de Vim aginaire,
P a r i s ,
B o r d a s , 1 9 6 9 , p . 7 6 ,
et seq.
a n d h is c i t a t i o n o f G . B a c h e l a r d ,
La T erre et les reveries du repos,
P a r i s ,
C o r t i , 1 9 4 8 , p p . 5 6 , 6 0 , 2 7 0 .
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5 4
T H E
T I M E
O F T H E TRIBES
12. C f . G . S i m m e l ,
Problimes de la sociologie des religions,
P a r i s, C N R S , n o 1 7 , 1 9 6 4,
p . 15.
13. C f. J . E . C h a r r o n , L'E sprit cet inconnu , P a r i s , A l b i n M i c h e l , 1 97 7 , p p . 8 3 , 6 5 - 7 8 .
1 4 . C f . G . D ö r f l e s ,
Ulntervalleperdu,
F r e n c h t r a n s l . , P a r i s, L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 4 ,
p . 7 1 , etseq; C f . a l s o G . D u r a n d , Les Structures anthropologiques, p . 5 5 . O n S i t u a t i o n i s m a n d
t h e l a b y r i n t h :
In ternationale situationisme,
A m s t e r d a m , V a n G e n n e p , 19 7 2. I h a v e a l s o
w r i t t e n a s h o r t m o n o g r a p h o n t h e la b y r i n th in G e n o a , D o c t o r a l n o t e s , U r b a n S t u d i e s
R e s e a r c h U n i t , U n i v e r s i t y d e G r e n o b l e , 1 9 7 3 . A l s o o n t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f g r o t t o e s t o N a p l e s '
v i t a li t y , c f. A . M e d a m , Arcanes de Naples, E d i t i o n s d e s A u t r e s , P a r i s, 1 9 7 9 , p . 4 6 a n d J . F .
M a t t e u d i ,
La Citi des cataphiles,
L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , P a r i s , 1 9 8 3 .
15 . C f . M . M a f f e s o l i ,
La Con quete du prisent. Pour une sociologie de la vie quotidienn e,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 , C h a p t e r 3 , ' S o c i a l i t y ' s s p a c e ' , p p . 6 1 - 7 4 .
16 .
G . S i m m e l , ' L a So cie te " s e c r e t e ' ,
Nou velle revue de psychanalyse,
G a l li m a r d , n o . 1 4
( 1 9 7 6 ) , p . 2 8 1 .
1 7. J . F r e u n d ,
Sociologie du conf lit,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 1 4 .
1 8 . S i m m e l , Problimes de la sociologie des religions, p . 24 .
19 .
D ü r k h e i m , Elem entary Form s, p . 14 .
2 0 . O n t h e s o c ia l ' g i v e n ' , s e e M . M a f f e s o l i ,
La Violence totalitaire,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 . C f .
t h e w o r k o f A . S c h u t z , Collected Papers, V o l s 1 , 2 & 3 , A m s t e r d a m , M a r t i n u s N i j h o f f
A m s t e r d a m , 1 9 6 2 - 1 9 6 6 .
2 1 .
O n t h i s s u b j e c t cf. t h e w o r k o f J . Z y l b e r b e r g a n d J . P . M o n t m i n y , ' L ' E s p r i t , le p o u v o i r
e t le s f e m m e s . . . ' i n
Recherches sociographiques,
Q u e b e c , v o l . 2 2 2 , n o . 1 , J a n u a r y - A p r i l ,
1981 .
2 2 . R . B a s t i d e ,
E lemen ts de sociologie religieuse,
p . 19 7 , c i t e d b y C . L a l i v e d ' E p i n a y , ' R .
B a s t i d e e t l a s o c i o l o g i e d e s c o n f i n s ' , L'A nn ie sociologique, vo l . 25 (19 74 ) , p . 19 .
2 3 . P o u l a t , Critique et m ystique, p p . 2 1 9 , 2 3 0 a n d t h e r e f e r e n c e s t o B a l l a n c h e : Essais de
Palingenesie sociale,
a n d t o L a m m e n a i s :
Paroles d'un croyant,
n o t e 2 6 .
2 4 . P o u l a t ,
Critique et m ystique,
p . 2 4 1 .
2 5 . B . J u l e s - R o s e t t e , Sym bols of Change: U rban Transition in a Zam bian Comm un ity,
N o r w o o d , N J , A b l e x P u b l is h i n g , 1 9 8 1 , p . 2 . R e g a r d i n g t h e im p o r t a n c e o f s y n c r e t is t r e l ig i on s
in la r g e u r b a n a g g l o m e r a t i o n s su c h a s R e c i f e , c f. R . D a M a t t a , Cidade e devoqao, R e c i f e ,
1980 .
2 6. E . D ü r k h e i m , La Conception sociale de la religion, dans le sentim ent religieux ά V h e ure
actuelle,
P a r i s , V i r i n , 1 91 9 , p . 10 4
etseq,
c i t e d b y P o u l a t ,
Critique et m ystique,
p . 2 4 0 . S t u d i e s
u n d e r w a y a t t h e C e n t r e d e t u d e s su r l a c t u e l e t le q u o t i d i e n ( C . E . A . Q . ) a r e a t t e m p t i n g t o
h i g h l i g h t t h i s c o n v i v i a l i t y ( k e e p i n g w a r m ) a m o n g u r b a n s e c t s . C f . a s w e l l t h e f o l l o w i n g
d e f i n it i o n : W e c a ll r e l ig i ou s e l e m e n t s t h o s e e m o t i o n a l e l e m e n t s t h a t f o r m t h e i n t er n a l a n d
e x t e r n a l a s p e c t s o f s o c ia l r e l a t i o n s , S i m m e l ,
Problimes de la sociologie des religions,
p . 2 2 .
2 7 . I f w e w i s h t o b e m o r e p r e c i s e i n t h e g r a d a t i o n o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s , o f a n y so c ia l l if e , o f a n y
s o c i a b i l i t y , o f a n y so c i a l i t y . M . M a f f e s o l i ,
La V iolence totalitaire,
C h a p t e r 2 , p p . 7 0 - 1 1 5 .
2 8 . K . M a n n h e i m , Ideology and Utopia, N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 1 9 5 4 , p . 1 9 2 , etseq. ,
E . B l o c h ,
Thomas M ün zer, theologien de la revolution,
P a r i s , J u l l ia r d , 1 9 6 4 .
2 9 .
R e g a r d i n g t h e t h e m e o f e x p l o s i o n - r e l a x a t i o n , c f. D ü r k h e i m , Elem entary Form s.
3 0 . G . L e B o n ,
The Crowd,
N e w Y o r k , V i k i n g , 1 9 6 0 , p . 5 8 .
3 1 . C f. o n t h is s u b j e c t t h e e x c e ll e n t w o r k b y L . - V . T h o m a s , Fan tasmes au quotidien, P a r i s ,
M e r i d i e n s , 19 8 4 a n d t h e w o r k u n d e r w a y a t t h e C . E . A . Q . ( P a r i s V ) , a s w e l l a s V . G a u d i n -
C a g n a c . A l s o M a f f e s o l i , La Conquete du present, ' L e f a n t a s t i q u e a u j o u r le j o u r ' , p p .
8 5 - 9 1 .
3 2 . E . D ü r k h e i m ,
M ontesqu ieu et R ousseau , precurseu rs de la sociologie,
P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e
M a r c e l R i v i e r e , 1 9 6 6 , p p . 4 0 , 1 0 8 .
3 3 . C f . f or e x a m p l e F r e u n d ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e s u b j e c t : F r e u n d ,
Sociologie du conf lit,
p .
3 1 .
3 4 . O n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e e li t e s a n d t h e m a s s e s , c f. t h e a n a l y si s b y E . A .
A l b e r t o n i ,
Mosca and the Theory of Eliticism,
t r a n s l. P . G o o d r i c k , L o n d o n , B l a c k w e l l , 1 9 87 .
3 5 . O n t h i s t h e m e , cf. f o r e x a m p l e t h e a n a l ys is d o n e b y E . P o u l a t o n t h e c h u r c h ,
Catholicisme, dem ocratic et socialism e,
P a r i s, C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 77 , p . 1 2 1 , o r t h e o n e b y
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T H E U N D E R G R O U N D PUISS NCE
55
E . R e n a n , Marc-Aurele ou la fin du monde antique, Par i s , L i vre d e Po ch e , 1984 , Ch ap ter 2 ,
p . 40 .
3 6 . C h a r o n , L'Esprit, cet inconnu, p . 216 .
3 7 .
B o u g i e , Essays on the Caste System, p . 131 . O n S ici ly , refer to my analys i s : Ma ffeso l i ,
Logique de la domination.
3 8 . C f. fo r e x a m p l e M . A u g e , Le Genie du paganisme, Par i s , G a l l i m ard , 1983 .
39 .
E . P o u l a t ,
Eglise contre bourgeoisie,
Par i s , Cas term an , 1977 , p . 131 . O n th i s a l oo f n es s ,
cf . Maffesol i , Essais sur la violence, Ch . 3 , p . 139 . W ith resp ect to the de mo nic wi sdo m , cf.
my ar t i c le L E rran ce e t l a con q u e te d u mo n d e , i b i d . , p . 157 .
4 0 . M a f f e s o l i , La Conquete du present, p p . 1 3 8 - 1 4 8 .
4 1 .
E . M o r i n ,
L'Esprit du temps,
Paris , Livre de P oc he , 1984, p . 87 . O n tele v is i on , cf. D .
W o l t o n , La Folie du logis, Par i s , G a l l i m ard , 1983 .
4 2 . M o n t e s q u i e u , De Vesprit des lois, Part I , Bo ok I I , Ch apte r 2 .
4 3 . F r e u n d , Sociologie du conflit, p . 2 1 2 , et seq.
4 4 . Cf . rema rk s an d re fer en ce s to Pu l c i n e l l a i n A . M e d a m ,
Arcanes de Naples,
Paris ,
E d i t i on s d es Au tres , 1979 , p . 84 an d 118 , et seq.
4 5 .
M a f f e s o l i ,
La Violence totalitaire,
p p . 146 -147 .
4 6 . Cf . G . Freyre , The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian
Civilization,
N e w Y o r k , A l f r e d E .
Knopf,
1 963 , e .g . p . 268 . On subve rs ive laugh ter, cf .
M a f f e s o l i , Essais sur la violence, p . 78 .
47 . Cf . th e an a l ys i s d on e b y E . R . Dod d s ,
The Greeks and the Irrational,
B e r k e l e y ,
Un iver s i ty of Cal i for nia at Be rk el ey , 1956 , Ch apte r 7: Pla to , the irrat ional sou l , p . 216 and
th e q u ota t i o n o f P l a to , n o t e 11 , p . 211 . For an an a l ys i s o f con tem p ora ry f ree t i me , cf . J .
D u m a z e d i e r , Toward a Society of Leisure, t ran s l . E . M cC l u re , N ew Yor k , Free Pres s , 1967 .
4 8 .
H . L e f e b v r e ,
Critique de la vie quotidienne,
Vo l . I I , Par i s , I Arch e ed i teu r , 1961 ,
p p . 7 0 - 7 1 . T h es e p as s ages are s ymp tomat i c o f th e d i f f i cu l ty an au th or faces wh en rea l i ty d oes
n o t con form to h i s
a priori.
4 9 .
R . H o g g a r t ,
La Culture du pauvre,
Fre nch tran s l . , Paris , Ed i t ion s de Min ui t , 1970,
p . 183 . T h i s b oo k s i n teres t can n ot b e ove res t i ma ted ; i t i s th e f ru it o f an au th or wh o com es ou t
o f th e mi l i eu h e d es cr i b es .
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3
1.
Bey ond po l i t ic s
A s a gene ra l ru l e , t he i n t e l l e c tua l w i l l approach a sub jec t in absentia,
i nves t i ga t e and then p re sen t h i s d i agnos i s . Thus , our d i sc ip l ine show s a
ce r t a in i nb or n mi s t ru s t o f t h e co m m o n sens e o f t h e m asse s ( t he w o rs t o f
m e t a p h y s i c s , s t a t e d E n g e l s ) . T h i s m i s t r u s t is l a c k i n g s o m e w h a t i n o r i g i n a l
i t y ; bu t it i s dee p ly ro o t ed in t he co l l e c t i ve m em or y o f t he sch o la r ,
u n d o u b t e d l y f o r t w o p r i n c i p a l r e a s o n s : o n t h e o n e h a n d , t h e m a s s e s * a r e
s h a m e l e s s l y p r e o c c u p i e d , i . e . w i t h o u t h y p o c r i s y o r d e s i r e f o r l e g i t i m a t i o n ,
w i th t he ma te r i a l i t y o f l i f e ; w i th t he nea r - to -hand , one migh t say , i n
c o n t r a s t w i t h a n i d e a l o r a d e f e r m e n t o f p l e a s u r e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e
m a s s e s h a v e e s c a p e d t h e g r e a t n u m b e r s g a m e , t h e q u a n t i f y i n g , a c o n c e p t
w h i c h h a s a l w a y s b e l o n g e d t o t h e o r e t i c a l p r o c e d u r e . W e c a n s u m u p t h i s
con cer n wi th a saying of Tac i tus : Nihi l in vulgus m od icu m ( the m ul t i tu des
h a v e n o m e a s u r e :
Annals I,
29 ) o r w i th C ice ro s pow er fu l exp re ss io n
i m m a n i u s b e l u a ( t h e m o s t m o n s t r o u s a n i m a l :
Republic
I I , 45 ) . I t w o u ld
be ea sy to mul t i p ly remarks o f t h i s t ype conce rn ing the masse s ; such
c o m m e n t s r e p r o a c h t h e m , in v a r y in g d e g r e e s o f e u p h e m i s m , fo r t h e i r
mons t ros i t y : t he fac t t ha t t hey do no t e a s i l y l end themse lve s t o be ing
labe l l ed .
I t i s i n t h i s C i ce ro n ian t en de nc y tha t w e can p l ace D u rk he im s fe a r o f a
s p o n t a n e o u s s o c i o l o g y o r e v e n t h e s c o r n h e a p e d b y P i e r r e B o u r d i e u o n
t h e c u l t u r a l j a r g o n a n d t h e b r i c - ä - b r a c o f n o t i o n s c o n s t i t u t i n g p o p u l a r
k n o w - h o w .
1
A n y t h i n g h e t e r o g e n e o u s o r c o m p l e x is r e p u g n a n t t o t h e
a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f k n o w l e d g e , j u s t a s i t w o r r i e s t h e b u r e a u c r a t s o f p o w e r .
By re fe r r ing to P l a to and h i s de s i re t o adv i se t he P r ince , w e may then
u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e c l o s e t i es b e t w e e n k n o w l e d g e a n d p o w e r g o b a c k v e r y
f a r i n d e e d .
S o m e t h i n g v e r y s pe ci fi c i s i n a u g u r a t e d h o w e v e r w i t h t h e a d v e n t o f
m o d e r n i t y . T h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n b r o u g h t a b o u t a r a d i ca l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n
of pol i t ica l l i fe , as wel l as of the ro le the in te l lec tua l was ca l led upon to p lay
w i th in i t . O n e can re fe r t o an ana lys i s by N i sb e t , w ho s t a t e d t ha t po l i t i c s
no w b ec am e an in t e l l e c tua l an d m or a l w ay o f l i f e . I t is poss ib l e t o
d i sc our se a t l eng th o n th i s f a c t ; how ev e r , o ne can say tha t i t i s t h e ve ry
f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e w h o l e o f n i n e t e e n t h - a n d t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y p o l i t i c a l a n d
* I m e a n , o f c o u r s e , t h e p e o p l e a s ' m y t h ' ( cf . n o t e 1 ) .
S O C I A L I T Y V S T H E SOC I AL
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S O C I A L I T Y VS . THE S O C I A L
57
social thought. But it also explains the near-impossibility of our under
standing anything which strays from the realm of the political. For the
pro tag oni st of the social scie nces , th e pe op le or the mass are the object and
field which remain his private territory. This gives him a rationale and
justi ficat ion, bu t at th e sa me tim e it is ra th er difficult to spe ak of with any
degree of serenity. The dogmatic a priori and precon ception s proliferate,
which, according to a logic of 'ought', will try to mould the masses into a
'subject of history' or some such commendable and civilized entity. It is but
a short step from scorn to abstract idealization, given that this movement is
not irreversible: if the subject turns out not to be a 'good' one, then one
returns to the initial evaluation. This is a sociology which 'can only
recognize a social entity that is always restored to the order of the state'. 2
In fact, the masses as such, in all their ambiguity and monstrosity, can
only be perceived in a pejorative sense by the political intellectual, who
measures everything by the yardstick of the project (pro-jectum). At bes t,
the pe op le 's (t ho ug ht , relig ion, way of life) is con sidere d as proof of its
inability to be something else, an inability which must thus be corrected.3
As a matter of fact, we could try applying this criterion to ourselves and see
whether that which characterizes us is not in fact this inability to understand
the som eth ing else which is the people It is a shapeless mass, at once mo b
like and idealistic, gen ero us and wicke d, in sho rt, a contr adicto ry mixtur e
whic h, like any oth er living thi ng, is ba sed on a par ado xic al ten sion. Can
we not see such ambiguity for what it is?: the rather chaotic, indeterminate
mass which in a quasi-intentional way has as its sole 'project' its perdur
ability in existence. Taking into account the natural and social impedi
men ts which ab ou nd , this is no mea n feat.
Let us take a step or two back. To paraphrase Machiavelli, we could
consider the thinking of the public square rather than that of the palace.
This concern never disappears: from the cynic of Antiquity to the populist
of the nineteenth century, several philosophers and historians have
pursued this course. At various times, the primacy of the 'village point of
view' over the intelligentsia is even pr oc lai me d;
4
b ut it is be co mi ng crucial
at a time when 'villages' are burgeoning within our megalopolises. This is
not just any state of mind, pious vow or shallow proposal, but rather a
necessity which corresponds to the spirit of the times. This can be
summ ar ize d as follows: it is the 'lo cal ', th e terri toria l and pro xem ic t hat
determines the life of our societies and anything which appeals to local
kno wled ge and no longer to a projec tive and universal trut h. Und ou bt ed ly,
this requires the intellectual to be able to make himself a part of the very
thing he is describing; to experience
himself,
and why not, as a kind of
'modern narodnik\
5
* the prot agon ist and obs erve r of an every day knowl
ed ge. But ther e is an ot he r, equally impo rta nt con seq uen ce, which is to be
able to highlight the permanency of the popular thread running through all
political and social life.
*
Transl. note:
referring to the Russia n populi st mo ve me nt of the ninet eent h century.
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58
T H E
T I M E
OF
THE TRIBE S
This means that History and significant political events are above all the
creation of the masses. In his writings on the philosophy of history, Walter
Ben jam in dre w ou r att ent ion to this po int ; in his own parti cula r style ,
Gustave Le Bon remarked that the kings were not the cause of the Saint
Bartholomew's Day massacre or the religious wars, any more than
Robespierre or Saint-Just were responsible for the Terror. 6 There may be
processes of acceleration or personalities who may be considered as
necessary vectors; there are undoubtedly objective causes which act, but
no ne of these is sufficient. T he y ar e simply ingred ien ts which ne ed , in
order to be combined, a specific puissance. This puissance may tak e
different names, like 'effervescence' (Dürkheim) or virtu (Machiavelli); it
is completely undecidable. Nevertheless, it is this 'je ne sais quoi' which
acts as a glu e. It is only after the fact tha t we are able to dissect obj ect ive
reas on from such and such an act ion , which will from then on seem frigid,
too predictable, completely unavoidable; whereas we know that it is
de pen den t abov e all, in bo th the literal and figurative sen ses, on a mas s in
heat. Witness Canetti's splendid description of the fire at the Vienna
Courthouse in which the police were acquitted of murdering workers.
T h a t was forty-six year s ag o, and the exc ite ment of tha t day still lies in my
bon es . . . . Since the n, I have known very precisely that I need not read a
single word about what happened during the storming of the Bastille. I
be ca me a pa rt of the crow d, I disso lved into it fully; I did no t feel the least
resistance to what it did.'
7 One can clearly see how out of the fire of
co mm on em oti on a com pac t and solid block is forged ; how every single
person is melded into a whole with its own autonomy and specific dynamic.
We could give many examples of these, examples which may be either
paroxysmal or rather anodyne; nevertheless they all underline the exist
ence, in the narrowest sense of the term, of an 'ex-static' experience at the
cor e of this bei ng- together in mot ion which is a revolut ionary o r political
mas s. This exper ience in fact owe s very little to the logic of the pro jec t.
Thus, appearances to the contrary, the above-mentioned puissance, which
is bo th cause and effect of the societa l symboli sm, can be te rm ed a sor t of
underground centrality which we find constantly in indiv idual histor ies and
communal life.
In
Ideology and Utopia,
Karl Ma nn he im was abl e to sum up this view:
'T he re is tho ugh t to be an intuitive and inspired sourc e of history which
actual history only imperfectly reflects.'
8
Thi s is a mys tica l, eve n myth ical
perspective, but one which sheds light on a number of aspects of the
concr ete life of ou r societies. Mo re ov er , the mystical is a mo re popu la r
derivation than one might suspect, at least as far as its rootedness is
concerned. In its etymological sense, it refers to a logic of union: that
which unites the initiates among themselves - a paroxysmal form of
religion (re-ligare).
One will remember that Karl Marx defined politics as the secular form of
religion. Thus, in the context of these remarks, and forcing the connection
somewhat, it would be utterly inept to say that in weighing human histories,
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S O C I A L I T Y
VS . THE
S O C I A L
59
the emphasis placed on the mystico-religious perspective relativizes the
political inve stme nt. Th e former favours abov e all bein g-tog ethe r, wher eas
th e la tte r gran ts pr imacy to act ion and the finalization of that actio n. In
order to illustrate this hypothesis with an up-to-date example (and
everything has its use for understanding the spirit of the times), we may
recall that Ze n thou ght ( Ch 'a n) and mystic Tao ism , which are dee ply
rooted in the Chinese masses, are regularly resurgent and always in
opposition to the instituted forms of the ideology and official policy of the
Chinese state. The fragmentation of the concept and the spontaneity and
proximity they induce allows them to favour a half-hearted resistance or an
active revolt by the masses. 9 That is to say, the mysticism as I just
des crib ed it is a po pu la r repos itor y wh er e, bey ond individualism and its
projective activism, experience and imagination reinforce one another;
their synergy forming these
symbolic wholes
which are the bas is, in the
strongest sense of the word, of any societal life. 1 0 This has nothing
whatever to do with the spasmodic relationship uniting the subjective
aspect of a close intimism and the objectivism inherent in the economic-
political conquest. Rather, these symbolic wholes must be understood as
matrices, or in an organic manner; the various elements of the worldly
context intertwine and cross-fertilize, giving rise to an irrepressible vitalism
which ought to be explored in detail.
Naturally, it must be pointed out that the religious space in question here
has nothing to do with the usual manner of understanding religion in the
official Ch rist ian t rad iti on. Thi s is partic ularly so on two essential p oint s:
on the one hand, with respect to the equivalence of religion and interiority,
and on the other, with respect to the relationship generally seen between
religion and salvation. Mo reo ve r, these two points could be summ arize d by
the individualist ideology which dra ws a privileged relatio nsh ip b etw ee n
the individual and the deit y. Ind ee d, in the image of Gr ee k pol ytheism ,
one can conceive of an idea of religion which above all insists on the being-
tog eth er, on what I called 'im man en t trans cen den ce' - ano the r way
of describing the puissance which binds tog eth er small grou ps and com
muni t i e s . 1 1 Of course, this is a metaphorical perspective which allows us to
understand how the diminished presence of the political goes hand in hand
with the development of these small 'oracles' (P. Brown) which are both
cause and effect of the multiplication of numerous contemporary tribes.
Let us also state, if only by allusion, that, although the Christian religion
was officially a nd doctr ina lly soter iologica l and individua list , its practi ce by
the masses was otherwise convivial. It is not possible to broach this subject
in this limited spac e; ho we ve r, we may point out that, befor e bec omi ng
dogmatized in faith, popular religiosity - pilgrimages, the cult of saints and
other various forms of superstition - was above all an expression of
sociality. More im po rta nt th an the purity of doc trin e, it is the com mun al
life or survival which preoccupies the basic communities. The Catholic
Church did not fall into this trap, since, in an almost intentional way, it has
avoided restricting itself to being a Church of the pure. First, it fought
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60
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
against heresies which sought to circumscribe it in such a logic (such as
Do na tis m) ; seco nd, it reserv ed the 'with dra wn' aspect of the prie stho od,
monachism and a fortiori herm itism to those who wished to he ed and live
the 'words of the gospel'. For the rest, the Church firmly maintained a
multitudinous dimension which at times flirted with moral or doctrinal
laxity. Such a perspective can be seen in the practice of indulgences which
led, as we know, to Luther's revolt, or the benevolence of the court Jesuits
which so displeased Pascal. This 'multitudinousness' can be linked to the
notio n of the repositor y menti one d earlier. It mak es a gro up responsible
for the sacred trust which is the collective life. 1 2 Thus, popular religion is
truly a symbo lic whol e which per mit s and reinforces the pr op er functioning
of the social bond.
As a form of amusement, I will propose a first sociological 'law': The
various forms of social structuring are only worthwhile in so far as they
remain adequate for the popular base which has acted as a support.
This law is appli cable t o the Chu rc h, just as to its worldly mani festa tion:
polit ics. Ren an said Ά Church cannot last without i ts p eo pl e' 1 3 and the
various decadent periods that are scattered throughout human history
could be seen in the light of such a re ma rk . The disconnectio n from the
base causes institutions to become hollow and empty of meaning. How
ever, against this, the perspective this book has adopted indicates and
underlines forcefully that although sociality can periodically structure itself
in institutions or specific political movements, it transcends them all. To
reuse a mineralogical image, they are but pse udo -me tam orp ho ses , taking
pa rt in a matr ix which outlives th em . This perd urab ilit y is wha t interes ts us
and which also explains how the massive political disengagement we can
see ar ou nd us tod ay is in no way a corre lative of an acce lera ted
dismantling, but rather a sign of renewed vitality. This perdurability is a
ma rk of the divi ne, which is not an ove rar chi ng and exte rnal ent ity, but
rather is located at the heart of the reality of the world, at once both its
essence and its destiny. One may refer in this regard to the classic
terminology of German sociology, for instance Tönnies ' Gemeinschaft-
Gesellschaft opposit ion or We be r's 'comm una l relation ships' (Vergemein-
schaftunge) and 'associative relation ships' (Vergesellschaftunge).
The community ethos identified by the first group of expressions refers
to a common subjectivity, a shared passion, whereas anything which has to
do with soc iety is essen tially r ational in nat ur e: it is a case of va lue
rationality (Wert) or instrum ental rationality (Zweck). On e of Web er 's
writings elucidates this point: he notes that all associative relationships
which 'spill over the framework of goa l-o rien ted assoc iation . . . may give
rise to sentimental values which surpass the objective established through
free will'. He goes on to say that a community may orient itself to a certain
rat ionali ty or finality. Th us , on e can some ti me s see tha t 'a kinship gr ou p is
like a commu ni ty an d on the ot he r han d, it functions an d is seen as
"associat ive" by i ts members ' .
1 4
In this way, Weber underlines that there
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62
THE TIME OF THE TRIBES
a n n o u n c i n g t h a t t h e m a c h i n e w o u l d f a v o u r t h is c o m m u n i t y 1 6 - th e
p o p u l i s t s c o u l d b e v e r y u s ef u l t o a n y o n e t o d a y w h o r e g a r d s t h e p r e s e n t a n d
t h e f u t u r e i n t e r m s o f a u t o n o m y o r m i c r o - s o c i e t i e s . T h i s p o p u l i s t p e r s p e c
t iv e s h o u l d b e r e m e m b e r e d w h e n tr y i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f
s m a l l b u s i n e s s e s , c o o p e r a t i v e s , t h e d i r e c t i n v o l v e m e n t w h i c h c h a r a c t e r i z e s
t o d a y ' s e c o n o m y , i n s h o r t , t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e e v o l u t i o n f r o m a
global
economy to a global ecology,
w hich i s l e s s d i sp osed to m as t e r t he w or ld ,
na tu re and soc i e ty t han co l l e c t i ve ly t o a ch i eve soc i e t i e s founded above a l l
on qua l i ty of l i fe .
In keep ing w i th t he sp i r i t o f t he t imes , t he l a s t c en tu ry and the beg inn ing
of t h i s c en tu ry saw
class
(o r t he p ro l e t a r i a t ) p rogre ss ive ly t ake t he p l ace o f
the masse s . Th i s p rocess , w h ich occur red p r inc ipa l ly i n re l a t i on to t he
pr ev a l e nc e of h i s to r y and po l i t i c s , is no w w e l l kn ow n. Inc r ea s ing ly , w e a re
aware of the d i f f icul ty in def in ing a g iven c lass as wel l as recogniz ing tha t i t
i s a lways
post festum
t ha t w e a t t r i bu t e a c e r t a in ac t i on o r ba t t l e t o t h e
w o r k i n g c l a s s o r t h e p r o l e t a r i a t a c t i n g i n f u l l c o n s c i o u s n e s s . 1 7
M o r e o v e r ,
m os t o f t h e t im e th i s qua l i t y i s on ly g ra n t e d to t ho se s t rugg le s t ha t con form
t o t h e e d i c t s o f t h e p o l i t i c a l b u r e a u . T h e r e m a i n d e r a r e v a r i o u s l y t e r m e d
p r o v o c a t i o n s , c o m p r o m i s e s , b e t r a y a l s o r c l as s c o l l a b o r a t i o n s . A p a r a l l e l
c an be d r aw n be tw ee n th e fac t t ha t t he w or k in g cl a s s i s l e s s an d l e s s
l i ab l e t o obey the va r ious i n junc t ions imposed on i t , and an obse rvab ly
d imin i shed be l i e f i n t he gove rn ing fo rce o f H i s to ry .
No future now*
t he
r e f r a i n o f t h e y o u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n s h a s l e s s e r b u t r e a l r e v e r b e r a t i o n s o n t h e
w hole o f soc i e ty . We may w e l l a sk ourse lve s i f t he ha rk ing back to t he pa s t
( fo lk lo re , t he reva lu ing o f popu la r f e s t i va l s , t he re tu rn o f soc i ab i l i t y , a
fa sc ina t ion w i th l oca l h i s to ry ) is a w ay o f e scap ing f rom th e d i c t a to r sh ip o f
f ina l i z ed , p rogre ss ive h i s to ry and thus a w ay to l i ve i n t he p re sen t . Th i s
m u c h i s c e r t a i n : in u n d e r c u t t i n g t h e m a j e s t i c m a r c h o f p r o g r e s s , t h e a b o v e -
ment ioned re j ec t i on o f t he fu tu re confe r s once more i t s l e t t e r s o f nob i l i t y
o n t h e m a s s e s . T h i s is m o r e t h a n m e r e w o r d - p l a y : it b r i n g s o u t t h e
a r i s toc ra t i c a spec t s o f t he masse s .
C o m p a r e d t o t h e p o l i t i c a l o r d e r , t h i s a r i s t o c r a t i c i s m t a k e s v a r i o u s f o r m s :
f i rs t of a l l , the scorn rese rved for pol i t ic ians of a l l s t r ipes . I have a l ready
a n a l y s e d t h is ' a l o o f n e s s ' o f t h e p e o p l e . T h e r e i s m u c h a n e c d o t a l e v i d e n c e ,
m a n y w i t ti c i sm s a n d r e m a r k s t o a t t e s t t o it s v e r a c i t y ; 1 8
t h e r e is r e a l l y no
n e e d t o g o o n . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e
versatility
o f t he m asse s i s no t ab l e .
T hi s ver sa t i l i t y , the f l ip-s ide of th e ' a loo fn es s ' , i s a spec ia l form of
inso l ence : w e a re i n t e re s t ed i n t hose w ho l i ve by the
libido dominandi
on ly
in so far a s t he y a re use fu l t o us o r c an g ive us som e th ing . Th i s i nc ludes t h e
w o r l d l y r e l i g i o n a s d e s c r i b e d a b o v e -
do ut des:
I g ive you my vote so tha t
y o u c a n r e t u r n t h e f a v o u r . B u t a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h i s d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e c l e a r
n o n - a d h e r e n c e o f t h e m a s s e s t o t h e p o l i t i c a l d o m a i n . T h e i r i n t e r e s t i s
en t i re ly dependen t on w ha t t hey can ge t ou t o f i t .
* Transl. note: Th is exp ress ion appe ars in Eng l i sh in the text .
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S O C I A L I T Y
VS . THE
S O C I A L
63
Thi s insol en t versatili ty is also a shield agains t all forms of po we r.
Historians and sociologists continue to note the fact that the masses
altern ately wor ship the n burn at th e stak e a wide variety of spo kes men and
values; examples of this abound. The same could be said of ideologies and
beliefs which are cast down by the same persons who only a short time ago
were extolling their virtues.
1 9 Instead of getting bogged down in this
paradox, it would be better to see this situation as symptomatic of a basic
relativism with respect to overarching entities that have very little to do
with the proximity in which the lines of solidarity are drawn. In the murky
world of ideas and distant theories, all cats are black in the dark.
I previously mentioned the sacred duty of ensuring a continued exist
ence . It is an emb od ie d kn ow led ge - in an anima l way - t hat allows the
masses to resist. In fact, what we call versatility could well be a way of
guarding the essential and underplaying the factual, the
ad hoc.
The
leadership battle in all its theatricality is not insignificant, especially as
spectacle, however it is above all abstract, an d mo st of th e tim e wit hou t the
positive and negative effects attributed to it. If the role of the politician is
to excite - hence the required staging, the monumentality of the surround
ings and the symbols in which he or she is draped - the role of the masses is
simply to survive. Continued existence is all. It now becomes easy to
un de rs ta nd t he flip-flops and swi tched alleg iances as a funct ion of such a
concrete responsib ility. I will go a ste p furt her a nd say that , wi thout
burdening itself with excessive scruples or marginal uncertainties, the
people as mass ha s as its cen tral responsibil ity to tr iu mp h over o rdin ary
de ath . This is a task undo ubt edl y requ iring consta nt effort and a great
reserve of energy. It is in this very aspect that we can speak of the nobility
of the masses.
Going back to the dichotomy I posited between power and puissance
20
and playing around with the wording, I would propose a second law:
Power can and must deal with the management of life; puissance must
assume the mantle of survival.
Nat ur all y, I am playing with wor ds here (which is nece ssary whe n one
creates laws) and by 'survival' I mean that which at the same time founds,
surpasses and guarantees life. Survival, in Cannetti 's words, is ' the central
situation of power' [i.e. puissance];
21
it signifies that pe rm an en t bat tle
against a death in which we never wholeheartedly believe, whether that
de at h is strictly spea ki ng a na tu ra l one or whe th er it is a dea thl y imposition
of the 'pro-jective' aspect of the political-economic order in whatever form
it might take. One could compare this puissance to the mana, or ot he r such
exp ress ions use d to des crib e a collective force that trans cen ds individua ls
or specific factions. In my opinion, I would draw a link between puissance
and that 'most extreme concrete' (Walter Benjamin) which is everyday
life.
In the face of these histories made from both nothing and everything,
Political History has no consistency for a collective memory that knows
what is important.
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64
T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
Individual histories instead of History: this could well be the secret that
explains the perdurability of societies. Beyond the political order, great
cultural entities last across the centuries. The Greek, Roman, Arab and
Christian cultures are, as far as we are concerned, based on an internal
stre ngt h which is ever rene wing, comfor ting a nd reinvigor ating that which
the powers tend to label, confine and, in the end, destroy. There is a
collective will to live at work here that calls on the social observer to give it
greater scrutiny. Simmel remarked that, in order to understand a political
decision, one has to consider the whole life of the decision-maker and to
'judge those aspects of this life lying outside the bounds of polities'.
It is necessary a fortiori to sur pas s the confining fra mew ork of simple
political finality in or de r to co mp re he nd this ever- ren ewi ng basic decision
known as the 'survival of the species'. The life of every man and woman,
stubborn and irrepressible, forces us to do so. Must we see it, in the well-
chosen words of Gilbert Renaud, as the expression of a 'recalcitrant
sociality which resists domestication'? 2 2 In any case, I believe it will be
difficult to avoid answering this question in the dying days of this century.
2 . A natur al ' familiarism'
Co nt ra ry t o what is pe rh ap s difficult to adm it , it seems to me that ther e is a
close rapport, with perverse overtones, between the individual and the
political. Indeed, these two entities are the two essential poles of
modernity. As I have already explained, the principium individuationis is
the very thing determining the whole political-economic and techno-
structural organization that was inaugurated with the rise of the bourgeoisie.
Dürkheim, who was certainly one of the great theorists of this process,
not ed pe rem pto ril y th at 'th e role of the state is in no way negative. It has
the effect of guaranteeing the greatest degree of individualism the social
state al lows. ' 2 3 The state as an expression
par excellence
of the poli tical
order protects the individual from the community. In an anecdotal way, it
is int ere sti ng to no te tha t those who we re the most politicized in the sixties
those selfsame peop le who claimed tha t 'th e pers ona l is political' - also
state with the same degree of conviction, and sectarianism even, the
necessity of individualism. As far as they are concerned, there is no
funda mental contrad iction involved, but rather a difference in nuan ce.
Th us, it is fallacious t o draw a paralle l bet we en t he end of politics and
the withdrawal into the
self, or what is te rm ed t he retu rn of nar cissism.
This is a short-sighted perspective; in fact, I would postulate that the
saturation of the political form goes hand in hand with the saturation of
indiv iduali sm. Paying close att ent ion to this fact is an ot he r way of
investigating the masses. The conformism of youth, the passion for likeness
within groups or ' tribes', the phenomena of fashion, standardized culture,
up to and including the unisexualization of ap pe ar an ce , per mit us to claim
that what we are witnessing is the loss of the idea of the individual in favour
of a much less distinct mass. This mass has no need of the notion of
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S O C I A L I T Y VS . THE S O C I A L
65
(individual, national, sexual) identity, which was one of the most import
ant conquests of the bourgeois order. I believe that an investigation of the
socio-anthropological basis of this fact can enlighten us as to the antinomic
relationship that exists between the mass and politics. This being said, one
mus t show that th e mass has alre ady ex iste d, tha t it is a manif estat ion of
the being -tog ethe r an d that it favours thos e elemen ts that the political
project (a tautology) omits or denies. First, we can highlight, if only
cursorily, the changing and chaotic aspects of identity. In a Pascalian
fashion, we can say that its truth varies according to temporal or spatial
front iers. T his is an apt su mm ar y of a re ma rk m ad e by We be r: 'id entity is
never, from the sociological point of view, anything but a simply floating
and relat ive condi t ion' .
2 4
With great acuity, he notes that, according to the
situation and the emphasis placed on a particular value, the relationship to
the self, the other and one's surroundings can be modified. It is understood
that 'identity' concerns the individual just as much as the grouping to which
he or she belon gs: it is wh en t he re is an individual ident ity at stake tha t a
national identity can be found. In fact, identity in all its various mani
festations is ab ove all the willingness to be som eth ing de te rm ined . Th is
acquie sce nce to be on e thing or an ot he r is a proces s tha t generally arises
later on in human or social evolution. The founding moments may
be characterized by the pluralism of possibilities, the effervescence of
situations, the multiplicity of experiences and values - all things which
characterize the youthful stage of mankind and societies. For my part, I
would say that this is a
cultural moment
of the highes t or de r. On the othe r
hand, the choice which eventually must be made in the development of a
per son al or social individuality and the fact that this effervescence and
pluralism in its varied aspects are eliminated, generally leads to what may
be called
civilization.
It is in the con tex t of this seco nd mo me nt do mi na te d
by the morality of responsibility that politics thrives.
I am leanin g he re on the classic dic ho tom y of Ge rm an though t
formalized by Nor bert El ia s: 2 5 bef or e civilizing and finalizing itself, a social
stru ctu ring in what ev er form it tak es is a veri tabl e cultural stoc kpot
seasoned by all manner of additional ingredients. This stockpot is frothing,
monstrous, exploding; but at the same time rich in future possibilities. We
can make use of this ima ge in or de r to show how the mas s is self-sufficient;
it does not project itself; is no t finalized, polit ici zed: it roils in its multi ple
ex pe ri en ce s. Thi s is why it is bo th ca use an d effect of the loss of the
subj ect. In my own ja rg on , I wou ld say tha t it is dion ysia c, confusi onal.
There are numerous contemporary examples which, with varying degrees
of distinctness, support this view. At these moments, a 'collective spirit' is
created in which aptitudes, identities and individualities dissolve; more
over, it in no way prevents this effervescent entity from being the site of a
real reappropriation. Each and everyone participates in this global 'we'.
Agains t the political, which paradoxical ly is foun ded on bot h the Τ and
the dis tan t, the mas s is con str uct ed on the 'we' and on prox imity . T he
de ve lo pm en t of life histo ries reinfo rces the fact that the subject often
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S O C I A L I T Y VS . THE
S O C I A L
67
ma tt er s little wh et he r this link is real or ima gined. Th ink of Proust wh o,
after the de at h of his gr an dm ot he r, ima gine s he sees her traits t rans ferre d
to his mo th er . By tak ing up the imag e of the gr an dm ot he r, by identifying
with her , the mo th er ass umes the role which must be perp etu ate d across
the generations. With his typical sensitivity, Proust shows how death
becomes part of an indestructible vitality. It is in no way a sign of a
sociological imperialism to recognize as Halbwachs does that 'in reality we
ar e nev er alon e . . . since we feel inside ours elve s a qua nti ty of p e rs ons '. 2 9
Memory and collective remembrances, whether private, public or familial
in nature, are what allow a neighbourhood or a town, places where lives
are layered upon each other, to be inhabitable, indeed they make such
places inhabitable, permitting the feedback* established between the
group and the person. Naturally, this occurs in an organic way rather than
according to the rational equivalency of the political order. Renan
emphasized that for the early Christians the community's strength, and
here I would use the term puissance, was bas ed on the 'gre at found ing m en '
megala stoikeia).
It is ar ou nd their tom bs that the first chu rches we re
const ruc ted . In tu rn , Pe te r Br ow n has show n how such a sanc tuar y was
simply called 'the place' o topos) and tha t thes e place s wer e progressive ly
to be co me actual netw ork s criss-crossing the lands of the Med ite rra nea n.
Wh et he r in a religious or secul ar form, such a pract ice of foun datio n is
found regularly throughout human history. Beyond the urban or rural
mon ume nta lity ( pala ce, chur ch, various mo nu me nt s) , this feedback is
expressed in all commemorative ceremonies. From the Cult of Auglaurus**
of ancient Athens to all the national holidays of today, with the liturgical
calendar of the Christian Church in between, the same process of
anamnesis is at work: we exist as one body. In his analysis of Christian
practice in Breton villages, the sociologist Yves Lambert notes a particu
larly revealing ceremony. In speaking of the recently departed, the priest
sets the scene whereby the children of the village represent, in
equal
number, thos e who have passed away that ye ar .3 0 There can be no better
illustration of the fecundity and the meaningfulness of the idea of the
phylum. The social imagination constructs a history around it and is thus
constituted as such.
We should examine in the light of these specific examples how all these
groups are founded, in the simplest sense of the word, on the transcendence
of the individual. This is what drives me to speak of an
immanent
transcendence, on e which bo th surpasse s individuals and springs from the
con tinu ity of the gr ou p. Thi s is a mystical int erp ret ati on which can p er ha ps
be compared to that other mysticism contained within a number of
psychoanalytical traditions. For example, one could cite the case of
Groddeck, whose vitalist roots are well known. 'We are experienced by the
id', 'the id is a force', or 'the ego is nothing but artifice, a tool in the service
* Transl. note: f eed b ack ap p ears in En g l i s h in the text.
** God d es s of the City of A t h e n s .
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68
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
of th e id' - ma ny oth er similar exam ples cou ld be cite d. It is sufficient t o
note that the 'id' in question can perfectly describe, in a metaphorical way,
the mass, the people or the group at issue here; it is a force that acts,
wh er ea s we belie ve we act upo n it; the ego is defined by it. He re we can
find all the ingredients constituting the small contemporary masses.
Furthermore, such an extrapolation allows us to highlight the close
connection between these entities and the natural order. Thus, we can see
this as something that goes beyond individualism in practice as well as in
theory.
Th e collective me mo ry is qui te a good way to desc ribe the symbolic
system and the mechanism of the above-mentioned participation. Of
cours e, the ter m is pe rh ap s a bit cliched or dat ed ; but it clearly und erl ine s
the fact tha t, just as ther e is no individual exis tenc e, the re can be no
singular thoug ht. Ou r consciousness is but a meeti ng groun d, th e crystal
lization of various currents which, with precise moments of symmetry,
intersect, attract or repel one another. Even the most dogmatic ideologies
are finished examples which can never be entirely unified. Thus we say that
a personal thought follows from the 'inclination of a collective thought'. 3 2
This is confirm ed in their own way by cont em po ra ry re sea rch ers in the
areas of theoretical physics and biology, such as R. Sheldrake who uses the
word 'chreode' (necessary direction) to describe the simultaneity of similar
or close discoveries in laboratories more or less isolated from one another.
These researchers have various starting points; but in sharing the same
'spirit of the tim es ', they converg e as a gr oup - albeit a sketc hy one -
rippled with conflicts. We can say the same for the constitutive groupings
of sociality; each, in its own way, creates its ideology and pieces together
its ow n small history from disp ara te ele men ts culled from th e four cor ner s
of the Earth. They may be borrowed from local tradition or they may cut
across these traditions. Nevertheless, their assemblage shows similarities
which will cons tit ute a sort of ma tr ix , giving rise to an d rein forcing
individual representations.
It would seem that this way of posing the problem might allow us to go
beyond the classic pons
asinorum
of the social scie nces : is hist ory
determined by individuals or a collection of undifferentiated groups? Or
exp res sed a no th er way, is it pro vid enc e's 'g rea t ma n' or th e blind action of
the masses at wo rk ? On th e on e han d, we find reas on an d its piercing light;
on the other we find instinct and its dangerous obscurity. Perhaps one can
imagine a middle ground, a precise 'social form' 3 3 which can explain
knowledge and eloquence as something other than an individual action or
an imposed structure. The 'collective memory' (Halbwachs) and Mauss'
habitus
ma y be such a form const itu ted of bo th archetypes and the var ious
intentionalities which allow us to adapt to these archetypes, to experience
th em , in a ma nn er of spea king. This , precise ly, is the spirit of the gr ou p, of
the clan, whose synergy and juxtaposition produce the spirit of the times.
Th er e is a con tin uou s proc ess of con tac t; an essential 'rel atio nis m'
wher eb y 'th e individua l life history is cor rec ted an d ex pa nd ed in the overa ll
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S O C I A L I T Y
VS . THE
S O C I A L
69
life history' ,
3 4
leading to the communal life. Interaction and inter-
subjectivity create something qualitatively different from its constituent
par ts. The collective me mo ry can thus serv e, in the straightforward sense
of the word, as a revelation of individual acts, intentions and experiences.
It is a true sphere of communication, the cause and effect of the
community. In this way, thought, which appears the most individualized, is
but a part of a symbolic system at the very heart of all social aggregations.
In its pur ely instru men tal or rationa l aspect , thoug ht individualizes, just as
on the theoretical plane it dissects and discriminates; however, by being
int eg rat ed int o an org ani c com ple xit y, tha t is by leaving ro om for affect
and passion, as well as the non-logical, this same thought favours the
communication of the being-together. In the first case this leads to political
development as a factor uniting these disparate elements; in the second,
one may highlight the pre-eminence of the group or the tribe, that is, not
projected far into the future, but rather living for the most extreme
con cret e which is the pre sen t.
Thi s is th e simpl est and mos t pro spe cti ve exp ress ion of the sat ura tion of
th e political and its supp ort ing stru ctu re which is indiv idual ism. In t heir
stead we see structures of communication which are both intensive and
more compact. These affinity groupings revalue the ancient anthropological
str uct ur e of th e 'ex te nd ed family '. This is a str uct ure in which t he
neg oti ati on of pas sion or conflict is car rie d ou t in close qu ar te rs . W it hout
suggesting consanguinuity, this grouping fits in nicely with the perspective
of the phyl um th at is retu rni ng with the red epl oym ent of natur alism. It is
possible to state that the networks forming within our megalopolises are
rediscovering a role for themselves of mutual aid, conviviality, commensality,
prof essio nal supp or t and so me ti me s eve n of the cultu ral rituals which
characterized the spirit of the Roman
gens.
35 Wha te ve r na me we give these
groupings - kinship groups, family groups, secondary groups, peer groups*
- th er e is a pro ces s of tribal ism at wo rk that has always existed bu t whi ch,
acc ord ing to the er a, has bee n mo re or less val ued . What is cert ain is that ,
at the present time, it is alive and well, holding sway in the cellars of our
public housing projects or in the classrooms of the rue d'Ulm.**
Contemporary analyses such as those by Young and Willmot on the
sociability of neighbourhoods in large cities, or those of Raynaud on the
multiplicity of 'secondary groups', are ample evidence of the perdurability
of an
esprit de corps.36
Suc h a spirit is bo th the cau se an d effect of
interaction and reversibility, both of which are certainly among those
el em en ts most foreign to political life. It is to the m, the re fo re , that on e
must look for the contemporary form which sociality is assuming.
In a single word, the
economy
of th e political or de r, fou nde d on
reason, the project and activity, is giving way to the ecology of an
organic (or holistic) order, integrating both nature and proxemics.
*
Transl. note:
'pee r group s' appea rs in Engl ish in the text .
**
Transl. note:
site of the prestigious Eco le normale suporieure.
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70
T H E T I M E
O F T H E
TRIBES
A l th ou gh suc h a c ha ng e m a y be c a us e fo r so m e d i squ ie t i n m a n y wa y s , it
is n o l o n g e r p o s s i b l e t o d e n y it s r e a l i t y . D ü r k h e i m a t t r i b u t e d t o s e c o n d a r y
g r o u p s t h e d y n a m i c w h i c h i n t e g r a t e s i n d i v i d u a l s in t o t h e g e n e r a l t o r r e n t o f
soc ia l l if e . S uc h a n im a ge ha s i ts ow n r e so na nc e . T he r e i s e f f e r ve sc e nc e in
the na tu r a l a nd soc ial v i t a l i sm , e spe c ia l ly a t c e r t a in t im e s whe n va lue s a nd
c on v ic t io ns se e m le s s su r e . M or e o ve r , i t i s poss ib l e tha t t he se se c on da r y
gr ou ps wh ic h m e ta s t a s i z e th r ou gh ou t the soc ia l bo dy , wh i l e s ign if y ing by
the i r p r e se n c e th e e n d o f c iv il i ze d m o de r n i ty , pa in t a m e a n ingf u l p i c t u r e o f
the e m e r g ing soc ie ta l f o r m .
N ote s
1 . Z . Y a v e t z , La Plebe et le prince, fou le et vie politique sous le hau t-empire romain , P a r i s ,
M a s p e r o , 1 9 8 3 . C f . t h e m a n y c it a t i o n s w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e d i st r u s t o f t h e m a s s e s , f or e x a m p l e
p . 2 5 ; c f. a g a i n M . d e C e r t e a u , Arts de faire, P a r i s, U n i o n g en e r a l e d e s e d i t i o n s , n o . 1 0 - 1 8
( 1 9 8 0 ) , p . 1 16 a n d P . B o u r d i e u , Esquisses d'un e theorie de la pratique, G e n e v e , D r e z , 1 9 7 2,
p . 2 0 2 . W h i l e a c c e p t i n g t h i s i d e a o f t h e p e o p l e a s ' m y t h ' , I t h i n k w e m u s t g r a n t it t h e m e a n i n g
S o r e l d o e s . C f. J . Z y l b e r b e r g , ' F r a g m e n t d ' u n d i s c ou r s c r i t iq u e s u r l e n a t i o n a l is m e ' ,
An thropologie et societe, v o l . 2 . n o . 1 ( 1 9 7 8 ) ; F . D u m o n t , ' S u r la g e n e s e d e la n o t i o n d e
c u l t u r e p o p u l a i r e ' i n Cultu res popu laires et sociales con temporain es, Q u e b e c , P r e ss e s
u n i v e r s i t ä r e s d u Q u e b e c , 1 9 8 2 , p . 3 3 .
2 . R . N i s b e t , Th e Sociological Tradition, L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n E d u c a t i o n a l , 1 9 7 0, p . 3 5 .
A l s o c f. G . R e n a u d , A VOmbre du rationalisme, la societe qu ebecoise de sa dependance a sa
quotidiennete, M o n t r e a l , E d i t i o n s S t M a r t i n , 1 9 8 4, p . 1 8 2 .
3 .
C f . P . B r o w n , Th e Cult of the Saints: I ts Rise and F un ction in Latin Christianity,
C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 19 8 1 , p . 2 0 , et seq. t o s e e h o w p o p u l a r r e l ig i o n is
a n a l y s e d f r o m s u c h a p e r s p e c t i v e .
4 . F . V e n t u r i , Les intellectuels, le peuple et la revolution. H istoire de populism e russe au
XIX*
siecle, P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , 1 9 7 2 , p . 5 0 .
5 . T h i s is o n e o f M o r i n ' s e x p r e s s i o n s ,
L'E sprit du temps,
P a r i s, L i v r e d e P o c h e , 1 9 8 4 , p . 2 0 ;
o n t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s fo r t h e r e s e a r c h e r , cf. m y b o o k , M . M a f f es o li ,
La Conn aissance
ordinaire. Precis de sociologie com prehen sive,
P a r i s, L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 .
6 . G . L e B o n ,
The Crowd,
N e w Y o r k , V i k i n g , 1 96 0 , p . 7 7 .
7 . E . C a n e t t i , Th e Conscience of W ords, t r a n s l. J . N e u g r o s h e l , N e w Y o r k , S e a b u r y P r e s s ,
1979 , p . 2 .
8 . K . M a n n h e i m ,
ideology and Utopia,
N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 1 9 5 4 , p . 8 1 .
9 . C f. K . S c h i p p e r ,
Le Corps taoi'ste,
P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 2 , p . 2 7 . B a s i n g m y s e l f o n V a n
G u l i k , 1 h a v e sh o w n t h a t w e c a n f in d p o p u l a r e x p l o s i o n s d e r i v e d fr o m T a o i s m u p u n t il t h e
p r e s e n t d a y ; M . M a f f e s o l i ,
LO m bre de Dionysos. Con tribution a un e sociologie de V orgie,
P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 2 n d e d i t i o n , 1 9 8 5 , p . 6 7 .
10. O n t h e l in k b e t w e e n e x p e r i e n c e a n d s y m b o l i c w h o l e s , c f. t h e r e f e r e n c e t o D i l t h e y b y J .
H a b e r m a s ,
Knowledge and Hu man Interests,
L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n , 1 9 7 8, p . 1 4 7.
11.
O n i n t e r i o r i t y a n d t h e s o u l , I a m f o l l o w i n g t h e a n a l y s i s o f W . F . O t t o ,
Les Dieux de la
Grece,
p r e f a c e b y M . D e t i e n n e s , P a r i s , P a y o t , 1 9 8 1 ; c f. p . 2 4 a n d t h e p r e f a c e , p . 1 0; o n t h e
' o r a c l e s ' , a n d t h e g r o u p v i t a l it y t o w h i c h t h e y le a d , cf. P . B r o w n ,
The Making of Late
Antiquity,
C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 78 , p . 3 8 .
12. O n ' m u l t i d i n o u s n e s s ' , a n d so c ia l i t y i n d u c e d b y p o p u l a r r e l i gi o si t y , c f. E . P o u l a t , Eglise
contre bourgeoisie, P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 97 7 , p p . 2 1 a n d 2 4 . C f . a l s o t h e g o o d d e s c r i p t i o n o f
p o p u l a r r e l ig i on b y Y . L a m b e r t , Dieu change en Bretagne, P a r i s ,
Cerf,
1 9 8 5 , e s p ec i a l l y w i t h
r e s p e c t t o ' i n d u l g e n c e s a s a " s p i r i t u a l in s u r a n c e p o l i c y " ' , c f. p p . 2 0 6 - 2 0 8 .
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S O C I A L I T Y
V S . T H E
S O C I A L
71
13. E . R e n a n , Marc Aurele ou la fin du monde antique, Paris , Livre de Po ch e, 1984, p . 354 .
For a cr i t i q u e o f s ta t i s m, cf . J . Z y l b erb e rg , Na t i on a l i s m e-I n tegr a t i on -De p en d an ce ,
Revue
d'Integration europeenne, vo l . 2 , n o . 2 (19 79 ) , p . 269 , et seq.
14 . Μ . W e b e r , Econom y and Society, B e rk e l ey , Un i v ers i ty o f Ca l i forn i a Pres s , 1978 ,
p p . 40 -42 an d a l s o
The City,
G le nc oe 111., Th e Fr ee Press , 1956.
15 . Cf . K. Ma rx, Collected Works of Marx and Engels, N ew Yo rk , In tern at i on a l
Pu b l i s h ers , 1974 , vo l . 46 , p . 71 ; F . Ven tu r i ,
Les intellectuels,
p . 45 , ou t l i n es th es e h es i ta t i on s
with regard to the obschina.
16 . Cf . again Ve ntu ri , ib id . , vo l . 1 , p . 29 .
17 . O n th e s u b s t i tu t i on o f th e p eop l e b y c l a s s , c f. M an n h e i m ,
Ideology and Utopia,
vo l . 1,
p . 6 0 , et seq.; for a cri t ique of the c lass s trug gle , cf. J . Freu nd, Sociologie du conflit, Paris ,
P U F , 1983 , p . 72 ,
etseq.
18 . Cf . M af fes o l i , La Connaissance ordinaire, p . 167 , and La Conquete du present. Pour
une sociologie de la vie quotidienne,
Par i s , P U F , 1979 .
19. C f . Y a v e t z ,
La Plebe et le prince,
p . 38 ,
et seq,
p . 54 regarding the turno ver of
emp erors , or th e a t t i tu d e toward s Ca l i gu l a ; L e B on , The Crowd, s h ow s th e s am e d egr ee o f
vers a t i l i ty a s to i d eo l og i es .
20 . M af fe s o l i , L a Vi o l e n ce to ta l i ta i re , Par i s , P U F , 1979 , Ch . I .
2 1 . Cf . Can et t i , The Conscience of Words, p. 16.
2 2 . G . S i m m e l ,
Les Problemes de la philosophic de Vhistoire,
Par i s , P U F , 1984 , p . 104 , an d
R e n a u d , Ä VOm bre des rationalismes, p . 2 5 7 . H i s p r o g r a m m a t i c p r o p o s a l a s a p p l ie d t o
s o c i a l it y in Q u e b e c s e e m s t o m e f u ll o f p r o m i s e .
2 3 .
E . D ü r k h e i m ,
Legons de sociologie,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 6 9 , p . 10 3 . A l s o r e f e r t o M .
M a f f e s o l i ,
La Violence totalitaire,
c h a p t e r s 6 a n d 7 a n d
L'O mbre de Dionysos,
i n t r o d u c t i o n .
2 4 .
Μ . W e b e r , Essais sur la theorie de la science, Par i s , P l ö n , 1 9 65 ; ' E s s a i s u r q u e l q u e s
c a t e g o r i e s d e l a s o c i o lo g i e c o m p r e h e n s i v e ' , 1 9 1 3 , F r e n c h t r a n s l . , p . 3 6 0 .
25 .
C f. Ν . E li as , The Civilizing Process, N e w Y o r k , U r i z e n B o o k s , 1 9 8 2 .
26 . I am re ferr i n g h ere o f cou rs e to L e B o n , The Crowd, p . 51 an d J . B ea u ch a rd , La
Puissance desfoules,
Par i s , P U F , 1985 . O n li fe h i s tor i es an d th e t ran s i ti on f rom th e Τ to th e
w e , cf . M. Catani , Tante Suzanne, Paris , Librairie des M er id ie ns , 1982 , pp . 15 , 12 . Th e term
ef ferv es cen ce i s b or row ed , o f cou r s e , f rom
D ü r k h e i m .
27 . Μ . M au s s ,
Sociology and Psychology,
L o n d o n , R o u t l e d g e a n d K e g a n P a u l, 1 9 7 9, Ά
ca teg ory o f th e h u man m i n d : th e n o t i on o f p ers o n ; L . Du m on t , Homo Hierarchus, transl . M .
S a i n s b u ry , Ch i cago , Un i vers i ty o f Ch i cago Pres s , 1980 . R . Da M at ta ,
Carnavals, bandits et
heros, Par i s , S eu i l , p . 210 , etseq. O n the Mafia cf. my art ic le , La maff ia co m m e m eta ph ore de
l a s oc i a l i t e ,
Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie,
Par i s , P U F , vo l . 73 (198 2 ) .
28 . W . B e n j a m i n , Sens unique, Par i s , L . N . M a u r i ce Na d e au , 1978 , p . 72 .
29 . M . H a l b w a c h s ,
La Mem oire collective,
Par i s , P U F , 1950 , p . 2 .
30 . L a m b e r t , Dieu change en Bretagne, p . 45 ; Ren an s an a l ys i s , Marc Aurele, p. 126. On
B ro wn s top o s , c f. P . B row n ,
Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity,
L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d
Fab er , 1982 , p . 6 , et seq.
3 1 . Cf . the f ine prese nta t ion by M. Lal ive d Ep inay ,
Groddeck ou Vart de decontracter,
Par i s , E d i t i on s Un i vers i ta i res , p p . 24 , 40 .
3 2 . C f. H a l b w a c h s ,
La Mem oire collective,
p . 92 .
3 3 . I n th e s en s e u s ed b y S i mm el , f rom w h om I am b orrow i n g l ib era l ly h ere . Cf. Les
Problemes de la philosophic de Vhistoire, p . 74 , et seq.
34 . D i l t h e y , q u o t e d b y H a b e r m a s in Know ledge and Hum an Interests, p . 150 , et seq.
35. Cf . the analys i s by D ü r k h e i m t o t h is e f f ec t , L'A nn ee sociologique, v o l . 1 , p p . 3 0 7 - 3 3 2 ;
2 ,
p p . 3 1 9 - 3 2 3 a n d C . B o u g i e ,
Essays on the Caste System,
C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i ve r s i t y
P r e s s , 1 9 7 1 , p p . 3 6 , 5 0 .
36 .
C f . M . Y o u n g a n d P . W i l lm o t t ,
Fam ily and Kinship in East London,
H a r m o n d s w o r t h ,
P e n g u i n , 1 9 64 ; a n d E . R e y n a u d , ' G r o u p e s s e c o n d a i r e s e t s o li d a r i t y o r g a n i q u e : q u i e x e r c e l e
c o n t r ö l e s o c ia l ? ' i n
L'A nn ee sociologique,
P a r i s , v o l . 3 3 ( 1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 1 8 1 - 1 9 4 . I t i s u n f o r t u n a t e
t h a t t h i s s e c o n d s t u d y im p l ic i t ly r e l a t i v i ze s t h e s i gn i f i ca n c e o f r e c o g n i z e d g r o u p s .
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4
T R IB A L IS M
1 .
T he a f fec tua l ne bu la
N o i s i a m o l a s p l e n d i d a r e a l t ä . T h i s sl ig h t ly c lu m s y p h r a s e w a s d i s c o v e r e d
in a l os t co rne r o f sou the rn I t a ly , and w i thou t any c l a im to p re t ence , i t
su m s up w ha t soc i a l i t y i s a ll ab ou t . I t con ta in s i n m in i a tu r e a l l o f soc i a l i t y s
v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s : t h e r e l a t i v i s m o f l i f e , t h e g r a n d e u r a n d t r a g e d y o f t h e
e v e r y d a y , t h e b u r d e n o f t h e w o r l d a r o u n d u s w h i c h w e b e a r a s b e s t w e c a n ;
a ll o f w h ich a re exp re s sed in t h a t w e w h ich fo rm s th e g lue ho ld in g
e v e r y t h i n g t o g e t h e r . W e h a v e d w e l l e d s o o f t e n o n t h e d e h u m a n i z a t i o n a n d
t h e d i s e n c h a n t m e n t w i t h t h e m o d e r n w o r l d a n d t h e s o l i t u d e i t i n d u c e s t h a t
w e a re no longe r c apab le o f see ing the ne tw orks o f so l ida r i t y t ha t ex i s t
w i th in .
In mo re t ha n on e re s pe c t , soc i a l ex i s t enc e i s a l i e na t ed , sub jec t t o t he
in junc t ions o f a mul t i fo rm
power;
ho w ev e r , t h e r e s ti ll r em a in s an a f f irm
a t i v e
puissance
t h a t , d e s p i t e e v e r y t h i n g , c o n f i rm s t h e ( e v e r - ) r e n e w e d
g a m e o f s o l i d a r i ty a n d r e c i p r o c i t y . T h i s is a r e s i d u e t h a t m u s t b e n o t e d . 1
In sh or t , it i s po ss ib le to s ta te tha t , in ea ch e r a , a ty pe of sens ib i l i ty
p redomina te s ; a s ty l e w hich spec i f i e s t he re l a t i onsh ips w e fo rge w i th
o t h e r s . T h i s s ty l is t ic v i e w h a s b e c o m e m o r e a n d m o r e p r o n o u n c e d (c f. P .
B r o w n , P . V e y n e , G . D u r a n d , Μ . M a f f e s o li ) . 2
I t a l lows us to account for
t h e p a s s a g e f r o m t h e
polis to the thiase,
o r f rom th e po l i t i c a l o r de r t o t he
r e a l m o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . W h e r e a s t h e f o r m e r f a v o u r s i n d i v i d u a l s a n d
r a t i o n a l , c o n t r a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , t h e l a t t e r p l a c e s t h e e m p h a s i s o n t h e
a f fec t ive , f e e l i ng d im en s io n . O n th e o n e han d is t he soc i a l , w i th it s ow n
consis tency, a s t ra tegy and a f ina l i ty , and on the o ther a mass in which
a g g r e g a t i o n s o f e v e r y o r d e r a r e c r y s t a l l i z e d - h a p h a z a r d , e p h e m e r a l a n d
h a z i ly d r a w n . T h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e s o c ia l a n d i ts t h e o r e t i c a l a c k n o w l
e d g e m e n t w e r e n o t e a s i l y w o n . T h e s a m e a p p l i e s t o d a y f o r t h a t v a g u e
concep t w e ca l l
sociality.
T h i s e x p l a i n s t h e a p p r o x i m a t e , p a r t i a l , a n d
s o m e t i m e s c h a o t i c n a t u r e o f a n y a p p r o a c h t o t h e q u e s t i o n , m i r r o r i n g t h e s e
u n c e r t a i n g r o u p i n g s . B u t o n c e a g a in s o m e t h i n g i m p o r t a n t i s a t s t a k e , a n d I
w ould be w i l l i ng to be t t ha t t he fu tu re o f t he d i sc ip l ine depends e s sen t i a l l y
on our ab i l i t y t o convey the f renz i ed ac t iv i t y unde r cons ide ra t i on .
I n m y o p i n i o n , t h e e n d l e s s p o i n t i n g t o t h e e x a m p l e s o f n a r c i s s i s m a n d
the evo lu t ion o f i nd iv idua l i sm, i n a number o f soc io log ica l o r j ou rna l i s t i c
a r t i c l e s , r ep re sen t s t h ink ing a t i t s mos t conven t iona l . They a re o f l i t t l e
m e r i t u n l e s s t o i l l u s t r a t e t h e p r o f o u n d u p h e a v a l o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n t h e r a n k s
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T R I B A L I S M
73
of intellectuals who have difficulty understanding anything of the society
which is thei r br ea d and but te r and w ho thus try to imp art a kind of
meaning in terms appropriate to the moral and/or political realm in which
they prosper. It is not my intention to fight a rearguard action; it is
sufficient to show, howe ver cut-a nd- dri ed it shou ld ap pe ar , that experienc
ing the
other
is th e basis of the com mu ni ty , ev en if it lea ds to conflict. Let
me be perfectly clear: I have no intention of adding to the moral mush so
trendy these days; rather, I would like to trace the outline of what could be
a logic of identificati on. T his identification is a certa in me ta ph or , on e tha t,
in the case of the ma ss , can function wit hout wha t is trad itional ly called
dialogue, exchange, or other stuff and nonsense. The identification of the
co mmu nit y can be com ple tely disind ividualizing by crea ting a diffuse union
that does not require one's full presence for the other (referring to the
political); it establishes rather a relationship in the emptiness - what I
would call a tactile relationship. With in the mas s, on e runs acro ss, bum ps
into and brus hes against ot he rs ; inte ract ion is esta blis hed , crystallizations
and groups form.
We can co mp ar e this to Walt er Benjam in's c omm en ts on Fouri er's
harmonious new world, a 'world in which morality no longer has any role',
a world in which 'passions are engaged and become mechanized in their
wor ki ngs ', a world in whic h, to use Fou rie r's own word s, undefined and
undifferentiated combinations and associations reign.
3
And yet, these
tactile relationships, through successive sedimentations, create a special
am bi ence - what I hav e called a
diffuse union.
I would like to suggest an
image to help us in our reflections: at its beginnings, the Christian world
was a nebula of entities scattered throughout the Roman Empire. This
proliferation secreted that lovely theory of the 'communion of the saints'.
This link was at once firm and flexible, but for all that, it ensured the
solidity of the ecclesiastical bo dy . It is this gr ou p effervescence and its
precise ethos which was to give rise to the civilization of today. It is
possible to imagine that we are face to face today with a sort of 'communion
of the saints'. Electronic mail, sexual networks, various solidarities including
sporting and musical gatherings are so many signs of an ethos in gestation.
Such tr en ds are the fram ework of this new spirit of the times which we call
sociality.
Let us first specify that the phenomenological and comprehensive
trad ition has look ed at this que sti on in deta il. I think par ticular ly of Alfred
Schutz who, in a number of his analyses, and especially in his article
entitled 'Making music together', made a study of 'syntony'
mutual tuning
in relationship) accord ing to which individuals in interac tion are epiphanized
in a
vivid
presence.*
Of co ur se , at the root of this we find the face-to-face
relationship; however, by a process of association, the whole of social
existence is involved in this form of empathy.
4
Moreover, whether by
contact, by perception or by look, the senses are always implicated in a
* Transl. note:
The p h ras es in italic appear in Engl ish in the text.
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74
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
syntonic relationship. As we shall later see, this sensitivity forms the
substrate of the acknowledgement and the experience of the other. We
may note here and now that from this sensitivity springs the 'meeting of
mi nd s' , which is jus t ano th er way of saying compreh ensio n in its stronge st
sense. Although it should be the height of banality to say so, there is no
harm in repeating that the originality of the sociological procedure lies in
the fact that it is based on the materiality of the being -toge ther.
God (and theology), the Mind (and philosophy), the individual (and
eco nom ics ) step aside for this reg rou pin g. Ma n is nev er con sidere d in
isolation. And even when we grant, as I would tend to do, the prevalence
of the imagination, it should not be forgotten that it derives from a social
bo dy and in re tu rn r emate ria liz es ther e. It is no t a case of self-sufficiency as
such, but rather of constant retroaction. All mental processes arise from a
rel ati ons hip and its proc ess of action and retroact ion : the ent ire c om
mun ica tive or symbolist logic is fou nded t he re up on . This is wha t S pan n
calls the 'idea of matching'
(Gezweiung).
Thi s coup le effect can be
obse rve d be twe en par en ts and offspring, the ma st er and his disciples, the
artist and his admirers. 5 It is of cou rse unde rs tood tha t this cou ple effect
tra nsc end s the ele me nts of which it is co mpos ed ; this tra nsc end enc e was a
characteristic of the sociological perspective at its beginnings, only to be
clou ded by the medieva l comm unit y. How ev er, as the triu mph ant bou r
geois order claimed individualism as a principal vector, this community
model became increasingly left behind or served, α contrario only to justify
the progressive and liberating aspects of modernity. It remains true
nev erth eles s, that the corpora tist and solidarist myths were presen t - for
instance the statue of the Commander* - at the origins of these proceed
ings. Even Comte, the most positivist of sociologists, reformulates them in
his religion of humanity. We are only too aware of his influence on
Dü rk he im an d Fren ch sociology; but what is less well known is that ,
through the work of W.G. Sumner, the solidarist myth struck a chord in
American thought . 6
Without labouring the point, we can demonstrate that solidarity or the
religion of humanity can serve as the backcloth to the group phenomena
we are witnessing today, especially in so far as the logic of identity is
concerned. This latter phenomenon has served as the mainspring for the
economic, political and social order which has reigned for over two
cen tur ies . But alt hou gh it con tinues to function, its ste amr olle r effect no
longer has the same impact it once did. Thus, in order to seize the shared
sentiments and experiences at wor k in the vario us social situa tions a nd
attitudes of today, it is a good idea to take a different tack: the aesthetic
angle seems to me to be the least bad. By aesthetics, I mean the
etymological sense of the word, as the common faculty of feeling, of
experie ncing. Desp ite his rationalis m, Ad or no rema rk ed that aesthetics
could allow us to 'assist the non-identical in its struggle against the
Transl. note:
A char acter in Moliere ' s
Don
Juan.
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T R I B A L I S M
75
aggressive identification compulsion that rules the outside world'.
7
There is
no better way to sum up the efflorescence and effervescence of neo-
tribalism which, in various forms, refuses to identify with any political
pro jec t wha ts oe ve r, to subs crib e to any sort of finality, and who se sole
raison d'etre is a pr eocc upat io n with th e collective pr es en t. All on e has to
do is to refer to the researc h and mon og ra ph s com ple ted on youth grou ps,
affinity associations, small-scale industrial enterprises, in order to be
convin ced. It only rem ain s to cond uct studies on telec ommu nica tion s
networks to confirm the prospective aspects of syntonic relationships.
The many lamentations of politicians, church officials and journalists
over growing disindividualization are a clue to the 'supra-singular' or
'supra-individual' realities. Without being in any way normative, it is
necessary to be able to weed out the consequences of this. Based on
psychological experiments conducted in the sixties, Watzlawick spoke of
the 'ardent and unquenchable desire to be in agreement with the group'.
At present, it is no longer a question of desire, but rather an ambience in
which we ba th e. Wha t was onc e Californian ex per ime nta tio n is now th e
ordinary reality of everyday life. Desire used to be understood in terms of a
subjec t's des ire: this is no longer th e case, how eve r. Th e concern for
conformity is a consequence of massification and within this, in an
incidental and haphazard way, the groupings occur. I spoke earlier of the
'ma ter ial ity ' of th e bei ng- tog eth er; th e oscillating mass -tri be is its illus
tra tio n. It is poss ible to ima gi ne , ins tea d of a sub jec t-a cto r, be ing con
fronted with interlocking objects; like a nest of Russ ian dol ls, th e large
object-mass conceals smaller object-groups which are diffracted to infinity.
In developing his ethic of sympathy, Scheler was careful to point out that
it is neither essentially nor exclusively social. It would be an all-
encompassing form, a matrix in a way. I in turn will form such a
hypo thes is. Like the pe nd ul um of hu ma n history, this form has now swung
bac k from the mar gin s to th e foref ront . It favou rs th e em ot iona l function
and the subsequent mechanisms of identification and participation. What
he term s the 'the or y of fellow-feeling as identific ation' explai ns th e
conditions of identification: those moments of ecstasy which may be
haphazard but which also may characterize the climate of an era. 8 This
theo ry of iden tifica tion an d the ecsta tic flight from th e self is in perfect
harmony with the evolution of the image and the spectacle (from the
spectacle as such to political displays) and of course with that of sporting
crowds, tour groups or quite simply passers-by. All of these instances go
beyond the
principium individuationis
which use d to be the touc hs tone of
any social organization and theory.
Is it necessary to establish, as Scheler proposes, a gradation between
affective 'identification', 'vica rious em ot ion' and 'fellow-feeling'? Far be tte r,
in my op in ion, if only for heu risti c pu rp os es , to ta ke not e of an 'affectual'
nebula, with an orgiastic or, as I have already analysed, dionysiac
tendency. Orgiastic explosions, cults of possession and situations of
identification have always existed; but sometimes they become endemic
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76
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
and pre-eminent in the
conscience collective.
On wha tev er issue, we are
stirred in unison. Halbwachs addresses this by speaking of 'collective
interferences ' . 9
That which we think of as a personal opinion belongs in
fact to the group of which we are a member. Thus can be explained the rise
of these doxa which are the mark of con for mity, an d which can be found
in every group, even the one claiming to be the most detached: the
intellectuals.
This 'affectual' nebula leads us to understand the precise form which
sociality takes today: the wandering mass-tribes. Indeed, in contrast to the
1970s - with its stre ngth s such as the Californian count erc ult ure and the
European student communes - it is less a question of belonging to a gang, a
family or a community than of switching from one group to another. This
can give the impression of atomization or wrongly give rise to talk of
narcissism. In fact, in contrast to the stability induced by classical tribalism,
neo-tribalism is charact erized by fluidity, occasional gatherings and dispersal.
Thus we can describe the street scene of modern megalopolises: the
amateurs of jogging, punk or retro fashions, preppies and street per
formers invite us on a travelling road show. Through successive sedimen
tat ion , the aest heti c amb ience men tio ne d earlier is constit ute d. It is within
such an ambience that we can occasionally see 'instantaneous condensa
tions' (Hocquenghem-Scherer), which are fragile but for that very instant
the object of significant emot ion al inves tme nt. It is this sequ enti al aspect
that allows me to talk of the surpassing of the principle of individuation.
Let us evoke an ima ge: in describi ng the be aut y of the Ame ric an highway
and its traffic, Baudrillard reports on this strange ritual and the 'regularity
of the se flux(es) [which] put an en d to indiv idual des tin ies '. For him, 't he
only true society, the only war mt h pr ese nt, is that of a pro pul sion, a
collective compulsion' .
1 0
This image can provide food for thought. In an
almost animal way, we can feel a puissance which tran scen ds individual
trajectories or rather which situates them as part of a vast ballet. These
figures, as stoc has tic as they may be , in the end form n o less a cons tell ation
whose various elements fit together in a system in which neither will nor
consciousness play a part. This is the arabesque of sociality.
A characteristic of the social: the individual coul d have a function in
society, functioning in a party, an association, or a stable group.
A characteristic of sociality: the perso n (persona) plays roles, both within
his or her professional activities as well as within the various tribes in which
the person participates. The costume changes as the person, according to
personal tastes (sexual, cultural, religious, friendship), takes his or her
place each day in the various games of the theatrum mundi.
It is impossi ble to ove rsta te the case: the dra ma tic authentic ity of the
social is an swered by the tragic superficiality of sociality . I have alr eady
shown with regard to everyday life how there may be hidden depths to be
plumbed beyond the surface layer of things. Thus may be explained the
importance of appearances. I will not cover this as such in these pages,
exce pt to indic ate that it is a vect or of agg regatio n. In the abo ve -me nti oned
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T R I B A L I S M
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sense, aesthetics is a way of feeling in common. It is also a means of
recognizing ourselves. Parva esthetical Be that as it ma y, the hod ge -po dge
of clothing, multi-hued hairstyles and other punk manifestations act as a
glue; theatricality founds and reconfirms the community. The cult of the
body and other games of appearance have value only inasmuch as they are
par t of a larger stage in which eve ryone is bot h actor and spect ato r. To
paraphrase Simmel and his sociology of the senses, it is a question of a
stage 'c om mo n to us all'. Th e emphas is is less on that which distinguis hes
tha n on the overall eff ect . 1 1
Th e nat ur e of specta cle is to ac ce nt ua te , eit her directly or by eu ph em
ism, the sen sat ion al, tactile dim ens ion of social exis tenc e. Bei ng- together
allows us to touch: 'The majority of the people's pleasures are found in
the pleasures of the crowd or the group' (A. Ehrenberg). We cannot
comprehend this strange compulsion to group together without keeping at
the forefront of ou r minds this ant hropolo gica l const ant . I will ret urn to the
dichotomy presented by Worringer between abstraction and Einfühlung:
there are moments in time that are abstract, theoretical or purely rational,
and ot he rs in which cul tur e, in its br oa de st se nse , is constru cted from
participation and 'tactileness'. The return of image and sensation in our
societies is un do ub te dl y l inked to a logic of touch .
Under this heading too must certainly be placed the resurgence, albeit
in a com mer cia liz ed ma nn er , of popu la r festivals, carnivals and oth er
effervescent mo me nt s. In a ha ppy turn of ph ras e which is wor th not ing ,
Roberto Da Matta remarked that, at these moments, 'men are trans
formed and invent what we call the people or the mass'. 1 2
Invention must
be understood here in its most literal sense: to contrive, to find (in-venire)
that which exists. Th e paroxysm of the carniva l, its exacerbated theatricality
and tactileness clearly highlight the mechanism under review: the ground-
swell of the crowd and, at its heart, the small nodal points that form, act
and interact upon each other. The spectacle, in various forms, assumes the
function of communion. Circus and circle have the same etymological
roots; metaphorically speaking, one can argue that they act as a reciprocal
reinforcement of one another. For what characterizes our era more than
anythin g is the supple inte rse ction of a multip licity of circles whose
articulation takes the shape of sociality.
It is this theatricality, of the circus and the circle - the concatenation of
circles - that cha rac teri zes an ot he r aspect of sociality, namel y, religiosity.
This term should be seen in the most elemental light, that of reliance (Bolle
de Bai), and with reference to its etymological origins: religare - to bind
toget her . I have no wish to place my sociological reverie s in compe titi on
with the specialists. A s I do not ma ke a distinction be twe en t he religious as
such and the 'religious by analogy' (J. Seguy), I shall use this term to
describe the organic relationship in which we can see the interaction of
nature, society, groups and the mass. 1 3 To use a previously evoked image,
we are witness to a neb ula th at , like any (radio act ive ?) nebu losi ty, drifting
in and out , is pe rh ap s always pr es en t, but with varyin g effect, in the
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78
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
collective imag ina tion. It is imposs ible to de ny , howe ve r, tha t its effect
these days is certain.
In order to be a little more precise, let me say that this religiosity can
go hand in hand with de-Christianization or any other form of de
institutionalization. Sociality points to the cause as one of saturation of
great systems and other macro-structures. But the fact of fleeing, or at the
very least ignoring, institutions in no way means the end of the religare. It
can be vested elsewhere. This question is topical and sociologists, such as
Yves Lambert and Danielle Hervieu-Leger, continue to work away at it. 1 4
I would also add that this religiosity can accompany technological develop
ment, or even be reinforced by it (e.g. the microphone, the 'Minitel ').*
Whatever the case, to get back to the main line of argument of these
pa ge s, I wou ld say tha t the re is a link be twe en t he emot ion al and
religiosity; Weber devotes a paragraph in Economy and Society to the
'emotional community' and the 'congregational religiosity'. Among the
characteristics he attributes to them are 'neighbourhood' and especially the
plurality and instability of their expressions. 1 5 Would it be taking too many
liberties with interpretation to relate this to proximity, the tactile and the
ephemeral which drive our contemporary tribes? Regarding the new role
of tod ay 's Christi anit y, it has been poss ible to spe ak of 'affinity par ishes'
( D .
Her vie u-L ege r). I would relate this to what I have term ed 'elective
sociality'. This is a paradigm which, as such, serves as a methodological
tool. We can no longer do without the forms of fellow-feeling which, aside
from the causal relationship, give a more complete vision of an increasingly
complex world.
In fact, the symbolic relationship I have deliberately sketched out lies
within a vitalist framework not far removed from Schopenhauer's will to
live or Bergson's elan vital. Similar ly, sociality and the triba lism it gives rise
to are essentially tragic: the themes of appearance, the affective and the
orgiastic all lead to the finite and precarious; but, as L-V Thomas has
clearly pointed out, all death rites prepare for 'the passage back to life'.
1 6
This is the key to sociality which allows us to see a sign of the future in that
which is an endi ng. Th e disillusionme nt with respect to ever ythi ng that w as
meaningful in the bourgeois order should not mask the especially hardy
forms which are emerging. Through one's own death, the individual
permits the perdurability of the species. I will refer to the passage taken
from
The Memoirs of Hadrian:
I bel ie ve it cou ld be poss ib l e to share the ex is t enc e of ever yo ne , and this
s y m p a t h y wo ul d be one of the leas t rev oca ble typ es of immo rtal i ty . (M argu er it e
Y o u r c e n a r , Les Memoires d'Hadrian,
P a r i s ,
Gal l im ard , 1951)
Similarly, in going beyond the category of individualism, sociality permits
us to be aware of (and to be present at the birth of) its emerging forms.
Transl. note:
the French system of ho me min i-com puter s which hook into the nation' s
phone system and provide a huge variety of services from the home.
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T R I B A L I S M
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2 .
The 'un dire cted ' being-together
Briefly, it is wo rt h re me mb er in g, in or de r to serve as the basis of what
might be deemed the socio-anthropological structure of tribalism, that
social life can be determined only in relation to the group, whether directly
or
α contrario.
Self-evident as this migh t ap pe ar , it be ars rep ea tin g. So me
have even claimed that medieval society as an organic organizational
system constituted the model of 'sociological Utopia'. Th us , considering
just a few exa mp le s, we can show how this society formed a ba ckgr ound to
De Tocqueville's analysis of American democracy. Le Play also uses it to
develop his concept of 'founding families'; the same can be said of Tönnies'
'community ' or Durkheim's ' intermediate associat ions ' . 1 7
It seems to me
that, beyond its comparative uses, this medievalist nostalgia can serve to
remi nd us tha t, as op po sed to mecha nical or individualist perspe ctives ,
which are the legacy of nineteenth-century positivism, the
organic
perspec
tive cannot be totally discarded.
It has been said that Karl Marx was fascinated by the only revolution
that, to his mind, had succeeded: the bourgeois revolution of 1789; his
work, based on essentially bourgeois categories, shows the effects of this.
It is pe rh ap s even possib le to ma ke a similar claim for Dü rk he im with
resp ect to med ievalis m: tha t is, while rem ain ing a de fen de r of the prima cy
of the role of reason and the individual in society, he cannot help but note,
de facto
the importance of sentiment and community. I believe that the
distinction Dürkheim makes between 'mechanical solidarity' and 'organic
soli dari ty', an d especially his appli cation of the se conc ept s, is no longer
highly pe rti ne nt . R at he r, it is im po rt an t to unde rli ne that he was truly
obsessed by the reality represented by solidarity. 1 8 Th is is no trifling
ma tte r; inde ed, altho ugh it has not bee n adeq uate ly analysed by those who
hark back to the founder of the French School of Sociology, it is certain
that the problem of the pre-rational and pre-individualist consensus is for
him a basis on which society can and will be built. From this stems the
importance he lends to the conscience collective or to specific mo me nt s
(festivals, common acts) by which a given society will reinforce 'the feeling
it has of i tself . Nis be t rightly insists on this , since we to o often forget tha t
this perspective of the
communitas
surp asse s the utilitar ian and functional
ist aspect prevailing in the surrounding economic order.
Mo reo ve r, it is interest ing to no te that Halb wach s uses this perspective
to analyse the perm an en ce of the gro up , which is som ethi ng othe r t han
'an assemblage of individuals'. His comments about those educated at
the 'E co le ' (the Ecole No rm al e Supe rie ure , rue d' Ul m, of course ) could
just as easily apply to a study of Mafia figures. A community of ideas;
impersonal preoccupations; a stability of the structure which goes beyond
particularities and individuals: these are the essential characteristics of the
group which are above all based on shared feeling. This analysis contains
within it a so me wh at mystical logic of dep ers ona liz ati on . The 'imp erso nal
substance of lasting groups' 1 9 with its strong erotic and passionate
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T H E
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THE TRIBE S
connotations fits in well with the holistic perspective that is a feature of the
organic commu nit y; everything contribute s to its main ten anc e - dissension
and dysfunctions included. We need only observe the organization of
primary groups (family, friendship, religious, political, etc.) in order to be
convinced of the pertinence of such a dynamic.
This surpas sing or relativizing of individualis m is to be found in Ge rm an
sociology (in Tönnies, of course, but also in Weber or Mannheim). It is
also obvious in Simmel, who, especially with respect to secret societies,
demonstrated both the affective and feeling dimension of social relation
ships, as well as its flowering within small contemporary groups. This may
indeed be a highly interesting cultural fact in the comprehension of the
communications future of our societies. The analysis of basic structures or
social micro-groups allows us in effect to downplay the role of the
indiv idual, which has increased marke dly in influence since the Renais sance -
just like the frog in the fable who tries to minimize the fact that he plays a
minor role, rather than a leading part, in the events around him. Indeed, to
par aph ras e Plat o answering Prota gora s: why is the individual the mea sur e
of all things, rather than the pig on which he has feasted? In fact, the logic
of communication and the interaction that are especially visible within
groups tend to favour the whole, the architectonic and its resultant
complementarity. This is how we come to speak of a collective soul, a
founding matrix that encompasses and embodies everyday life in its
entirety.
Without being afraid of the simplicity of these remarks, or their
repetitive nature, we can perhaps talk of a natural sociality, preci sely by
drawing atten tion to the paradoxical aspect of the expression. Ind eed ,
desp it e the fact tha t it may ta ke on the form of aggression or conflict, th er e
is a propen sit y to form a grou p - wha t Par e to called the comb inin g instinct,
or the 'internal instinct', which, according to Locke, is at the heart of every
society. Without commenting on the content of this inclination, we may
consider that communication, both verbal and non-verbal, constitutes a
vast web connecting individuals. Of course, the prevalence of a rationalist
perspective used to mean that only verbalization was accorded the status of
a social connection. That being the case, it was easy to recognize that many
'silen t' situa tions we re not included in this link. This is certainly o ne of t he
reasons advanced by the individualist ideology inherited from the Enlighten
ment and completely foreign to the popular way of life, the festive and
daily customs and the habitus which lie at the dee pes t heart of ever yda y
life, with out necessarily eve r being verb alize d. Co nt em po ra ry analy ses of
body language, of the significance of noise and music and of proxemics, are
closely related both to the mystic, poetic and Utopian perspectives of
correspondence and architectonics, as well as to the reflections of theoretical
physics on the infinitesimal. 2 0 Wh at is ther e to say, but that reality is
noth ing oth er than a vast orde ring of ho mog en eou s and h ete rog ene ous
elements, of the continuous and the discontinuous. There was a time when
we pointed out the distinctive features within a given whole - that which
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could be separated and particularized - whereas we are beginning to
realiz e tha t it is be tt er to con sider the sync hrony a nd the synergy of the
forces at work within social life. Consequently, we find that the individual
can not be isolated, but rath er he or she is tied , by cult ure, com mun ica tion ,
leisure or fashion, to a community which perhaps no longer possesses the
same qualities as during the Middle Ages, but has nonetheless the same
form, a form which must be closely examined. Taking Simmel as my
inspira tion, I hav e pro po sed describing the form as the 'thr ead of
reci proc ity' t ha t is wov en t hr ou gh ind ividu als. It is a kind of th re ad in
which the intersection of actions, situations and affects forms a whole,
hence the metaphor: dynamic in terms of the weaving; static in its social
fabric. Thus, just as the artistic form is cr ea te d from th e var iety of real or
fantastic phenomena, the societal form could also be a specific creation
based on the minuscule facts that make up everyday life. This process
thus treats the common life as a pure form, of value in and of
itself.
This irrepressible and infrangible 'impulse to sociality' (Gesselligkeit)
follows, according to the moment, either the royal route of politics and
the historic event or the underground path of the equally intense ordinary
life.
In this perspective, life can be seen as a collective work of art. Whether it
is a work of bad taste, kitsch or folklore, or even one of the various
manifes tations of co nte mp ora ry mass ent ert ain men t,* all this may seem
futile and devo id of me an in g. An d yet, while it is un de ni ab le tha t th er e
exists a 'poli tical ' socie ty, an 'e cono mi c' society, the re is on e unqualified
reali ty, an d that is the social existen ce as such which I pr op os e calling
sociality and which may be 'the play-form of socialization'. 2 1
In the
framework of the aesthetic paradigm so dear to me, the play aspect is not
bot her ed by finality, u tilit y, practi cal ity , or what we might call 're ali tie s',
but rather it is what stylizes existence and brings out its essential
characteristic. Thus, I believe that the being-together is a basi c give n.
Before any ot he r de ter min ati on or qualification, the re is this vital spontaneity
that guarantees a culture its ow n puissance an d solidity. La te r on , this
spontaneity can become artificial, that is,
civilizing,
producing rema rkab le
(political, economic, artistic) works. However, it remains necessary, if only
to appreciate better the new orientations (or reorientations), to come back
to the pure form of the 'und irec ted be ing- tog ethe r'. I nd ee d, this can serve
as the back gro un d, re vealing the new lifestyles re-em ergin g before our
very eyes. We are dealing with a new set of rules concerning the sexual
market, the relationship to work, the sharing of ideas, leisure time, and the
solidarity of basic groupings. In order to understand all of this, we need to
appl y the methodolo gic al tool which is th e organi c per spe ctiv e of the
group.
Transl. note: 'mass ent erta inm ent ' in Engl ish in the text.
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T H E
T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
3 .
The 'religious model '
In describing the Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, Dü rkh ei m was
not trying to make an exhaustive analysis of the religion of Australian
tribes; his ambition was to understand the social context. The same can be
said of We be r: his Pro tes tan t ethic is op en to nume rous criticisms by the
sociology or history of religion stricto sensu, but this was cert ainly not his
subject. And what to say of Freud's Totem and Taboo In each of these
cas es, with different aim s, the write r is at te mp ting to up da te a logic of
'social attraction' . 2 2
It is in this pe rsp ect ive that I me nt ion the re ligious
mo de l. It is a perfectly m etap hor ica l per spe ctiv e, since it is tru e tha t,
beyond all specializations, and without wishing in any way to invalidate
them, it is important to use religious images in order to seize
in nuce
the
forms of social aggregation. This transversal or comparative view recog
nizes tha t it is from a collectively exper ienced i magi nation that hu ma n
history is ina ugura ted . Des pit e the caut ion we must exercise whe n deal ing
with etymology, religion (religare) - reliance - is a useful way of und er
standing social ties. Although it may annoy the purists, I still support
Berger and Luckmann's proposition: ' the sociological understanding of
"reality" falls so me wh er e in the middle be twee n that of the ma n in the
street and that of the philosopher'.
2 3
In addition, when one considers the
significant c aesuras in the history of atti tude s, it is easy to not ice tha t the
effe rvescence which is the ir cause and effect is very often ta ke n over by
small religious groups living as a whole, living and acting from a point of
view of totality. The political/ideal separation no longer makes any sense.
Lifestyles are experienced for their own sake, like that 'most extreme
concrete', according to Benjamin's expression, where the ordinary and
Utopia coexist on a day-to-day basis, along with need and desire, with
drawal into the 'family' and turning outwards towards the infinite. It has
been said that the dionysiac 'thiases' of the late Hellenistic period or the
small sects of early Christianity formed the basis of the social structures
that were to follow. Perhaps one can make a similar case for the
multiplication of affective-religious groupings which characterize our own
era. The use of the religious metaphor can then be compared to a laser
beam allowing the most complete reading of the very heart of a given
structure.
All those interested in the cult of Dionysus have underlined his late
arrival to the Gre ek pan th eo n, and his stra nge ness in many respect s. As far
as we are concerned, and while emphasizing his emblematic aspect, he
can be considered the paradigm of the founding otherness: at the same
time signalling the end and heralding a beginning. In this respect, it is
interesting to note that these 'thiases', which are religious groups devoted
to the cult of this str ang e and foreign divini ty, have a doub le func tion .
Thus, as opposed to traditional political cleavages, the thiases cut on the
diagonal, rejecting social, racial and sexual discrimination, before becom
ing part of the religion of the city-state. 2 4 On the one hand, they coalesce,
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T R I B A L I S M
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constituting new aggregations, new primary groups and, on the other, they
revitalize th e new society. This doub le a tti tud e is the core of any
foun datio n. It is a pro ced ure rep eat ed regula rly, especially each time th at
one can observe the saturation of an ideology or more precisely a specific
episteme.
Renan shows clearly how at first it was small groups that gave birth to
what was later to become Christianity: 'only the small sects are able to
found something'. He compares them to 'small freemasonries', and their
effectiveness is primar ily based on the fact that the proximity of thei r
members creates profound bonds, which gives rise to a genuine synergy
between the convictions held by one another.
2 5 Isolated or lost in a too-
vast structure, which amounts to much the same thing, an individual and
his ideal in the end carry little weight; but when tightly interwoven, their
effectiveness is multi plied m an y times ove r by the other me mb er s of the
'fr eem aso nry '. Mo re ov er , this is wha t com pel s us to say that ideas have
their own richness, which, generally speaking, the positivism of the
ni ne tee nt h cent ury in its vari ous guises (Ma rxi sm, functionalism) called
into serious dou bt . It is tru e that the ec onom ic logic which prevaile d duri ng
the modern era and which favoured both the political project and the
atomization of the individual was incapable of integrating the dimension of
a collective imagination. At the very most, it was able to conceive of this
dimens ion as a spiritual sup ple men t, a privat e and superfluous 'ext ra',
leading, without any opposition, to the familiar 'disenchantment with the
world' (Entzauberung) which partic ularly prevailed in social the ory ,
obscuring the mythical (utopian) weight of the workers' movement.
The small group, however, tends to restore, structurally, the symbolic
power . St ep by st ep , on e can see a mystical netwo rk b eing built, carefully
yet solidly connected, leading one to speak of a cultural resurgence in
social life. This is the lesson taught by these eras of the masses - eras based
mainly on the concatenation of groups with splintered but exacting
intention alities. I pro pos e calling this the re-e nch ant men t with the world.
The sociologist Ernst Troeltsch has shown with great finesse the
distinction between the 'sect type' and the 'church type'. By extending this
typology still furt her, and per ha ps by emphas izin g its clear-cut na tu re , on e
can say that, just as there are eras characterized by the 'church type', there
also exist eras specifically known as being of the 'sect type'. In the latter
case, their founding aspect will be highlighted, since what characterizes this
aspec t is, on the one han d, the const antly r enew ed force of the be ing-
together, and, on the other, the relativization of the future - the greater
weight being granted to the present in the temporal triad. This is not
without or gani zati onal cons eque nc es: t hus, the sect is abo ve all a local
community which lives as such, and which has no need of a visible
institu tional org ani zat ion . It is enough for this commu ni ty t o feel it is an
active participant in the invisible communion of believers, referring to a
mystical idea of the 'co mm un io n of the saint s'. It is thus a small g roup
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T H E T I M E
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TRIBES
operating on the basis of proximity and which is only a hazy part of a
greater whole.
An ot he r aspect of the 'sect type ' is the relativization of bur eau cra cy .
There may well be charismatic leaders and various gurus on the scene;
however, the fact that their powers are not based on rational competence
(theological kno wled ge) or on a sacerdo tal traditi on, rend ers them fragile
and does not favour their longevity. This is perhaps why it is said that
'eve ryth ing, in the sect, is ever ybod y's aff air ' . 2 6 It is per ha ps difficult to
speak in this context of a democratic attitude; in fact, this is a hierarchical
and org ani c sys tem , in which every single per son is ma de ind ispe nsab le to
the life of the gr ou p. Wh at is mo re , it is this reversibility that guar ant ee s
the constant dynamism of the whole. The structures created by the
mechanism of delegation which they then reinforce tend to favour a
nonchalant attitude among their members. On the other hand, the 'sect
type' makes each and every one of us responsible for one another, thus
inevitably giving rise to conformity and conformism. The present, proximity,
the feeling of being part of a group, responsibility - so many essential
chara cteris tics ar e at wor k in the group-se ct. It is thes e charac teristics that
allow the groups und er considera tion to be constit uted as a 'ma ss' . In de ed ,
the impe rialis m of the institution cann ot be un de rs tood wit hou t a rigid
structure, oriented towards longevity and directed by a solidly established
po we r. If, on th e ot he r han d, localism prevail s, it is entirely possible to
accommodate other entities operating on the same principles. Thus we can
explain the image of federalism or at least of cohabitation that the network
structure generally provides.
Fu rt he rm or e, it is inter esting to no te the popu lar basis of the 'sect typ e' .
Thi s is on e obs erv ati on on which eve ryo ne who has analy sed this
phenomenon can agree, from late Antiquity to our own day. It is especially
evident when we look at the Christian sects during their first four centuries
of ex is ten ce . It is well kn ow n tha t, at first, Chri stia nity attr ac ted the p oo r
and slaves. Moreover, in his efforts to suppress Christianity, Julian the
Apostate thought he was dealing with uneducated groups, unsupported by
any of the elites whom he considered to be the philosophers. The same
hold s tr ue for the medie val sects: it wou ld seem to be a con sta nt. In de ed ,
we can say tha t the sectarian st ruc tur e is op po se d, or at least indifferent , to
the clergy and the governing classes in general, 2 7 and this according to the
previously mentioned ideology of proximity. We can find in the con
formism and the reticence towards the overarching power the overall
perspective of the anarchists' logic: order without the state.
Thus we can develop Troeltsch's proposition concerning a sectarian ideal
type. It allows the social form of the network to be accentuated: an
unorganized yet solid whole, invisible, yet forming the backbone of any
entity. We know that, in general, historiography has reacted with supreme
indifference to the goldfish bowl which is eve ryda y history , to conce nt rat e
on just a few emerging crystallizations (men or events). The same can be
said of the social sciences (political science, economics, sociology): they all
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igno re tha t which is un or ga ni ze d, or wors e still, den y its imp or ta nc e. Th e
'sect ty pe ', be cau se of its po pu la r dime ns ion, unde rli nes the existence of a
mass Christianity that can be seen as a sort of wellspring, irrigating the
roots of the particular institutions which may be represented by churches,
sects or designated movements. 2 8 The resurgence of basic communities or
affinity groups within contemporary churches shows just how far this spring
is from b ein g ex ha us te d. T he re a re times when it is not well care d for:
when we misuse it by laying waste to it. At other, more 'ecological' times
we realize how much we owe it, especially that solid bond formed by
sharing and helping one another in disinterested solidarity. This permits
the per dur abi lity o ver a long per iod of sociality. Th e small gr ou p offers the
finished mo de l of such an arch itec tonic st ruct ur e - in it we find in
miniature, and outside of all theoretical systematism, the realization of the
above-mentioned characteristics.
The guilds, whose roots are as we know to be found in the religious
brotherhoods, or those ancient parish subdivisions known as 'phratries',
are based on fraternal sharing. Their etymologies insist particularly on
conviviality, family solidarity - the small group that has its origins in the
far-off division into clans.
2 9 He re again, per hap s un de r different na mes ,
this basic structure, after having been forgotten, has a new currency or
form ; howe ve r, its form re mai ns essentially religious re-ligare).
That which has been called the 'sect type' can be seen as an alternative
to the purely rational governing of the institution. Regularly returning
to the fore, this alternative accentuates the role of feeling in social life,
which will aid the action of proximity and the welcoming aspect of that
which is nascent.
Tt is in this sense tha t the relig ious m odel is useful in descr ibing the
ph en om en on of ne tw or ks , which is not bo un d by any form of centrality ,
nor ev en , so me ti me s, rational ity. Co nt em po ra ry lifestyles - it is necessary
to stat e ove r and over - a re no longer stru ctu red ar ou nd a single pol e. In a
rather stochastic manner, they branch out from tremendously varied
occurrences, experiences and situations - all things that characterize
affinity groups. It all occurs as if the 'crazy love'* and the Objective chance'
of Surrealism, the encounter and the 'aimless drift' of the Situationists,
were progressively infiltrating the bloodstream of the social body. 3 0 The
tableau of life is no longer the work of a select few; it becomes a
mass process, given of course that the aesthetic to which this refers cannot
be summed up as a question of taste (good or bad aesthetic taste) or
of conte nt (t he aesthe tic obje ct) . It is the pur e aesthe tic form which
inte rest s us he re : the way in which the collective sense is exp erie nce d and
expressed.
Transl.
note: cf. A n d r e B r e t o n , VAmour fou, 1937.
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T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBES
4
Elective sociality
It is from t he idea an era ho lds of oth ern ess t hat it is possible to de te rm in e
the essential form of a given society. Thus, correlative to the existence of a
collective sense, we shall see the development of a logic of the network,
that is to say, that these processes of attraction and repulsion will be a
matter of choice. We are currently witness to the development of what I
shall call an elective sociality. This mec ha nis m has certainly always exist ed,
bu t, as far as moder nit y is con cer ned for exa mple , it was te mp er ed by t he
political corrective that brought compromise and long-term finality into the
pic tur e to supe rse de part icul ar interest s and localism. It is the them ati c of
everyday life and sociality (versus the political and social). On the other
hand, it highlights the fact that the essential problem of the social reality is
relationism, which can be translated in a more trivial way as the com
pa nio ns hip of individuals and gro ups . It is of cour se a given that the bond
itself is mo re im port an t than the elem ent s which are joi ned t oge the r. It is
less a case of the goal to be reached than the fact of being-together which
will prevail; in a Simmelesque perspective: the für-mit-gegeneinander.
Th us one can see the necessity of what I have called a formist sociology ,
tha t is, a way of thinkin g that recor ds forms and existing configurations
without in any way criticizing or judging them. Such a phenomenology is
the aesthetic attitude responding to an aestheticizing of contemporary life.
This characterizes a stochasti c app roa ch wh ich, using exa mpl es taken from
various sources, is only a musical variation on the theme of Zusammen
sein.31
Ho we ve r, the re is no ne ed to be afraid of soun ding a familiar ch ord ,
of re mo un ti ng th e attac k from all sides, for it is very difficult to un de rs ta nd
a group phenomenon with analytical instruments especially developed
from a political per spe cti ve. This , mo re ov er , is the reason for a co mm on
enough blunder being committed these days: analysing the retreat from the
political and the loss of a social sense in terms of a resurgence of indi
vidualism. Let us rather continue our meanderings, highlighting especially the
affective or 'affectual' (Weber) aspect of these groups.
It is strik ing tha t sociality in its founding m om en t is par ticu larl y intimi st.
The same holds true when we try to tighten the bonds or remind ourselves
of what is co mm on to all. In this res pect , the meal is a true sacr am en t
'rendering visible an invisible grace', as the catechism tells us. In a more
mo de rn ma nn er of speaking, it is a symbolic techn ique par excellence.
From the eucharist to the political banquet table, by way of small titbits
between friends, the list of these anamnetical procedures which seal
alliances, sooth e enmiti es and res tor e strained friendships is a long one
ind eed . Th e meal is used he re as a me ta ph or for thos e place s cre ate d inside
cenacles during periods of effervescence. From the multiplication of
private cults to the tight fabric of cells which offered hospitality to the
leaders of the new Christian religion and the revolutionaries of modern
t i m e s ,
3 3
the new social aggregations, the birth of alternative values, occur
thanks to what can be called the logic of the network, that is, something
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T R I B A L I S M
87
that emphasizes affective warmth or at least shows how it is significant to
the social structure or objective.
Th e exist ence of such an affectual drive is un de ni ab le in the political
realm, as has been frequently noted. It may be interesting to point out in
passing that it also has its effects in the economic sphere. Celestin Bougie
analyses this in his essay on the caste system. In a similar perspective to the
one that has been applied to professional bodies and trade associations, he
show s how the cast e is simply the pa rox ysm al 'pe trified' form of the
medieval guild. We are aware of the role played by the one and the other in
the structure of Western or Hindu industry and economics. This role only
exists thanks to the existence of convivial, solidarity or legal self-help
practices and any other cultural and religious forms of expression. 3 3 The
ec onom ic or de r is thu s sus tain ed by that which is usually assigned to the
symbolic order. This example shows clearly how worldly society is a whole,
which we in vain cut up into slices; and within this whole the convivial
bein g-to geth er - festive or ordi nary - occupie s a consi derab le p lace.
It is left onl y to Dü rk he im in his wis dom to recogniz e the role of th e
affect. I have already shown this (cf. Ly
Ombre de Dionysos)
with respec t to
his analysis of the corroboree festivals in The Elementary Forms of the
Religious Life. It is mo re sur pri sing to see th e pla ce he acc ords it in The
Division of Labour in Society. Th us , in a ra th er vitalist spirit, he a ttri but es
to the group a 'source of life
sui generis.
Fro m it em an at es a heat that
inflames or rea nim ate s he art s, that open s the m up to sym path y.' On e
cannot be any more precise; and he predicts that Outpourings of feeling'
will also have their place in the 'associations of the future'. We can almost
rea d into this an analysis of co nt em po ra ry n et wo rks. What is certa in is
that this famous theory of intermediate associations, which is perhaps
Du rk he im 's grea test cont rib utio n, is totally inco mpre hens ible if we fail
to int eg rat e this affective dim ensio n. Mo re ov er , it is obv ious tha t the
em phasi s on the gr ou p is a dec ons tru cti on of the individualism which s eem s
to prevail in those who claim Durkheimian positivism as their inspiration.
This individualism exists, to be sure, allowing early sociology to explain the
inn er dynami cs of mode rn it y, b ut at the same tim e it is bal anc ed by its
opposite, or more precisely by the remanence of alternative elements.
Wh at is mo re , this par ado xic al tensi on is the best gu ar an te e of the tonicity
of a given society.
One must thus understand the vitalism which occurs again and again in
the work of Dürkheim. Is this a nostalgia for the community? Perhaps. In
any case, it underlines the fact that, mirroring the individual body, the
social bo dy is a comple x orga ni sm in whic h function and dysfunction fit
together as best they can. Hence his comparison between the division of
social labour and the division of physiological labour: 'it never appears
except in the midst of polycellular masses which are already endowed with
a cert ain cohe si on '. This is a mos t organic conc ept tha t doe s not hesita te to
base itself on an 'affinity of blood' and 'an attachment to the same soil'; 3 4
the call to spontaneity, to the impulsive forces which go beyond simple
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T H E T I M E
OF
THE TRIBE S
contractual rationality, thus places the emphasis on relationism, on the
linked series of attractions and repulsions and basic elements of any social
entity. It has been possible to analyse the erotic constructions of the divine
Marquis de Sade as so many chemical compounds prevailing over each of
their elements. This paroxysmal metaphor may be useful for our investiga
tions: eros or passion favours the grouping of elements, according to the
'valency' inherent in each of these. There may be saturation; we then
witness the emergence of another compound. Thus, within the orbit of
spontaneous vitalism, we can see at work the conjunction and/or the
para dox ical ten sion of the static - the comm un ity , space - a nd the dynam ic
the birth and death of groups forming the community and living in this
spa ce. The old de ba te on stru ctu re and Histo ry is now being repl aced by
the debate on chance and the necessity of everyday histories.
Society thus understood cannot be summarized by any old rational
me ch an is m; it is exp eri enc ed and org ani zed , in the stronges t sense of the
term, through encounters, situations, experiences within various groups to
which each individual belongs. These groups cross each others' paths and
constit ute both an undif feren tiated mass and highly diversified pol aritie s.
Remaining in the vitalist framework, we can speak of a protoplasmic
reality issuing from the close conjunction between the nourishing sub
stance and the cell's nucleus. These images have the advantage of
highlighting both the importance of the affect (attraction-repulsion) in
social life, as well as showing that it is 'non-conscious', or to sound like
Pa re to , 'non- logi cal'. It is necessa ry to insist on such an organicity , for tha t
is wha t conditi ons man y of the attitu des dee me d irra tiona l which we see
around us today. And without being able to define it exactly (hence my use
of me ta ph or ), it is from such a neb ula th at we can unders tan d what I have
for the past several years been proposing to call sociality.
Just as I spoke of a re ma ne nc e with refer ence to Dü rk he im , we can also
say that Hegelian Romanticism contains a theoretical constant based on a
nostalgia for the community. Beyond egalitarianism and the social con
tract, he has a 'concentric' view of society; that is, the different circles of
which it is const itu ted fit to ge ther and have value only ina smuch as they a re
linked . Th us , for Hege l the stat e is a sort of communitas communitatum; it
is not individuals that com e first, but rath er the relation ship s bet wee n
t h e m . 3 5
Th is idea of int erc onnect ion is a re ma rkab le o ne , for it favours the
cem en tin g role that the affective plays - this close compan ions hip , in ot he r
words. In this way, as opposed to the traditional reading, the Hegelian
state may only be a hollow shell, a theoretical proposition whose sole
function is to highlight the sp on ta ne ous organiz ation of the various
elements that, bit by bit, constitute the whole. Of course, this organization
is far from un ifor m; it is in ma ny re spec ts very cha ot ic , yet it testifies well to
a society which, while not ideal, exists as best it can. In de ed , the logic of the
ne twor k an d the affect which serves as its vec tor are essen tially relativ ist.
Must we then say, as is generally clai med , that the group s const itutin g
contemporary masses are without ideals? It would perhaps be better to
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T R I B A L I S M
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note that they have no vision of what should constitute the absolutes of a
socie ty. Ea ch g ro up is its ow n abs ol ut e. This is the affective re lativism that
is parti cular ly tra nsl ate d by the conform ity of lifestyles.
However, this supposes that there is a multiplicity of lifestyles - a kind of
mult icul tura lism . In a bo th conflictual and har mo ni ou s way , the se lifestyles
confr ont and op po se eac h othe r. This self-sufficiency of the gro up may give
the impressi on of restrict ion. W ha t is certa in is tha t the sat ura tion of a
projective attitude, an intentionality oriented toward the future - 'ex
tensive' - is bal anc ed by an increa sed quali ty of rela tionship s which are
more 'in-tensive' and immediate. Modernity, by multiplying the possibilities
of social relationships, partly drained them of any real content. This was a
particular characteristic of modern cities and has played a considerable
part in the gregarious solitude we have rambled on about so much. For its
part, postmodernity has tended to favour within megalopolises both the
withdrawal into the group as well as a deepening of relationships within
the se group s, given that this de ep en ing is in no way syn onym ous with
unanimism, since conflict also has a role to play in them. Besides, that is
not the issue; on e ne ed only re me mb er th at attraction an d repulsion are
cause and effect of relationism. It is this rel ation ism tha t serves as a
vector for the above-mentioned 'concentric' (Hegel) or 'polycellular mass'
(Dürkheim). Naturally, this structuring into affinity networks no longer
has anything to do with the voluntarist presupposition generally found at
the root of the politico-economic association.
In de ed , what must be realized is that the 'affective' ('affe ctual') neb ula
being descri bed does not imply either a hum anis t or an ant hro pom orp hic
bias. This is of course my delenda est Carthago: th e indiv idual and its
diverse theories have nothing to do with it; no more so even than the action
of this sam e individual on Hist ory in pro gre ss. Within the fram ewor k
of the dionysiac them at ic , who se par oxy sma l expr essio n is confusi on, the
effervescent masses (sexual, festive, sporting, promiscuous) and the every
day mass es (cro wded , ordi na ry , cons um ing, following blindly . . .) go well
beyond the characteristics of the principle of individuation. To be sure, it is
not wrong to say that individual intentionalities play a certain role in the
process of interaction, but this should not prevent us from seeing that as a
social 'f or m', this proces s is ma de u p of a 'mu lti tud e of minuscul e ca nals,
the existenc e of which is un kn ow n to individual conscio usness' . Simmel
called this an 'effect of composition' (Zusammenschluss).36
Ind eed , with
out being able to say which is for emo st, it is tru e that th e pre- em ine nc e of
the group and the importance of the affect show how the density of
eve ryday life is abo ve all the product of imp ers ona l forces. Mor eo ve r, this
also explains its denial by the intellectuals who have been reflecting on
social existence since the eighteenth century.
And yet, this everyday life, in all its frivolity and superficiality, is truly
what makes any form of aggregation possible. I have said it before: the exis
and the habitus so ably describ ed by Maus s det erm ine the mor es and
customs that constitute us. They are nothing less than conscious. They
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90
THE TIME OF THE TRIBES
exist;
i m p e r a t i v e a n d c o n s t r i c t i n g i n t h e i r m a s s i v e n e s s . W e e x p e r i e n c e
t h e m w i t h o u t v e r b a l iz i n g t h e m ; p e r h a p s - a n d w e s h o u l d n o t b e af r a id t o
say i t - w e l e ad w h a t is qu i t e an an ima l i s t i c li fe . W e a re t hus re m in de d
o f t h e lo g i c o f n e t w o r k s a t w o r k w i t h in c o n t e m p o r a r y m a s s e s . T h e
d e p e r s o n a l i z a t i o n , o r r a t h e r t h e d i s i n d i v i d u a t i o n w h i c h i t i n d u c e s , i s
m o r e o v e r p e r c e p t i b l e i n t h e f a c t t h a t m o r e a n d m o r e s i t u a t i o n s a r e b e i n g
ana lyse d f rom th e pe r spe c t iv e o f a t m os ph e r e . I t i s l e s s i den t i t y an d t he
speci f ic t r a i t w h ich p rev a i l t ha n the vag ue and am big uo us - t h e qua l i fy ing
t e r m s o f ' t r a n s ' a n d ' m e t a ' c o m e t o m i n d , i n m a n y d o m a i n s a s w e l l , s u c h a s
fa sh ion , i deo log ie s , s exua l i t y , and so on .
The exp los ion o f sc i en t i f i c r e sea rch o r j ourna l i s t i c t r e a tmen t s re fe r r ing
t o ' a m b i e n c e '
(feeling, Stimmu ng)
i s i l l um ina t ing in t h i s r eg a rd . Th i s i s no t
w i t h o u t c o n s e q u e n c e f o r o u r a n a l y t i c a l m e t h o d s , p a r t i c u l a r l y a s c o n c e r n s
t h e t h e o r e t i c a l m o d e s t y w h i c h i n c r e a s i n g l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h e m . I t i s n o t
ne ces sar y to de lve in t o th i s qu es t io n in th es e pa ge s ; i t i s suff ic ient to p oin t
out tha t i t i s as a resul t of th i s t rend tha t a se l f -conf ident (and
self-
consc ious ) c iv i l i z a t i on , a se t o f r ep re sen ta t i ons domina t ed by the c l a r i t y o f
co nc ep t s and th e ce r t a in ty o f r e a so n , i s a t p r e s en t g iv ing w ay to w ha t I sha l l
ca l l the
twilight of organ izational models and ways of thinking of the world.
As wi th any twi l ight , th i s one i s not wi thout i t s charms; but i t a l so has i t s
ow n l aw s , w hich c an no t be i gno red i f w e w i sh to f ind ou r w ay .
5 .
T he law of secrecy
O n e o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a n d b y n o m e a n s t h e l e a s t , o f t h e m o d e r n m a s s
i s su re ly t he l aw of sec recy . In penn ing a l i t t l e soc io log ica l s a t i r e ,
3 7
I t r ied
to show how the Maf i a cou ld be cons ide red a s a me taphor o f soc i a l i t y . I t
w as more t han a s imple i ns ide j oke ; spec i f i c a l l y , i n t ha t i t emphas i zed the
pro t ec t ive mechan i sm w i th re spec t t o t he ou t s ide w or ld ( i . e . i n re l a t i on to
the ove ra rch ing fo rms o f pow er ) , a s w e l l a s po in t ed ou t t ha t t he sec recy i t
en ge nd e r s is a w ay of conf i rming the g ro up . In t r an s l a t i ng the ima ge on to a
s l i gh t ly l e s s immora l p l ane (o r a t l e a s t one w hose immora l i t y w i l l no t be
undu ly exp lo i t ed ) , w e can say tha t t he sma l l t r i be s w i th w hich w e a re
f a m i l i ar - s t r u c t u r a l e l e m e n t s o f c o n t e m p o r a r y m a s s e s - s h o w s i m i l a r
cha rac t e r i s t i c s . In my op in io n , t he t he m e o f sec recy i s su re ly a p re fe r red
w ay o f unde rs t and ing the soc i a l con tex t be fo re us . I t may appea r
pa radox ica l w hen one know s the impor t ance o f appea rances o r t hea t r i c a l i t y
on the da i ly scene . The ka l e idoscope o f our s t r e e t s mus t no t a l l ow us t o
fo rge t t h a t t h e r e may be a sub t l e d i a l ec t i c be tw ee n d i sp l ay an d co ncea l
m e n t ; j u s t l i k e P o e ' s
Purloined Letter,
t he mo s t ov e r t d i sp l ay m ay be t he
b e s t g u a r a n t o r o f r e m a i n i n g u n d i s c o v e r e d . I n t h i s r e s p e c t , w e c a n s a y t h a t
t h e m u l t i t u d e a n d t h e a g g r e s s i v e n e s s o f u r b a n
images,
r e s e m b l i n g t h e
M a f i a ' s
borsalino,
i s th e c lea res t s ign of th e sec re t and de ns e l ife of
c o n t e m p o r a r y m i c r o - g r o u p s .
In h i s a r t i c l e on 'La Soc ie t e sec re t e ' , S immel emphas i ze s t he ro l e o f t he
m a s k , w h i c h w e k n o w h a s t h e f u n c t i o n , a m o n g o t h e r s , o f i n t e g r a t i n g
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92
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
Inde ed , the essence of this atti tude is to favour self-preservation: a 'group
ego ism ', with the result tha t the gro up can develop almost auto nomous ly
within a larger whole. This autonomy, as opposed to the logic of politics, is
neit her ' pr o' nor 'c on' ; it is intentionally situated on the sidelines. This is
expressed by a distaste for confrontation, by a saturation of activism, by a
distancing from militancy - all things which can be seen in the general
attitude of the younger generation with respect to politics. And within this
generation can be found the thematic of liberation, represented by the
various feminist, homosexual or ecological movements. There are many
fine thi nke rs wh o label this as co mpromi se , degenera cy or hypocris y. As
always, the normative judgement holds little interest; it does not let us
seize the vitality at work within the avoidance lifestyles. In de ed , this
avoidance, this relativism, may be the tactic which guarantees the only
thing for which the mass feels responsible: the perdurability of the groups
of which it is constituted.
In fact, secrecy is the pa rox ysmal fo rm of the
aloofness
of the peo ple
whose socio-anthropological continuity I have already shown.
4 1
. As a social
'fo rm' (wit hou t men tio nin g its specific actua lizat ions, which may be the
exact opposite), the secret society allows for resistance. Whereas power
tends to encourage centralization, specialization and the establishment of a
unive rsal society and knowl edge, t he secret society is always found o n t he
marg ins; is secular, dec entrali zed, w ithout the baggage of dogmati c and
intan gible do ctr ine s. It is on this basis tha t the resistance resulti ng from the
people's aloofness can continue, invariably, across the centuries. Specific
historical examples, such as Taoism, 4 2 show the link between these three
term s: secrecy, the peopl e and resistance. Wh at is mo re , the organization al
structure of this conjunction happens to be the network, the cause and
effect of a paralle l ec on om y, society and even admini str atio n. Thu s, t he re
is especially fertile gro und for explor atio n h er e, even if it is not expr esse d
in the way to which we have been accustomed by modern political science.
This line of inquiry could pro ve richly instru ctive, al thou gh (and
because) it is rarely considered. I propose calling this the hypothesis of the
underground centrality:
Sometimes secrecy can be the way to establish contact with the other
within the confines of a limited group; at the same time it conditions
the attitude of the group towards whatever external force there may
b e .
This hypothesis is the hypothesis of sociality; its expressions may of
cour se vary wide ly, but its logic is cons tant : the fact of sha ring a ha bi t, an
ideology or an ideal determines the being-together and allows the latter to
act as a protection against any imposition, from whatever outside source.
As opposed to an imposed and external morality, the ethic of secrecy
is bo th feder ative and equalizing. Eve n the rough -hewn Chance llor
Bismarck, in speaking of a homosexual organization in Berlin, noticed this
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T R I B A L I S M
93
'equalizing effect of the collective practice of the forbidden'.
4 3
H om o
sexuality was not in fashion then and neither was equality; and when one is
aware of the sense of social distance among the Prussian Junkers, one is
more ready to appreciate, as I have just pointed out, the nature and the
role of secrecy in this homosexual group.
The confidence established between the members of the group is
expr essed th ro ug h rituals: specific signs of rec ognit ion which have no o ther
goal than to strengthen the small group against the large. The same double
mo ve me nt men tio ne d earlier applie s; from the acad emic crypt ospe ak to
the 've rlan'* us ed by you ng toug hs, the mecha nism is the same : the secret
sharing of the affect, while reinforcing close ties, helps resist attempts at
uniformity. The reference to the ritual underlines that the essential quality
of gr ou p and mas s resistance is to be cagey rat he r tha n to go on the
offensive. Co nse que ntl y, it can be expressed thro ugh practices rep ute d to
be aliena ted or aliena ting. This is the etern al ambigui ty of weak ness behi nd
who se mask can hid e an un de ni ab le force, like the submissive housewife
wh o has no ne ed of ou tw ar d signs of po we r, a ssu red as she is of he r s tatu s
as verita ble domes tic tyrant . Or , as Can etti analyses with respect to Kafka:
how an apparent humiliation assures in return a real force to he who
submits to it. In his battle against the conjugal plans of Felice, Kafka
practises an untimely obedience. His taciturn ways, his secrecy 'have to be
viewed as necessary practices of this obstinacy'.
4 4
This is a procedure we
find at work in the group practice. Ruse, silence, abstention - the 'soft
underbelly' of the social - are fearsome weapons that one would be wise to
regard with suspicion. This applies to irony and laughter, which have
destabilized, either medium- or long-term, the most solid oppression.
Resistance takes a low profile with respect to the requirements of a full
frontal assault, but it has the advantage of encouraging complicity among
tho se wh o practi se it - this is the essential poi nt. Co mb at always tries to go
beyond itself, beyond those who lead it: it always has its own goal.
However ,
practices of silence
are abo ve all org an ic, tha t is, the en em y is
less im po rt an t th an th e social glue which the gr oup secret es. In the first
case, we are in the presence of a history in the making, either alone or in a
contractual association; in the second, we are dealing with a fate which we
conf ront collectively, eve n if only by force of cir cum sta nce . In this latt er
case, solidarity is not an abstraction or the fruit of rational calculation; it is
an imperious necessity which causes us to act with passion. It is exacting
work, giving rise to the above-mentioned obstinacy and ruse; for, without a
precise goal, the people has only one essential objective: that of ensuring
the long-term survival of the species. Of course, this instinct for preserva
tion has nothing conscious about it; therefore, it does not involve rational
action or decision. However, in order to be as effective as possible, this
Transl. note:
a for m of backwa r ds slang, in which the order of syllables is r eversed .
T h u s ,
V e r l a n '
is *ä l 'en vers' (r ever sed).
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94
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
instinct must be active at the de epes t level . Thi s is preci sely the justifica
tion for the link I have been proposing between small groups and the mass.
It also explains how what we call 'lifestyles', which are of the order of
proxemy, are as topical as they are.
This question should be re-examined in greater detail; however, one can
alread y rem ark that the conjunction of 'gro up pre serv atio n-so lida rity -
proximity' has found its favoured expression in the notion of family, which
should be taken in the sense of extended family. In this respect, it is
striking to note the effectiveness of this anthropological constant, despite
the failure of social historians and analysts to pick it up. From the cities of
Antiquity to the modern urban agglomerations, the 'family', as we
understand it, has had the role of protector, limiting incursions by the
overarching powers, serving as a bulwark against the outside. The whole
thematic of the
padroni,
of cliente lism and the var ious forms of the Mafia
find their origin here. Returning to the period of late Antiquity - so
relevant to these remarks - we can highlight how Saint Augustine
envisaged his apostolic role as such: the Christian community as the familia
Dei.
In pa rt , the spr ead of the Chur ch in its early days was de pe nd en t on
the quality of its leaders and the networks of solidarity which were able to
protect it from the demands of the state. 4 4
Ho we ve r, alt hou gh this social struc turing is particu larly well rep re sen te d
in the Medi te rr an ea n basin and alt hough it took on paroxys mal forms
th er e, it is in no way limited by th em . It mus t be forcefully stre ssed th at ,
alt hou gh they have been te mp er ed by a concer n for objecti vity, the social
structures that history describes to us, until and including the most con
te mp or ar y or the most rati ona l, are all ma rk ed by the affinity mec han ism s
mentioned earlier. Familialism and nepotism, in either the strict sense or
the metaphorical sense, have their place here; continually, through 'bodies',
schools, sexual inclinations and ideologies, they recreate protective niches
individual territories within great political, administrative, economic or
lab our entit ies. This is the ete rna l que stio n of the commu nit y or 'p ari sh'
which dares not make itself heard. And, naturally, in order to do this, no
means are spared, no matter how dishonourable: many studies have
up da te d the informal proc ess of 'pulling strings' in favour of the 'family'.
And from the top-level executives turned out by the 'Grandes-Ecoles' of
Paris, to the dock workers of Manchester working through the trades union
ne tw or k, mut ual aid is the same an d, as far as we are concer ned he re , is the
firm expression of a mechanism of ruse reinforcing a specific sociality. 4 6 It
would be interesting to highlight this illegalism at work inside th e social
circles that claim to be the guardians of the purest morality: senior civil
servants, the haute intelligen tsia, jour nali sts of rec ord and ot he r influential
figures. It is sufficient to not e tha t th er e ar e no 'ju st ', in the eyes of th e
'Universal' - it is as well to have no illusions on that score. I would add that
this is certainl y fort unate , since , after all, as long as they coun ter bal ance
each other, these various illegalities, mirroring the war of the gods so dear
to Weber, relativize and neutralize one another. To quote Montherlant,
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T R I B A L I S M
95
the re is always 'a certain morality contai ned within immorality . . . a
certain morality that the clan has forged for itself alone', the corollary of
which is an indifference t o mora lity in g e ne ra l.
4 7
Th e reflection on secrecy and its effec ts, even if an om ic , lea ds to two
conclusions which may appear paradoxical: on the one hand, we are
witness to a saturation of the principle of individuation, with the attendant
economic-political consequences and, on the other, we can see the
increasing dev elo pme nt of commu nic atio n. It is this proces s which may
give rise to the belief that the multiplication of micro-groups can only be
understood in an organic context. Tribalism and massification go hand in
hand.
At the same time, within the sphere of tribal proximity, just as in the
organ ic mass, there is ever greate r reco urse to the 'mask ' (in the ab ove-
mentioned sense). The further one proceeds masked, the more the
com mun ity bon ds are str eng the ned . In de ed , in a circular mot ion , in ord er
to recognize
oneself,
symbolism is required, that is, duplicity, which in turn
engenders recognit ion. 4 8 Thus it becomes possible, in my opinion, to
explain the development of symbolism, in its var ious gui ses , which we can
observe around us today.
Th e social is bas ed on the rational assoc iation of individuals having a
precise identity and an autonomous existence; as to sociality, it is
found ed on the fund amen tal ambiguity of symbolic structu ring.
In pursu ing th e analysis still furt her, the au to no my t hat is no longer in
the realm of the individual will relocate to the 'tribe', the small community
group. Many analysts do not hesit ate to poin t out this runaway autonomi za-
tion (usually a cause of great concern to them). Thus, secrecy may be
considered as a metho dolog ical lever for und erst and ing con tem por ary
lifestyles, for, in the succinct words of Simmel: 'the essence of a secret
society is au to no my ', an aut on om y which he likens to an ar ch y. 4 9 One has
only to remember that, above all else, anarchy seeks an 'order without the
st at e' . In a way , this is wha t stands out in the arch itec toni c at wor k inside
the micro-groups (tribalism), and between the various groups which
inhabit the urban space of our megalopolises (mass).
In conclusion, one can state that the 'disturbance', or perhaps it would
be better to say the deregulation, introduced by tribalism and massifica
tion, the secrecy and the clientelism that characterize this process, should
be cons idere d ne ithe r as som ethi ng entirely new , nor in purely negative
te rm s. On the one han d, it is a ph en om en on w hich is found freque ntly in
human history, particularly during periods of cultural change (for example,
the period of late Antiquity); on the other hand, by breaking the unilateral
relationship to the central power, or to its local delegates, the mass via its
groups will make use of competition and reversibility: competition
between groups and, within these, competition between the various
' bos s e s ' .
5 0
It is this po lyt he ism , mo re ov er , tha t may lead us to believe tha t
the mass is rather less homogenous than it is dynamic. Indeed, the fact of
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9 6
THE TIME OF THE TRIBES
b e i n g ' o n t h e o u t s i d e ' , a s m a y b e o b s e r v e d i n t h e s o c i a l n e t w o r k s , d o e s n o t
i m p l y t h e e n d o f t h e b e i n g - t o g e t h e r , b u t q u i t e s i m p l y t h a t t h i s b e i n g -
t o g e t h e r i s i n v e s t e d i n f o r m s o t h e r t h a n t h o s e r e c o g n i z e d b y t h e i n s t i t u t e d
l ega l i t y . T h e on ly se r io us p r ob le m i s t ha t o f t h e t h re sho ld a t w hich
abs t en t ion , t he fac t o f be ing ' on t he ou t s ide ' , s e t s o f f t he implos ion o f a
g i v en s o c ie t y . T h i s is a p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h h a s a l r e a d y b e e n o b s e r v e d ,
5 1
h e n c e n o t s u r p r i s i n g t o t h e s o c io l o g is t w h o , b e y o n d h i s o r h e r p r e f e r e n c e s ,
conv ic t i ons o r even sense o f nos t a lg i a , i s above a l l fu l l y aw are o f w ha t i s
a b o u t t o b e b o r n .
6 .
M ass es and l i festyles
Whethe r one use s t he t e rm l i f e s ty l e s o r even ( t he soc io logy o f ) eve ryday
l i fe ,
i t is c e r t a in t ha t t h i s t h em a t i c c an no lon ge r be g iven curs o ry
t r e a t m e n t . W e c a n n o l o n g e r b e c o n t e n t t o c r i t i q u e i t , w h e t h e r t h i s
' c r i t i c i sm ' i s done in t he name o f a non-a l i ena t ed l i f e o r i n t he i n t e re s t o f a
log i c o f w ha t ough t t o be . For my pa r t , I be l i eve t ha t t h i s ( re ) su rgence i s a
c l ea r i nd i ca to r o f t he pa rad igm sh i f t go ing on today . More spec i f i c a l l y , I
w ould pos tu l a t e t ha t t he soc i e t a l dynamism w hich , i n a more o r l e s s
u n d e r g r o u n d f a s h i o n , r u n s t h r o u g h t h e s o c i a l b o d y s h o u l d b e s e t i n r e l a t i o n
to t he ab i li t y o f m ic ro -g r ou ps t o c re a t e t hem se lv e s . Th i s is pe rh ap s a c a se
of
creation par excellence: -
p u r e c r e a t i o n . I n o t h e r w o r d s , t h e ' t r i b e s ' w e
a r e cons i de r ing m ay ha ve a go a l , may ha ve f ina l it y ; bu t t h i s i s no t e s sen t i a l ;
w h a t is i m p o r t a n t i s t h e e n e r g y e x p e n d e d o n c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e g r o u p
as such.
T h u s ,
deve lop ing new l i f e s ty l e s i s an ac t o f pure c rea t ion o f w hich w e
sh ou ld b e aw ar e . I t is im p or ta nt to ins i s t on th i s fac t , for i t i s a ' l aw ' of
soc iology to judge a l l th ings as a func t ion of what i s ins t i tu ted . This i s a
heavy cha rge w hich a t t imes cause s us t o pa ss ove r t ha t w hich i s new ly
e m e r g e n t . T h e m o v e m e n t b e t w e e n t h e a n o m i c a n d t h e c a n o n i c is a p r o c e s s
m u c h o f w h o s e r i c h n e s s r e m a i n s t o b e u n c o v e r e d . T h u s , t o b e m o r e
exp l i c i t , I w ou ld say tha t t he
constitution of contemporary micro-groups in
a network is the most final expression of the creativity of the masses.
T h i s b r i n g s u s b a c k t o t h e o l d n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y . I t w o u l d s e e m t h a t
a t e ac h foun d ing m o m en t - w ha t I w i ll c a ll t he cu l tu ra l m om en t i n
oppos i t i on to t he c iv i l i z ing moment w hich fo l low s - t he v i t a l ene rgy i s
c o n c e n t r a t e d o n t h e c r e a t i o n o f n e w c o m m u n i t y f o r m s . H e r e I c a ll u p o n
the h i s to r i ans : does no t e ach g rea t c ae sura i n human evo lu t ion - r evo lu t ion ,
decadence , t he b i r t h o f empi re - s ee t he r i s e o f an a r ray o f new l i f e s ty l e s?
T h e s e m a y b e e f f e r v e s c e n t , a s c e t i c , o r i e n t e d t o w a r d t h e p a s t o r t h e f u t u r e ;
t h e y h a v e a s t h e i r c o m m o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o n t h e o n e h a n d , a b r e a k i n g w i t h
t h e c o m m o n l y h e l d w i s d o m a n d , o n t h e o t h e r , a n e n h a n c i n g o f t h e o r g a n i c
a spec t o f t he soc i a l aggrega t ion . In t h i s s ense , t he ' fused g roup ' o f t he
f o u n d i n g m o m e n t is m a r k e d b y t h e p r e v i o u s ly m e n t i o n e d s y m b o l i s m .
M i r r o r i n g t h e ci ty t r a n s p o r t e d t o t h e c o u n t r y s i d e i n t h e w o r k o f t h e f a m o u s
humor i s t A lphonse A l l a i s , w e can see t he r i s e o f w ha t migh t be ca l l ed
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T R I B A L I S M
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'villages within the city', that is, the face-to-face relat ions hips that
characterize the basic cells; it may be the result of solidarities, everyday
life, religio us prac tice s or eve n small profes sional assoc iations.
On these various points, historical analyses may allow us to shed some
light on the evolution of contemporary megalopolises and metropolises.
5 2
Indeed, the so-called 'Crisis of Western civilization', may perhaps be none
other than the end of great economic, political and ideological structures.
Moreover, in each of these domains we need only refer to the varied
experiences, decentralizations and other minuscule autonomies, to the
explosion of knowledge and the performative entities on a human scale, in
order to appreciate the pertinence of the tribal
paradigm
I am put ting
forw ard. T his pa ra di gm , it mus t be un de rl ined , is com plet ely foreign to the
individualist logic. Indeed, as opposed to an organization in which the
individual can de jure if no t
de
facto) be sufficient un to
himself,
the group
can be understood only within a whole. This is an essentially relationist
pers pect ive; whet her th e relationship is on e of attractio n or repulsion
makes little difference. The organicity we are examining here is another
manner of speaking of the mass and its equilibrium.
Goi ng bey ond a do min an t school of tho ugh t that accen tuate s the mac ro-
political and economic perspective, the research on contemporary urban
life would be well advised to bring up to date the symbolic relationship
which is (re)st ructu ring our nei ghb our hoo ds - and not grudgingly, but
willingly. The breakdown and uprooting of the nuclear family, the
resulting sense of isolation - all of these analyses no doubt motivated by
the best reformist or revolutionary intentions - cannot resist unbiased
observation and urban decay. One has only to look at the 'genuine
surprise' of Young and Willmott who, in their research carried out in the
East End of Lo nd on , rema rk ed upo n a 'quasi-tribal family and comm unity
sys t em ' .
5 3
This very pr ud ent 'qua si' is no longer appr opr iat e, now that
ideo logical ba rr ie rs are falling away and tribali sm is conf irmed on a daily
basis - for better or worse, it must be said - since, although the tribe is the
guarantee of solidarity, it also represents the possibility of control; it can
also be the cause of village racism and ostracism. Being a member of a tribe
may require self-sacrifice for the other, but also a degree of open-
mindedness in so far as the chauvinism of the small shopkeeper allows. The
car ica tur e of th e 'br oth er- in- law ' by th e car toonist Ca bu is a perfect
example.*
Whatever the case, putting aside any judgemental attitude, tribalism in
its more or less brilliant aspects is in the process of infiltrating lifestyles to a
greater and greater degree. I would be tempted to say that it is becoming
an end in
itself;
that is, through interposing groups, clans and gangs, it
reminds us of the importance of the affect in social life. Thus a pertinent
Transl.
note:
C a b u :
th e F rench ca r t o o n i s t who has m a d e a ca reer of a t t a ck ing the
tradit ional inst i tut ions of w o r k an d f a mi ly . Μ on Beau f ( 1 9 7 6 ) g iv e s a s t e r e o t y p e d v i e w of a
co n v en t io n a l , ev en ra ci s t wh i t e ma le .
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98
T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
recen t study on 'sec onda ry grou ps' points out that single mo the rs, feminists
and homosexuals are not seeking a 'temporary resolution of individual
sit uat ion s'; it is ra th er an 'overall reco nsi der atio n of the rules of solidari ty'
that is at issue.
5 4
Gain is secondary; it is not even sure that success is
de sir abl e, since it risks draini ng the warm th out of bei ng- tog ether. Wh at
has just been stated with regard to the organized movements in question is
even more true in the case of the multiplicity of scattered groups whose
sole pu rp os e is to share war mth . It so ha pp en s that such a gra dua l goa l
does not fail to rebound on the social whole.
It is precise ly this ne two rk which bi nds , as I hav e said, the gr oup and the
mass.
This bond is wi tho ut th e rigidity of the forms of org an iza tion with
which we are familiar; it refers more to a certain ambience, a state of mind,
and is pref erab ly to be exp res sed thro ugh lifestyles tha t favour ap pe ar an ce
and ' form' . 5 5 It is a case of a kind of collective unconscious (non-conscious)
which acts as a matrix for the varied group experiences, situations, actions
or wanderi ngs . It is striking in this regard to no te that con te mpor ar y mass
rites are the result of micro-groups that are both highly distinctive at the
same time as forming an indistinct and rather muddled whole - to which we
are referred by the orgiastic metaphor and the surpassing of individual
identity.
Let us pursue the paradox further: these tribal mass rites (mass rites and
tribal rites) are perceptible in the various sporting gatherings which,
through the influence of the media, take on a familiar significance. We can
see them at work in the consumer (consuming?) frenzy of department
stores, supermarkets and shopping centres which of course sell products
bu t sec rete eve n mor e a symbolis m, that is, the impressi on of parti cipat ing
in a common species. It can also be seen in those aimless wanderings along
the avenues of our great cities. When we pay close attention, this indistinct
companionship, resembling nothing so much as animal migrations, is in
fact constituted of a multitude of small cells that interact with each other. It
is also permeated by a whole series of recognitions, of people and places,
which turn this maelstrom of cultural signs into a well-ordered whole. Of
course, our eye needs to get used to this incessant flux; but if, like a hidden
camera, it can both take in the bigger picture and focus on detail, it will not
fail to appreciate the powerful architectonic which structures these wander
ings.
Let us remember that these phenomena are nothing new: the agora of
Antiquity or, closer to home, the passegiata of Ital y, or the eve nin g
promenade in the south of France all present the same characteristics, and
are considerable sites of sociality.
Finally, in the same vein, the rituals of evasion known as summer holidays
offer the spectacle of crowded beaches, prompting many chagrined observers
to deplore the promiscuity and discomfort engendered by such cramped
conditions. Here again, one must remember that these conditions allow a
kind of euphemized communion, and as Dörfles remarked, they 'remove any
distance between oneself and others, [and] construct a unique amalgam'.
5 6
On th e othe r ha nd , such cramp ed conditions are subtly differentiated and
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T R I B A L I S M
99
tastes in clothing or sexuality, sports, groups and regions, have to share the
sam e coastal ter rain , recreati ng a com mun ity whol e with diverse an d
complementary functions. In a country such as Brazil, where the beach is a
veritable public institution, monographs have noted that in Rio the
numbering of 'blocks' (security posts spread over all the beaches) lets you
kno w whe re you are (X - leftist, Y - hom ose xu al, Ζ - golden youth , etc .).
In Bahia too, the different sections of beach are like so many meeting
places, according to the group to which you belong.
Wh at shoul d be ret ai ne d from the se few anec do te s is tha t th er e is a
constant movement back and forth between tribes and the mass, which is
part of a whole that fears emptiness. This horror vacui which manifests
itself for example in the non-stop music on the beaches, in the stores and in
man y ped est rian s tree ts, is an amb ien ce perh ap s reminiscent of the
permanent noise and the disordered restlessness of Mediterranean and
Eas ter n cities. Wh at ev er th e cas e, no domai n is spar ed by this ambie nce .
By way of su mm in g up , if we are to gra nt tha t the thea tr e is a useful mir ror
for appreciating the state of a given society, then it is appropriate to
remember both what the restlessness of our cities owes to the various street
spectacles, and the development of the 'primitive theatre' and the various
(re)surging cults of African, Brazilian and Hindu origin. I have no
intention of analysing these phenomena here; I only wish to show that they
are all based on a tribal logic which itself can exist only by invading,
through the concatenation of the network, the mass. 5 7
These are all things that contravene the spirit of seriousness, the
individualism and 'sep ara tio n' (in the Heg elia n sense) which cha racteri ze
modern productivist and bourgeois perspectives. These characteristics of
modernity have tried their best to control or sanitize the dances of
possession and other forms of popular effervescence. Perhaps we should
see here the revenge of the values of the South over those of the North:
'choreographic epidemics' (E. de Martino) are breaking out. It should be
remembered that they had an aggregative function. The act of lamenting or
enjoying
in a group
ha d th e effect of look ing after as well as reinte grati ng
the sick member into the community. These phenomena common to the
Med iter rane an basin (mae nad ism, tarantis m, various bacchana lia), to
India (Tantrism), or to the African or Latino-African cultures (candomble,
shango) are of the greatest interest in understanding group therapies,
parallel networks of medicine and the various manifestations of what
Schutz called 'making music together',* as well as the development of
sectarianism: all things which are the contemporary signs of ' the choreo
graphic epidemic' .
In fact, it is not a given lifestyle that can be considered prophetic; it is the
ju mb le itself that is pr op he ti c. In de ed , alth oug h it is impossibl e to tell what
will arise to form a new culture, one can nevertheless state that it will be
structurally pluralistic and full of contradictions ['contradictoriel']. In the
Transl. note: Thi s phrase appear s in Engl ish in the text.
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100
T H E
T I M E
O F T H E
TRIBES
c a s t e sys t e m B ou g ie sa w un ion in the cu l t o f d iv i s ion . Th i s pa r a do x ic a l
t e ns ion ha s no t f ai l ed to g ive r i se to in t e n se c o l l e c t ive se n t im e n t s ' wh ic h
e m e r g e a b o v e t h e m a s s o f c a s t e s ' .
5 8
Such a f ine ins ight can surpass mora l
ju dg e m e n t t o se e the so l id o r ga n ic i ty o f the w ho le . F o r ou r pa r t , we m igh t
s a y t h a t m o d e r n i t y h a s e x p e r i e n c e d a n o t h e r p a r a d o x : t h a t o f u n i t i n g b y
b lu r r ing d i f f e r e nc e s , a nd the d iv i s ion tha t t h i s e n ge nd e r s . A t the ve r y l e a s t ,
i t a t t e m pt s to a t t e n ua te the i r e f fe c t s , wh ic h , i t w i ll be a g r e e d , i s no t w i tho u t
a c e r t a i n g r a n d e u r a n d g e n e r o s i t y . The entire political order is built on this.
B ut , m i r r o r ing o th e r e r a s a nd o t he r p l a c e s , it i s poss ib l e to im a g ine th a t t he
bo nd h o ld ing a g ive n e n t i ty tog e th e r m ig h t in f ac t be c on s t i tu t e d o f tha t
w h i c h d i v id e s (c f. t h e c o n j u g a l p o l e m i c ) . T h e te n s i o n b e t w e e n h e t e r o
ge n e i t i e s c ou ld be sa id to gu a r a n te e the so l id i ty o f the w ho le . Th e m a s t e r
c r a f t sm e n o f the M id d le A ge s kn e w a th ing o r tw o a b ou t th i s , a nd bu i l t o u r
c a t he dr a l s o n th i s p r in c ip le . Th i s i s t he
order of the mass.
Thus , l i f es ty les
wh ich a re fore ign t o ea ch o th er can ske tc h th e ou t l in e of a wa y of l iv ing
to ge th e r . A n d th i s oc c u r s wh i l e r e m a in ing c u r ious ly f ai th f ul t o the
spec i f ic i ty of ea ch . Fr om th is a ro se the r ichn ess of the grea t cul tura l
m o m e n t s , a t t h e i r v e r y f o u n d i n g .
Notes
1. On the
power-puissance
re l a t i on s h i p , c f. M . M af fe s o l i ,
La Violence totalitaire,
Paris ,
PUF, 1979 , p p . 20 -69 , e s p ec i a l l y p . 69 .
2 .
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N o v e m b e r
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La
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102
T H E
T I M E
O F T H E TRIBES
2 6 .
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P a r i s ,
Cerf,
1 9 8 0 , p . 1 1 2 . Cf . h i s an a l y s i s o f t h e ' s ec t t y p e ' , p . I l l , er seq.
21.
C f . G i b b o n , The History of the Decline and F all of the Rom an Em pire, L o n d o n ,
M e t h u e n , 1 9 0 9 , V o l . 2 , C h . 2 3 , p . 4 5 6 ,
et seq.
O n m e d i e v a l s e c t s , c f. S e g u y ,
Christianism e et
societe,
p p . 1 7 6 - 1 7 9 .
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Catholicisme, dem ocratic et socialisme,
P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 77 , p . 4 8 6 . O n t h e p e r m a n e n c y of
t h e ' r e a l c o u n t r y ' , o f t h e C a t h o l i c b a s e , c f . E . P o u l a t , Eglise contre bourgeoisie, P a r i s ,
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Prof.
Z y l b e r b e r g a n d M a d a m e P . C o t e ,
U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , Q u e b e c , F a c u l t y o f S o c ia l S c i e n c e s .
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3 0 . O n e m a y in t e r p r e t in t h e li gh t o f e v e r y d a y h i s t or y s u c h h i s t o r i c is t c o n c e p t s a s
' s i t u a t i o n a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n ' o r ' s e a t in li fe ' p r o p o s e d b y P . B e r g e r a n d T . L u c k m a n n i n
The
Social Construction of Reality,
p . 7. O n su r r e a l i sm a n d s i t u a t i o n i s m e t h i c s , c f. a l s o T a c u s s e l ,
L Ά ttraction sociale.
3 1 . W h i l e recogn i z i n g th e p r imacy o f re l a ti on i s m i n S i m me l , I am op p os e d to S e gu y s
i n d i v i d u a li s t i n terp reta t i on o f i t: Au x en fa n ts d e la s oc i o l og i e d e s re l i g i on s : G e or g S i mm el ,
Archives de sociologie des religions, Par i s , C . N . R . S . , 19 64 , n o 17 , p . 6 . Wi th res p ect to
aes th et i c i s m , c f. my ar t ic l e , L e Parad i gm e es th e t i q u e . Cf . a l s o Y . At o j i , L a Ph i l o s o p h i e d e
l ar t d e G eo rg es S i m me l : s on op t i q u e s oc i o l og i q u e , Societes, Par i s , M as s on ( for th com i n g) .
T h e t e r m
reliance
i s b orr owe d from B o l l e d e B a i ,
La Tentation commu nautaire.
3 2 . C on ce rn i n g th e exa mp l e o f p r i va te wor s h i p , c f. E . R . Do d d s ,
The Greeks and the
Irrational, B e rk e l ey , Un i ver s i ty o f Ca l i forn ia at B e rk e l ey , 1956 , p . 242 . Cf . a l s o P . B ro wn ,
Augustine of Hippo,
B er k e l e y , Un i vers i ty o f Ca l i forn i a Pres s , 1967 , on th e M an i c h aea n
n etwork s (p . 46 ) .
3 3 .
C f. C . B o u g i e ,
Essays on the Caste System,
Cam b ri d g e , Cam b ri d ge Un i ver s i ty Pres s ,
1 9 7 1 , p p . 32 -3 5 . O n th e p l ay o f h u m an p as s i on s i n Q u e b e c s oc i e ty , c f. Re n a u d , A I'Ombre
du rationalisme, p. 167.
3 4 . E .
D ü r k h e i m ,
Th e Division of Labour in Society,
N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4. O n t h e
g r o u p a s a ' s o u r c e o f li f e ' , c f. t h e p r e f a c e ( p . 2 6 ) . C o n c e r n i n g t h e in t e r m i n g l in g o f g r o u p s , c f.
H a l b w a c h s ,
La M imoire collective,
p . 66 .
3 5 .
Cf . N i s b e t ' s s o c i o l o g i ca l an a l y s i s i n Th e Sociological Tradition, ρ 5 5 .
3 6 .
G . S i m m e l ,
Les Problemes de la philosophic de Vhistoire,
Par i s , P U F , 1984 , p . 75 .
3 7 .
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3 8 .
Refe r to my ch ap ters on th ea tr i ca li ty i n M af fe s o l i , La Conquite du
präsent. O n s e c r e c y ,
s e e S i m m e l s r e m a r k a b l e a r t i cl e L a S o c ie t o s e c r e t e in N ouvelle R evue de Psychanalyse
P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , n o . 1 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) .
3 9 . C f . R e n a n , Marc Aurile p . 2 9 4 .
4 0 O n t h e f o r e i g n s o c i o l o g i s t , c f. E . M o r i n ,
La M etamorphose de Plozevet
P a r i s, F a y a r d ,
1 9 6 7 , p . 3 7 . O n s o d a l i t y , c f . E . P o u l a t , In tigrisme et catholicisme intigral P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n ,
1 9 6 9 .
O n t h e r e d u c t i o n i s t f a n t a s y o f t h e s o c i o l o g i s t , c f . R e n a u d ,
A VOm bre du rationalisme:
S o c i e t y b e c o m e s a l a b o r a t o r y a n d m u s t c o n f o r m t o r e a l it y a s d e f i n e d b y t h e s o c i o l o g i s t
( p . 2 3 5 ) .
4 1 . C f . m y b o o k , La Conquete du present. O n t h e e g o t i s m o f t h e g r o u p , c f. S i m m e l s
a r t i c l e , L a S o c i e t y s e c r e t e , p . 2 9 8 .
4 2 .
C f . K . S c h i p p e r , Le Corps taoiste P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 2 , p p . 2 8 - 3 7 . I t s h o w s h o w s e c r e t
s o c i e t i e s d e p e n d o n t h e r e a l c ou n t r y .
4 3 . C f . B is m a r c k s m e m o i r s a s q u o t e d b y G . S im m e l , L a S o c t e t o s e c r e t e , op. cit. p . 3 0 3 .
F o r a g o o d i n t r o d u c t i o n o n h o m o s e x u a l i t y , c f. G . M £ n a r d ,
UH omosexu aliti dimystifiee
O t t a w a , L e m o a c , 1 9 80 .
4 4 . E . C a n e t t i , Th e Conscience of W ords t r a n s l . J . N e u g r o s h e l , N e w Y o r k , S e a b u r y P r e s s ,
1979 , p . 115 .
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T R I B A L I S M
103
4 5 . C f. t h e r e m a r k a b l e b i o gr a p h y b y P . B r o w n ,
Au gustine of Hippo,
p . 194 .
4 6 . I w o u l d r e f e r t h e r e a d e r t o t h e st u d y o f e x e c u t i v e s c a r r i ed o u t b y A . W i c k h a m a n d M .
P a t t e r s o n ,
Les Carriiristes,
P a r i s , R a m s a y , 1 9 8 3. O n t h e d o c k w o r k e r s , c f. t h e s t u d i e s c i t e d b y
M . Y o u n g a n d P . W i l l m o t t , Fam ily and Kinsh ip in East London, H a r m o n d s w o r t h , P e n g u i n ,
1 9 6 4 , p . 9 7 ,
et seq.
O n p e r v e r s i t y a s r u s e , cf. R e n a u d ,
A VOm bre du rationalisme,
p . 186.
4 7 .
C f. H . d e M o n t h e r l a n t , a n d R . P e y r e f lt t e ,
Correspondance,
P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 8 3 , p . 5 3 .
4 8 . O n t h e d u p l i c i t y o f t h e s y m b o l , b e s i d e s w h a t is a l r e a d y k n o w n a s r e g a r d s t h e W e s t e r n
t r a d i t i o n , o n e m i g h t a l s o r e f e r t o t h e f u n c t i o n o f i t s C h i n e s e e q u i v a l e n t e x p r e s s e d i n t h e w o r d
' f o o l ' . C f . S c h i p p e r , Le Corps taoi'ste, p . 2 8 7 , n o t e 7 .
4 9 . S i m m e l , ' L a S o c i e t e s e c r e t e ' , p . 2 9 3 .
5 0 . O n t h e l i n k w i t h A n t i q u i t y , c f . P . B r o w n ,
Society an d the Holy in Late An tiquity,
L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d F a b e r , 1 98 2 , p . 1 1 6.
5 1 .
O n t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e p h e n o m e n o n o f t h e ' g r o u p a p a r t ' o n R o m a n s o c ie t y fo r
e x a m p l e , cf. R e n a n , Marc Aurele, p . 77 .
5 2 . O n t h e ' f u s ed g r o u p ' , c f. o f c o u r s e J . P . S a r t r e , Critique of Dialectical Re ason, L o n d o n ,
V e r s o , 1 9 7 6 , p . 3 5 8 . C o n c e r n i n g t h e c r e a t i v it y of c o m m u n a l f o r m s in A n t i q u i t y , cf. B r o w n ,
Th e M aking of Late Antiquity, p . 6 . O n p e r d u r a b i li t y a n d t h e a t t e n t i o n p a i d t o s o li d a r i t y , c f.
R e n a u d , Α Γ Ombre du rationalisme, p.
179.
5 3 . Y o u n g a n d W i l l m o t t , Family and Kinship in East London, p. 12. Cf. also a m or e recent
s t u d y : S . R o s e n b e r g , Annales de la recherche urbaine, no . 9 (19 81 ) . On rel ig ious grou ps in
Par i s an d Re c i fe , cf . M . Au b r ee , L es No u v e l l e s tr i b u s d e la ch re t i en n ete ,
Raison Presente,
Par i s , n o . 72 (1984 ) , p p . 71 -87 .
5 4 . E . Re yn au d , G r ou p es s econ d a i res e t s o l i d ar i t e organ i q u e : q u i exerc e le con tro l e
s oc i a l ? i n L'Annee sociologique, Paris , vo l . 33 (1 98 3) , p . 184 . On the s ign i f icance of gan gs , cf.
E . M o r i n , L'Esprit du temps, Par i s , L i vres d e Poch e , 1983 , p . 310 .
5 5 . Cf . my ar t i c l e , L e Parad i gme es th et i q u e . Cf . a l so
La Connaissance ordinaire,
Ch . 4:
vers u n formi s m e s o c i o l o g i q u e .
5 6 .
G .
D ö r f l e s ,
L'I ntervalle perdu,
F r e n c h t r a n s l ., P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 84 , p .
3 0 ,
et seq. I t g o e s w it h o u t s a y in g t h a t I d o n o t s h a r e D ö r f l e s ' f ea r c o n c e r n i n g c o n t e m p o r a r y
t r i b a l i sm a n d i t s ' f e a r o f t h e v o i d ' .
5 7 . O n t h e ' p r i m i t i v e t h e a t r e ' , c f. t h e r e f e r e n c e s a n d s t u d i e s c i t e d i b i d . , p . 1 6 3 . T a r a n t i s m
h a s b e e n t h o r o u g h l y a n a l y se d b y E . d e M a r t i n o ,
La Terre du remords,
F r e n c h t r a n s l . , P a r i s ,
G a l l i m a r d , 1 9 66 . O n t h e candomble, p l e a s e r e f e r t o R . D a M a t t a , Cidade e Devoqao, R e c i f e ,
1 9 8 0 a n d ' L e S y l l o g i s m e d u s a c r e ' i n
Societes,
P a r i s, M a s s o n , n o . 5 ( 1 9 8 5 ) , a n d V . C o s t a L i m a ,
A Fam iglia de Santo nos candombles, jeje-nagos do Bah ia, S a l v a d o r , 19 7 7. S c h u t z ' s ' M a k i n g
m u s ic t o g e t h e r ' i s a l s o t r a n s l a t e d i n t h e j ou r n a l
Societes,
P a r i s , M a s s o n , v o l . I , n o . 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) .
O n T a n t r i sm , cf. J . V a r e n n e , Le Tantrisme, Pa r i s , 1 9 7 7 . O n s ec t s , c f. t h e fi n e a r t i c l e b y J .
Z y l b e r b e r g a n d J . P . M o n t m i n y , ' L ' E s p r i t , l e p o u v o i r et l e s f e m m e s ' , P o l y g r a p h i e d ' u n
m o u v e m e n t c u l t u r e l q u e b e c o i s , Rech erches sociographiques, Q u e b e c , U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , v o l.
2 2 , n o . 1 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , p p . 4 9 - 1 0 4 . C f. a l s o t h e t h e s i s o f P . C ö t e , ' D e la d e v o t i o n a u p o u v o i r : l e s
f e m m e s d a n s le R e n o u v e a u c h a r i sm a t i q u e ' , Q u e b e c , U n i v er s it e L a v a l , 1 98 4.
5 8 .
B o u g i e ,
Essays on the Caste System,
p . 142 .
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5
1. O f tr ipl ic ity
W h i l e m o d e r n i t y h a s b e e n o b s e s s e d w i t h p o l i t i c s , i t m a y b e e q u a l l y t r u e
t h a t p o s t m o d e r n i t y is p o s s e s s e d b y t h e i d e a of t h e c l a n , a p h e n o m e n o n
w h ich is no t w i tho u t i ts e f fec t on th e re l a t i on sh i p t o t h e O th e r an d , m or e
spec i f i c a l l y , t o t he s t range r . Indeed , f rom the po l i t i c a l pe r spec t ive , a
m e c h a n i c a l s o l i d a r i t y t e n d s t o p r e d o m i n a t e b e t w e e n r a t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l s
a n d b e t w e e n t h e m a s a g r o u p a n d t h e s t a t e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w i t h t h e
c l an w e a re faced w i th an o rgan ic so l ida r i t y t ha t ma in ly accen tua t e s t he
w h o l e . T o q u o t e S i m m e l , i n t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s t ( a n d p o l i t i c a l ) p e r s p e c t i v e ,
t he gene ra l p r inc ip l e i s ' t ha t i n w hich w e t ake an ac t ive ro l e , r a the r t han
t h a t w h i c h i s c o m m o n t o a l l ' .
1
I t i s t h i s ' co m m on to a l l ' , w h i l e be in g s ha red
b y s m a l l g r o u p s , t h a t s e e m s p e r t i n e n t t o d a y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , b e y o n d a
sur face i nd iv idua l i sm or na rc i s s i sm, w e sha l l pay c lose r a t t en t ion to t he
gr ou p a t t i t u de s t ha t de ve lop in ou r soc i e t i e s - a t t i t ud es w h ich , i n my
op in io n , a r e i n ha rm on y w i th t he d iony s i ac l og ic o f soc i a l i ty . I t i s pe r fec t ly
obv ious t ha t t he mul t i p l i c a t i on o f sma l l a f f i n i t y g roups i n our mode rn
m eg a lo po l i se s ra i se s t he ques t ion o f t he i r m o re o r l e s s conf l i c tua l r e l a t i on
s h i p s .
I n a n y c a s e , t h i s n e o - t r i b a l i s m r e m i n d s u s t h a t c o n s e n s u s
(cum-
sensualis)*
i s n o t u n i q u e l y r a t i o n a l , s o m e t h i n g t h a t is t o o o f t e n f o r g o t t e n .
2
T o b e s u r e , t h i s h y p o t h e s i s o f ' s h a r e d s e n t i m e n t ' o b l i g e s u s t o r e t h i n k t h e
ro l e o f t he t h i rd pe rson o r ou t s ide r , t ha t i s , o f t he p lu ra l i n t he soc i e t a l
s t ruc tu re . The con juga l r e l a t i onsh ip o f t he i nd iv idua l - s t a t e may be cha rac t e r
i z ed a s t u r b u l e n t , h o w e v e r it s o r b i t u s e d t o b e w e ll d e l i n e a t e d . T h e
i n t r u s i o n o f t h e o u t s i d e r p u t s u s s q u a r e i n t h e c e n t r e o f a s t o r m w h o s e
re su l t s a re d i f f i cu l t t o fo re see . I t w ou ld be i n t e re s t i ng to examine some o f
the e s sen t i a l e l ement s o f t h i s e f fe rve scence .
J u l i e n F r e u n d , l i k e S c h m i d t a n d S i m m e l b e f o r e h i m , p o i n t e d o u t o n
numerous occa s ions t he impor t ance o f t he f i gure t h ree i n soc i a l l i f e . S ince
t h e n , t h e n o t i o n o f t h e t h i r d p e r s o n h a s h a d a n e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l d i m e n s i o n
w h i c h d i s c l a i m s r e d u c t i o n i s t s i m p l i f i c a t i o n s . 3 W ith th e f igure ' 3 ' , soc ie ty i s
b o r n a n d t h e r e f o r e s o c i o l o g y . I h a v e n o i n t e n t i o n o f c o n f r o n t i n g t h i s
q u e s t i o n h e a d - o n h e r e ; I s h a l l l i m i t m y s e l f t o s a y i n g t h a t f r o m a n t h r o p o l o
g i c a l r e s e a r c h ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , D u m e z i l , D u r a n d ) t o t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l
e x p e r i m e n t s o f t h e P a l o A l t o S c h o o l , o n e c a n f i n d e v i d e n c e o f t h e s t r e n g t h
* Transl note: w i th th e s en s e s ( ra th er th an th e u s u a l L at i n d er i va t i on o f con s e n s u s :
consentire).
P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
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of triadism.
4
In the strongest sense of the word, cultural and individual
dynamism are based on the tension between heterogeneous elements. This
is a perspective that takes on increasing significance at the same time as a
symbol ist vision of the wor ld is re su rg en t.
5
We are now far, to be sure,
from the unity that has been, from the dawn of modernity, the goal of
Western rationalism. The metaphor of the triad lets us highlight the
paradox; the splintering; the break-up; the contradictory in action - in
shor t, the constitutive plurality of this co nte mpo rar y neo-triba lism.
Thus, succeeding the dream of unity is a sort of unicity: the adjus tment
of diverse elements. In the image of the coenesthesia which is able to
integrate, within the framework of conflictual harmony, bodily functions
and dysfunctions, the notion of the outsider emphasizes the founding
aspec t of differe nce. Wh at is mo re , this is not du e to the una nimi st
per spe cti ve of to le ra nc e, but is cau sed by wh at might be called th e
organicity of opposites; the famous
coincidentia oppositorum
of anc ien t
wisdom that, from medieval alchemists to Far Eastern Taoists, has given
birth to many organizations and many social representations. Especially
for Ta oi sm , in its desc ript ion of the 'in ter ior cou nt ry ', the field of cin nab ar,
the root of man is situated 'three inch es above the navel in or de r to exp ress
the trinity of He av en , Ear th and Ma n' . To highlight its richne ss still
further, the Tao sees the three as that which gives birth to the 'Ten
thousand ones ' . 6
Th e prec ed ing has often be en a naly sed ; it is en ou gh just to tou ch on it, if
only allus ively , in or de r to insist on th e fact tha t multipli city is the vital
prin cipl e. As for the up ho lder s of mon ist or dualist sys tem s, it is well to
remind them that effervescence and the imperfection of the three are what
accou nt for its pros pecti ve sharpne ss and dyn amis m.
Th er e are tim es when this plura lism is eit her den ied or for got ten ; we are
then witness to the creation of entity-types, conceived on the basis of
homogeneous models: unified nations, historical subjects (the proletariat),
linear progress, and so on. But these hypostases cannot weather the winds
of change and its harsh laws; whether in the case of the masses and their
behaviours or political structures, differential realities win out in the end.
And many are the examples which show that, following a process of
cent rali zati on an d unificati on, th er e is a swing bac k to parti cular ism and
localism, and in all domains. The example of French political history is
particularly instructive in this regard. Any unified entity is temporary.
Fu rt he rm or e, acc ount ing for diversity and complexity is a mar k of c om mo n
sense too infrequently adopted by intellectuals - on the grounds that it
contravenes the simplicity of the concept.
Infinity begins with the third person. With the plural, the living is
int egr ate d into sociological analysis. Of co ur se , this does not simplify the
task at hand, since, to quote Morin, the pluralism at work among the
people causes the latter to become 'polyphonous, even cacophonous' . 7
However, the risk must be assumed, since, on the one hand, unanimity and
unity are quit e often p ern ici ous for the stru ctu ring of th e city (cf. Ari sto tle ,
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106
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
Politics, II , 1261 b - 7) ; and on the ot he r, altho ugh we are now sensitive to
the spirit of the times, we cannot help but acknowledge the irrepressible
growth of the plural in all its forms in ou r soc ietie s. Th e res ult ant
plu ricult ura lis m is cert ain ly not without risk, bu t arising as it do es ou t of
the conj uncti on of a princip le of logic and a princip le of rea lity , it is in vain
that we deny its significance; especially since, as for all periods of
efferv escenc e, this het ero gen iza tion in action is the matrix for the social
values of the future. Thus, in first recognizing this heterogenization, then
by analysing its components, we are capable of listing all that makes up the
social fabric of this fin de siecle; as well as that which is be comi ng cle ar in
that nebula which can be called
sociality.
Without having a definite sense of direction, let us point out once more
the orientation that sociality may take. It would no longer be based on the
Faus tian m onoval ence of 'do ing ' and its flip-side, the con trac tua l a nd
finalized associat ion ism I will sum up as the following: 't he ec onom y-
politics of the self and the world'. Quite on the contrary, in fact (hence the
'orgiastic ' metaphor I keep using), 8
the sociality which is be ing defined
integrates a good portion of passionate communication, pleasure in the
present and incoherence - all things that are characterized by both
acc ept anc e and reject ion. This amb iva lence has often bee n analy sed from a
psychological perspective; it is appropriate to examine the social sub
clauses of this ambivalence and note that it adapts easily to technological
change. We can indeed observe that, with the help of micro-electronics,
these extending forms of association that are
networks
(contemporary neo-
triba lism) are bas ed on integrat ion and the affective refusal. This pa ra do x -
a cle ar sign of vita lity - is in any case on e of the mos t useful keys to any
comprehensive project.
2 . Presence and estrangement
Thus ,
by relying on the classic dichotomy between culture and civilization,
we may note that the forme r in its found ing dy nam ism has no fear
whatsoever of the stranger. On the contrary, it has always been able to
flourish th an ks to all tha t it get s from t he outs ide while at the sa me tim e
remaining
itself.
In this regard, we must refer to all those examples given to us by human
histo ry; self-assuredness - which is a form of au to no my , henc e the ot he r' s
exclusion - favours the welcome of this other. In analysing the evolution of
French culture and language in Europe, Louis Reau underlines with the
utmost erudition that during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
foreigners in France were certain of receiving the 'most pleasant and
flattering we lc om e. Never had xenop hi lia , I wou ld even ve nt ur e to say
xenomania, been pushed further. '
9
This cannot fail to be instructive
('foreigners are spoiled'); and at the same time a specifically French way of
life and of thinking was becoming he ge moni c. It is this way each time
some thin g authentically strong is bor n. Puissance, as I have sh ow n,
1 0
has
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P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
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not hin g to do with po we r and all tha t sur roun ds it: tha t is, fear and anxiety
both experienced and inflicted. Weakness leads to both the withdrawal into
the self and aggress iveness; whe re as civilization is ba rr ica de d beh ind a cold
fear, culture can grow and accept the outsider. This surely explains what
Reau highlights with astonishment (ibid., p. 314): no effort was made to
spread the use of French in the eighteenth century, yet we know how
phe nom ena lly its use increase d during this era. Fro m ancient Ath en s to
contemporary New York, by way of Florence in the quattrocento, we can
constantly see such poles of attraction that function in fact like processes
metabo lizing foreign eleme nts .
Thus ,
it has been possible to make a connection between the vitality of a
region like the Alsace and 'the constant arrival of new blood'. According to
F .
Hoff et, it is this mixing tha t explains the 'ma jo r wo rk s' prod uc ed in this
count ry . 1 1 Certa inly , although a trage dy of the bor der (Grenze Tragödie)
exists, it does not fail to be dynamic: bridges and doors, to use an image of
Sim me l's . Th e bor de r count rie s live life in a maj or key , the conse cutive
mixing and imbalances following movements of populations. But at the
same time, throughout the exogamy that this gives rise to, original
creations are born, the best expressions of the synergy of the static and the
labile qualities inherent in the social reality. This synergy is summarized in
the expression 'dynamic rootedness'. It should not be forgotten that this
'b or de r' tension explains the thinking of Spino za, Marx , Fre ud , Kafka and
oth ers . . . all of who m wer e bot h inte grat ed and distant. The strength of
their thinking perhaps has its origin in the fact that they are founded on a
double polar i ty: 1 2 presence and estrangement. These determined regions
and works of genius experience or indicate, in a heightened way, that
which otherwise constitutes, in a minor key, the everyday life of the
people. Before becoming a racist or a nationalist, or, on a more trivial
plane, the 'average bloke' so often described, the citizen 'knows' instinctively
that short of, or beyond, lofty and more or less imposed ideals, his
everyd ay life is com po sed of mix tur e, difference and mutua l arr ang eme nt
with the other; whether a foreigner or anomic figure with strange customs.
Firstly, let us draw a link between the mass and culture at its founding
mo me nt . This is not an accident al or abs trac t link: every time an era
be gin s, a city flourishes or a coun try is ep iph an ize d, it occu rs as a result of a
popular puissance. Onl y later is th er e confiscation (of the er a, the city, the
country) by a few who appoint themselves managers, owners and clerks of
legitimacy and kn ow le dg e. Seco ndl y, let us reco gniz e at this ju nc tu re a
capacity both for absorption and for diffusion. The above-cited examples
are abu nd an t proof of a confide nt entity integ rati ng and radi atin g. Let us
venture an organic image: a body in shape can show great flexibility; there
ar e no signs of rigidity o r pr ud en ce - the stuff of pr ec au ti on s an d pet tin ess
To use a term of Bataille's, there is a sort of sovereignty that wells up from
this conjunction - a form of triumphant animality that 'feels' how to strike
a balance between the particularity that preserves and the general that
int egr ate s us int o a vast worldly evo luti on. It is a ma tt er of to and fro
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108
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
between the nomadism and sedentariness that make up the human
adventure; between the yes and the no at the heart of any representation.
Among the plethora of historical examples that come to mind, there is
one particularly noteworthy one, that furthermore can be considered as
instructive for our time: of the fight over Donatism that presented a
difficult moment for early Christianity. In more than one aspect, it seems
to me that this per iod called 'La te Ant iqu ity ' is not without similarity to
our own. The historian Peter Brown in his remarkable work on Saint
Augustine examined with great insight the reasons why the Donatists were
opposed to the Bishop of Hippo.
1 3
In the framework of our reflections
here, I will retain, in simplified form, only one essential element of the
disputatio: acco rding to the Dona tis ts, it was neces sary to isolate th em
selves, remain a Church of the pure, cut off from the world with all the
consequences involved in such a choice. For Augustine, on the other hand,
it was important to feel sufficiently strong to assimilate the 'other', to be
flexible in or de r to win over the world; bec ause he was cer tain of
the validity, the universality and especially the prospective aspect of the
evangelical message. Thus our Bishop, who as a Manichaean knew the
delights of the utmost purism, did not hesitate to gather from the literary
an d phi loso phi c her ita ge of the pag an world any thing tha t could reinfo rce
the mes sage he he ra lde d. A t a tim e whe n a new world is being bo rn , the
que sti on is significant: t o the tranquil a ssur ance of the self-containe d sect,
Saint Aug ust ine preferr ed a wider
ecclesia
op en to the effervescence of
customs and men from all over the map. The city of God he sought to
establish was measured against the scale of a vast world and it is normal
tha t it shou ld also emb ra ce its tur bul enc e. It is only by payin g this price
that it will perdure - such a vision of genius from a founder of a new
culture
Let us take another look at this phenomenon, but this time referring to
an ot he r era : the mythical era (but is it any mo re so tha n the prev ious
one?). By referring to the dionysiac theme, which is also applicable to our
own era, we may note that in the city-state of Thebes - civilized, rationally
adm ini ste red a nd rat he r languid - th e irruption of Dionys us is also the
irruption of the stranger. Effeminate, perfumed, differently clothed: his
appearance, habits and the ways of thinking that he disseminates are
shocking in more than one sense. 1 4 The irruptio n of this foreign bod y
corresponds to the passage from classical Hellenism to the Hellenistic
perio d. Dionysus, latecom er god (demi-god?) upsets this period's perfection,
but because of this, allows it to blossom. That which exhausts itself, even in
its com ple ten ess , needs a dysfunction, e ven an externa l one , to com e and
recharge it. Moreover, most of the time, the foreign element usually only
actualizes a potentiality that had been neglected or kept in check. In the
above-mentioned logic, tension and paradox are thus necessary, a bit like a
graft that allows worn-out trees to bear beautiful fruit once again.
This intrusion of the foreign element may function as an
anamnesis:
it
reminds a social body that had a tendency to forget it, that it is structurally
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P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
109
heterogeneous; even if for reasons of ease it tended to try to restore
everything to unity. This reminder of the polytheism of values is particu
larly blatant in the case of dionysiac ceremonies. Dionysus, god from
'elsewhere', must integrate those Others': the metic and the slave of the
Greek city-state. It seems (cf. M. Bourlet) as if the thiase associated them
with the citizens. Thus, although only haphazardly and ritually, the
community performs as a function of the here and elsewhere. It will be
remembered that the cult of Aglaurus celebrated the city as unity; the
orgiastic thiase r emi nds t hat it is also unicity, i.e. th e conjunct ion of
opposites.
In short, to go back to our initial remarks, 'the languishing civilization
requires barbarians in order to regenerate' . 1 5 Is it paradoxical to say that
the stranger allows a new culture to be instated? The role of the Romans
with respect to the Greek civilization, of the barbarians with regard to the
end of the Roman Empire and, closer to our own time, the name 'Huns of
the West ' (die Westhunnen) that was given to the prot agon ists of the
French Revolution, or even the rallying cry 'Hurray for the Cossack
revolution', which was repeated by certain anarchists tired of bourgeois
weakness - they all underline the cultural importance of the founding
foreignness. Further, Mosco's recent film Des terroristes ä la retraite shows
easily how, during the Nazi resistance, many defenders of the idea of
France, and among the most vigorous, were stateless persons who had
arrived from disparate parts.* Less resigned than certain upstanding
Frenchmen, they fought and offered their lives in the name of ideals that,
for them, symbolized this country that they had chosen as the land of
welcome.
Wh at is cer tain is that all of the gre at emp ir es of hu ma n history are t he
product of a familiar blending. These few cavalier remarks here refer to the
work of historians who tackled this question and whose work may be
su mm ed up by the following quota tio n take n from the re ma rkab le book by
Marie-Frangoise Baslez who, with nuance and erudition, emphasizes that
'many cit ies owed their fortune to a heterogeneous population' . 1 6 This
statement can be supplemented by the hypothesis that it was the lack of
openness, the cool fear shown towards the stranger that led many cities to
their downfall. As we know, 'Rome is no longer in Rome';** but at a certain
po in t, it must me as ur e itself against the ot he r, that is, its het er ogen eo us
em pi re . I hav e tried to show that this was a ma tt er of s ocio- anthr opolo gical
structure. There is no need to return to Simmel's analysis of the stranger; it
is well kn ow n. O n the ot he r hand , in or de r to rema in faithful to the spirit
(as well as the letter), the sociologist must be able to reconsider the
im port ance of such a social 'fo rm' . It is not mere ly the dom ain of the pas t;
* Transl. note:
'T err orists in Ret ir emen t' (1983) is the tit le of a docu men ta r y by Mosc o shown
on Fr ench television. It recoun ts the r ole played by immigr ant un its in the Resistan ce.
** Transl. note:
' Ro me n'est plus dan s R om e, eile est tou te oü je
s u i s '
- R om e is no longer in
R o m e ,
it is wher ever I find myself (Pier r e Cor nei lle,
Sertorius,
III , I).
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110
T H E
T I M E OF THE TRIBE S
the Chi cag o School and Soroki n have shown its imme diac y for ou r mo de rn
era. Gilberto Freyre has also been able to underline how, taking the
example of Portugal, Brazil has constituted itself and energized itself
thanks to miscibility and mobility in all senses of the word.
1 8
A fortiori, in so far as ou r po st mo de rn era is conc ern ed , it is time to deal
with the consequences of the constitutive heterogeneity of our societies:
wha t is mo re , a he ter ogene ity t hat is only beg inni ng. In the cult ural
stock pots re pre sen ted by toda y's megalopo lises, it is no longer possible t o
deny the existence of the stranger, nor to disclaim his or her role. The
historical and mythical examples I have provided are like so many metaphors
allowing us to imagine the efflorescence of images, the hedonism and vitalism
that can be qualified as dionysiac. These are all things that, because they are
experienced in small groups, in a differentiated way; because they do not
de pe nd on a par ticu lar link and do not refer to unified rep re se nta tio ns ,
forbid us from seeki ng a one -di men sional e xpl ana tion. The value s of
Aufklärung which, when exp ort ed, be ca me the mod el for the whole world,
seem saturated. And in their stead, as in other periods of history, we can
see substituted a societal effervescence, favouring intermingling, miscibility,
the blending of West and East, in short: the polytheism of values. It is a
formless and indefinite polytheism, but one to which due attention should
be pai d, since it is charg ed with the fut ure .
The barbarians are at our gates, but should we worry? After all, we are
in part barb aria n ou rselve s.
3 . Th e polytheism of the people, or the diversity of God
After having shown the significance that should be accorded the outsider,
and after having given a few highlights of its role in the history of societies,
it may be interesting to isolate one of its essential characteristics. It is a
logical characteristic in a sense, and one that can for the best part be
described by Weber's expression, the 'polytheism of values'. It is necessary
to insist on this the ma tic , since it rem ain s very poo rly under st oo d, desiring
as we do to bri ng it back int o the real m of politi cs. More specifically: the
fact that a certain right-wing element uses, sometimes with conviction and
talent, in its cultural and political battle, the polytheist mythology, is not
enough to invalidate such a mythology nor to claim it as the property of a
given camp. It even seems to me that polytheism goes beyond the political
order; structurally, we might say, since the relativity of values results in
undecidability. Wh at can be mo re antith etical to the logic of politics?
Mo re ov er , if we wished to be even mor e prec ise, or mo re faithful to
the spirit behind these reflections, then perhaps we should mention
'henotheism' as Bougie did in writing about the Vedic religion in which 'all
the Gods become sovereign in turn' . 1 8
It is with such nua nc e and, let us stress onc e more , in a met aph ori cal
way, that the gods are convoked to enlighten us about the social. Indeed, I
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P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
111
have proposed linking the masses and the founding act of culture; it seems
to me that this conjunction allows us to welcome the stranger while
remaining ourselves (or even better, to nourish this self with the stranger).
In co ns eq ue nc e, it is possi ble to pr es en t polyt hei sm as th e sures t sign of the
'non-racism' of the masses.*
Let us make another detour. The essential feature of Judaism and later
Christianity was their intransigent monotheism. This is an essential
dem arc ati on line which doe s not be ar reco nsid erat ion . On the oth er h an d,
it should be remembered that, once this principle has been defined in
Christian life, there are a thousand and one ways to transgress it. From an
anthr opol ogica l point of view, Gilb ert Dur an d ma de an extreme ly fine
analys is, from his ob ser va tor y in Savoy, of the po pu la r faith and pra ctices
with which he is famil iar. In my ow n way , I ha ve also shown th at the cult of
saints may repr ese nt a polytheistic intrusion into mon oth eis t rigour, since
the theological distinction between the cult of ' latria', directed at God
onl y, and tha t of 'dul ia ', cen tr ed on sai nts, is a casuistry with little effect on
everyday life. Finally, religious sociology, with some mistrust to be sure,
has not left this pro ble m unto uch ed e it he r. 1 9 It is less a matter of meeting
he ad -o n tha n of stressing her e tha t th er e is an actualiza tion of the
traditional coincidentia oppositorum at wo rk , which like a th re ad weave s
its way thr ou gh rel igious and hen ce social life.
Christian mysticism and theo sop hy, to which Bö hm e and Meis ter
Eck ha rt attes t, have always kep t this pre occ upa tio n alive. Th e recen t thesis
of Mrs M. E. Cou ghtr ie, 'Rhy thm oma chi a, a prop aed euti c game of the
Middle Ages' has shown that within the monastic tradition, games can be
found tha t expre ss this irreduc ible pluralism , such as rh yth mom ach ia,
which is bas ed on highly formalized mat he mat ics . Thu s, in po pul ar
practices (pilgrimages, cults of saints), in mystic expression or in logical
sophistication, alterity, the foreign or the stranger have had many havens,
enabling a resistance to simplification and unitary reduction. 2 0
Ecstasy,
like the union of votive holidays, has allowed the expression of both the
identic al and the different. Th e 'c om mu ni on of sain ts' tha t is the basis of
the monastic prayer and the effervescence of the masses refers in a
euph emis tic or actualized m an ne r to a bein g-to geth er th at is in its
construction both varied and polyphonous.
This perspective has never been lost in what has presented itself as
Christian monotheism. Thus, in his analysis of nineteenth- and twentieth-
cen tury Catholic ism, Emile Poul at, with his characte ristic scrupu lousne ss,
asked the quest ion of how th e 'di spar ate coexists wit hout conflict'. W ha t
the n is the 'in he rit ance of this str ang e ph yl um , cap abl e of tak ing such
incompatible forms as the Catholic Cou nter -Ref orma tion , Christian
democracy and Christian revolutionaries?' 2 1 It is surely the idea of th e
* I use this ter m inten tiona lly, r eferr ing to Par eto' s ' non -logic' . Th er e may be somet hin g
illogical in the ' non -logic' , bu t it is no t, in the strictest sen se of the ter m, its essentia l
quality.
O n e could make an ana logous case for 'n on-racism'.
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112 THE TIME
O F
THE TRIBES
People of God, the perfect analogon of th e coincidentia oppositorum of th e
d iv in i ty
-
' p o p u l a r C a t h o l i c i s m ; i n t e r - c l a s s i s t C a t h o l i c i s m ' ,
in th e
w o r d s
of
P o u l a t .
A n d it is
c e r t a i n t h a t b e y o n d
th e
va r ious po l i t i c a l exp re s s io ns , t h i s
popula r bas i s holds f i rmly
to the
p lu ra l i t y
of
w a y s
of
t h i n k i n g
and
b e i n g .
In
t h i s s e n s e ,
it can be
ca l led
a
p h y l u m ,
an
i n f rang ib l e
an d
p e r m a n e n t
b e d r o c k . T h e r e
is an
a s s u r a n c e t h a t lif e p e r d u r e s , t h a n k s
to the
mul t ip l ic i ty
of its e x p r e s s i o n , w h e r e a s a h e g e m o n i c v a l u e , p e r f e c t or not , t e n d s to
e x h a u s t
i t . O n e ma y
l ink th i s s t ruc tu ra l
coexistence to the
c o n t r a d i c t o r y
t h i n k i n g ( L u p a s c o , B e i g b e d e r ) t h a t is th e logical form of p o l y t h e i s m . Th e
i n s t i t u t i o n
of th e simultaneum,
w hich a l l ow s ,
in
ce r ta in smal l v i l lages
of
A l s a c e , P r o t e s t a n t s a n d C a t h o l i c s to p r a y , o n e a f te r the o t h e r , in th e s a m e
c h u r c h ,
can be a
g o o d m e t a p h o r , b e y o n d
all th e
fami l i a r con t ing en t
r e a s o n s ,
of
t h i s c o n t r a d i c t o r i n e s s
in
a c t i o n . L i k e p o l y t h e i s m
stricto
sensu,
p lu ra l i s t i c Chr i s t i an i ty show s
us th e
im p o r t a n c e
of
finding, over
a n d
o v e r
a g a i n , a modus vivendi for i n t e g r a t i n g ' t he o t h e r ' . T h e c o m m u n i t y , the
c o m m u n i o n
of
s a i n t s ,
th e
mys t i c a l bod y b ea r t h i s p r i c e .
A s to th e wa r
b e t w e e n the d i f fe ren t go ds , or the so m e t im es b loo dy confl ic t s r e su l t i ng
f r o m d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s
of th e
s a m e G o d , t h e y
all
l e ad
in th e en d to
t h e s t r e n g t h e n i n g of the s o ci al b o d y . H e r e , m y t h o l o g y j o i n s th e r e s u l t s of
t he l a t e s t r e sea rch
in
logic
o r
c y b e r n e t i c s ; d y s f u n c t i o n
a n d
c o n t r a d i c t o r i
ne ss have a far
f rom neg l ig ib l e p l ace
in the
s t r u c t u r i n g
of
rea l i ty
an d its
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n .
It
a l s o j o i n s c e r t a in W e b e r i a n a n a l y s e s , s u c h
as
th i s wel l -
k n o w n o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t b e a r s r e p e a t i n g : ' p o p u l a r w i s d o m t e a c h e s
us
t h a t
a
t h i n g m a y
be
t r u e e v e n
if it is not an d
w hi l e
it is
n e i t h e r b e a u t i f u l , h o l y
no r
g o o d .
B u t
t h e s e
a re
o n l y
th e
m o s t e l e m e n t a r y c a s e s
of
t h e w a r b e t w e e n
th e
g o d s
of
d i f f er e n t o r d e r s
and
d i ff e re n t v a l u e s . '
2 2 In
t h is te x t , W e b e r ,
wh o
m a k e s e x p l i c i t r e f e r e n c e
to it,
c lose ly l i nks po ly th e i sm
and the
p e o p l e .
P e r h a p s
we
s h o u l d
say
t h a t t h e r e
a re
p e r i o d s
in
w h i c h
th e
m a s s , s a t u r a t e d
wi th ra t io na l , f inalized, pr od uc t iv is t
a n d
e c o n o m i s t i c e x p l a n a t i o n s
and
p r o c e d u r e s , r e t u r n s
to the
n a t u r a l , ' e c o l o g i c a l ' s u b s t r a t e
of
all social l ife.
It
is
at
t h i s po in t t h a t
it
finds
the to and fro
m o v e m e n t t h a t
is
e s t ab l i shed
b e t w e e n
th e
v a r i e t y
of
n a t u r e
and the
m ul t i p l i c i ty
of
t he d iv ine . Th i s do es
n o t o c c u r w i t h o u t s o m e c r u e l t y ,
for
w h o s o e v e r s a y s p o l y t h e i s m , s a y s
a n t a g o n i s m . W h o s o e v e r t u r n s to n a t u r e , t u r n s to its ha rs h l aw s , i nc lud ing
v i o l e n c e
and
d e a t h .
Bu t the
f ights be tween
the
g o d s
or of
g r o u p s a m o n g
t h e m s e l v e s is at l e a s t be t t e r t han the d e n i a l of t h e s t r a n g e r . In w a r t i m e , h e
t a k e s
on a
h u m a n f a c e :
he
ex i s t s .
A n d
e v e n
if
h is c u s t o m s
a re
o p p o s e d
to
m y o w n , e v e n if I c o n s i d e r t h e m to be n e i t h e r ' b e a u t i f u l ' , ' h o l y ' n o r ' g o o d ' ,
I c a n n o t p r e v e n t t h e m f r o m b e i n g .
It is
t h i s r e co gn i t i o n t ha t l e t s
us
d r a w
an
a n a l o g y b e t w e e n r e l i g i o u s c a t e g o r i e s a n d soc i al r e l a t i o nsh ips .
W i t h
the
sa m e theo re t i c a l s ens i t i v i ty
as
W e b e r ,
th e
soc io log i s t S im me l
a s k s
us to
c o n s i d e r
G od as coincidentia oppositorum, a
c e n t r e w h e r e
the
a n t i n o m i e s
of
li fe b l end tog e th e r .
In th e
s a m e p a s s a g e
he
re fe r s
to the
t r ibe
( ' t h e o r i g i n a l r e l ig i o u s c o m m u n i t y w a s th e t r i b e ' ) an d to th e d e p e n d e n c e of
t he i nd iv idua l
on the
l a t t e r
- the
d e p e n d e n c e
o n G o d
b e i n g
in
effect
a
' s t y l i z a t i on ' ( t ha t is, at the s a m e t i m e i n - d e p t h and e u p h e m i z e d ) of th e
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P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
113
f o r m e r . 2 3 The tribes and their battles, the tight interdependence that
constitutes these tribes and at the same time the necessity of a God that
unit es opp osi tes - such is the mythico -epi stem olog ical fr ame wor k of the
dialectic of love and [of] estrangement' that seems to be at the root of all
social structuring. The fact that religion (re-ligare) is th e exp res sion of a
plu ral socie ty in th e sense th at I have just st at ed is in no way s urpr ising.
Indeed, let us remember that before becoming an institution, with its
accompanying rigidification, religious gatherings served above all as a way
of keeping warm, uniting against the harshness of the social or natural
'state of things'.
It is no less tru e tha t the se gat her ings and the inte rd ep en de nc e they
imply are a heady mixture of communication and conflict. To quote
Simmel once again, the 'side-by-side' experience, the living-together and
the 'all for one and one for all' can go hand in hand with a 'one against the
o t h e r ' . 2 4 We will come back to this later; however, harmony or equilibrium
can be conflictual. In this perspective, the varied elements of the social
whole (like the natural whole) enter into a tight, dynamic mutual
relationship - in short, suggesting the lability synonymous with the living.
The complexity with which Morin speaks to us possesses the same
char acte risti cs; and in this sense the de to ur I am suggesting is pe rh aps not
as useless as it may first appear, since, at the same time as the fear or the
reality of racism mounts, so does the growth of religious groups and
pluriculturalism, and affectual networks take on an increasingly prominent
place in the complexity of modern megalopolises. Obsessed by the
individualist and economic model, which predominated during the modern
period, we have forgotten that social aggregations are founded equally on
affective attraction and rejection. Social passion, whatever some may
think, is an unavoidable reality. By failing to include it in our analyses we
prevent ourselves from understanding a multitude of situations that can no
longer be passed over as so much trivia. This is especially so since, as in all
moments of 'cultural' foundation, the multiracial event bursts in. Without
trying to hide be hin d a foun ding fa ther , we can read a pa rt of Du rk he im 's
The Division of Labour in Society in this per spe cti ve. Whe th er or not it
pleases the epigones who invoke his spirit and set themselves up as
guardians of the Temple, friendship, fellow-feeling and, naturally, their
opposites enter, in a not insignificant way, into the analysis of solidarity.
Witness Durkheim's following statements: 'Everybody knows that we like
those who resemble us, those who think and feel as we do. But the
op po si te is no less tr ue . It very often h ap pe ns tha t we feel kindly
towards those who do not resemble us, precisely because of this lack of
resemblance ' (DLS
y
p .
54 .
Or t her e is Hera clitu s who mainta ins that
'co ntr ari ety is exp ed ien t and that the best agre em en t arises from things
differing and that all things come into being in the way of the principle of
anta gon ism. Differen ce, as likenes s, can be a cause of mutu al attrac tion'
( D L . S ,
p .
55 .
H e says tha t 'bo th typ es' are nece ssar y to nat ura l friend
s h i p s . 2 5 To suggest as an introduction to his work what I would call a
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114
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
contradictory friendship would explain this solidarity that lets us under
stand logically how that which differs also completes.
Cer tai nly , the re is an eleme nt of functionalism in this pers pec tive ;
ho we ve r, it is of little im port an ce in so far as it does not eli minate the
contradiction in an abstract way and in that it makes us think otherness,
with its specific dyn ami c. Until now , ant hro pol ogy or ethnol ogy ha d t he
monopoly on researching the other, just as theology was supposed to be
int ere ste d in the abs olu te oth er . It is difficult to maintai n such distinctions
today. The sociology of everyday life in particular has been able to draw
attention to duplicity, the double aspect of every social situation, to the
'aloofness' and the intrinsic plurality of what appe are d hom og ene ous . We
will not return to this. 2 6 On the other hand, we can resolutely direct our
reflections to the fabulous architectonic built on these duplicities and their
syne rgie s. This is full of vitality: disor der ed vitality, caco ph on ous, as I said
ea rl ier , as well as effervescent, yet difficult to deny.
I have already made reference to the period of Late Antiquity and its
analysis as a paradigm for our own time. It was an era filled with 'oracles',
as Brown indicates; and, he adds, when the gods speak, 'we can be sure we
are dealing with groups that can still express themselves collectively'.
2 7
In
these remarks, we can see that contemporary polyphony gives a good
account of the plurality of gods at work on the ongoing task of creating the
new 'culture'. I used the word paradigm in order to insist on the
effectiveness of this historical reference, for we who have conquered space
to o often forget tha t it is also possible to redu ce te mpora l dista nce as well.
We can speak of an 'Einsteinized' time that at once lets us read the present
by 'transporting images' (meta-phors) of the past. Thus, by emphasizing
th e vitality of th e god s - t hei r divers ity - we only stylize the effervescence
of our cities. But we should allow the poet to speak:
It
se em s to me that man is full of go ds l ike a sp on ge im me rs ed in the h ea ve ns .
T h e s e g o d s l i v e , attai n th e su mm it of thei r stre ngth th en die , leav ing their
p e r f u m e d
altars to othe r g o d s . Th ey are the very pr inc ipl es of any transforma
t i o n . T he y are the necess i t y of mo ve me nt . Th us I wa lk ed drun kenl y am on g a
t h o u s a n d div ine inc ar nat ions . (Ar agon , Le Paysan de Paris,
P a r i s ,
Gal l imar d ,
1926)
This movement from culture to civilization, then to the creation of
culture, can be read into the polytheism (antagonism) of values in which
we live today. Some would call this decadence, and why not, if by
de ca de nc e we me an that de at h is red ole nt of birt h. Flow ers that fad e,
exha ust ed by thei r own perf ecti on, bea r the pro mis e of beautiful fruit.
4 .
The organ ic balance
Cultures exhaust themselves; civilizations die; everything becomes
inscribed in the mechanism of saturation ably described by Sorokin. This is
noth ing we do not already know. Th er e is howe ver a mo re interesting
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P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
115
que sti on: what is it tha t causes life to pe rd ur e? T he glim mers of an answ er
may in fact be found in the Heraclitian or Nietzschean perspectives:
des truc tion is also con str uct ion . If the traditi on of political hom oge niz ati on
becomes saturated, by and of
itself,
through indifference or due to the
intru sion s of the stra nger, the n it is be cau se it has outlived its usefulness.
As a consequence, the equilibrium it set up ceases to be. This balance was
put into place to the detriment of what we can call difference. We must
now consider how this outsider or ' third person', an anthropological
structure we have followed every step of the way, can be integrated into a
new balance. Indeed, according to the logic of my arguments, and in
reference to many historical situations, we can postulate the existence of an
equilibriu m that is foun ded on the het ero ge neo us . Re tur nin g to a balanc e I
have already evoked earlier, we can say that the unity of bourgeois society
is succ eede d by th e unici ty of the masse s: the masse s no t as an historica l
subject, as in the case of the bourgeoisie or the proletariat, but rather as a
contradictory entity; or as a daily practice in which 'evil', the stranger, the
other, are not exorcized but integrated, according to varied measures and
norms, be they homoeopathic even.
Once again, in the perspective of social passion mentioned earlier, and
which we cannot do without, the problem facing our societies will be to
balance these opposing passions whose antagonisms are accentuated the
moment we acknowledge a natural plurality, a plurality of natures.
2 8
This
is wha t I me an by conflictual ha rm on y, since an equi libri um is mor e
difficult t o attain when passion tr ium phs ove r re as on ; this is a p he no me no n
quite easy to observe in both everyday and civic life.
We can beg in with a no tion th at is difficult to accept tod ay , and tha t
mo re ov er is not even tak en seriously: the not ion of hie rarc hy. Boug ie
re ma rk ed th at the all-embraci ng panth eism of India and its real polytheism
are tightly bound up in the caste system.
2 9
The welcoming characteristic
and the doctr inal n on -do gm ati sm of the Hi nd u religion is in fact bas ed on
its highly developed sense of hierarchy. This paroxysmal situation cannot
be exported as such or even serve as a model; but it is a good example of
how a society can cons truc t an equilibr ium bas ed on the coexi stenc e of
differences, codifying them with an accustomed rigour and building upon
this an architectonic not lacking in solidarity. For his part, Louis Dumont
in his Homo Hierarchicus was able to show a real in te rd ep en de nc e and the
reconciliatio n of comm un iti es pr od uc ed by this syste m. While it is true that
he leaves no room for individualism, he introduces us, in an astonishing
way, to a holistic understanding of society. These works are now well
kn ow n and he nc e nee d no fur ther co mm en t; it is sufficient to use them as a
support in understanding that the arrangement of small groups with
differen t lifestyles and opp os ing ide ologies is a social form that can be
balanced.
What the caste system proposes in an extreme way can be found in a
milder version in the theory of 'estates' in the Middle Ages. It was also a
ma tt er of doc trina l the ori zat ion , since it received rein forc eme nt from
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116
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
Thomist Catholicism for example, which proposed, based on the existence
of these 'estates', an idea of democracy that, as Poulat remarked, is
noticeably different from the meaning we give this term today. Thus, this
'democracy no longer pits the lower classes against the others any more
than it adv oca tes their harm on iz ati on , but is op po se d to any social forces
that compr omise their harm ony . . . i t defends proportional equality within
the hierarchical order,
all the while ma ki ng historical refe renc e to the
medieval tradition of the commune' . 3 0 1 would say for my part that this is a
social form found, apart from the examples already mentioned, in
populism, in Utopian constructions (like those of Fourier), in solidarity
perspectives and in their concrete realizations that, in a more or less
sophisticated way, have been strewn throughout our societies since the
nineteenth century.
It goes without saying that, despite any precautions we take ('pro
portional equality', for example), we are far from the egalitarianism - at
least stated - that has charac terized m oder nity since the French Revol ution
pr om ot ed it as a univers al ideal . It is neverth eles s true that we can find
both a real solidarity in this cultural span - even if limited to the group, or
at least to the proxem ic - as well as a way of living with an tago ni sm .
Fou rier , we may rem em be r, pr opo sed in his phalan steries a 'pastry war ', a
form of culinary competition that symbolized the attraction/repulsion
inherent in any sociality. This may even remind one of the ancient
philotimia,
min us the frivolous aspe ct. In de ed , it allow ed the rich and
powerful or the merely lucky to put back into the community a portion of
their gains, whether through public building projects, the construction of
shrines, or shelter for the needy. The philotimia also had a com peti tive
side: favoured by fortune, they and their accomplices issued challenges
that were difficult to refuse. Thus, the hierarchical order permitted
nonetheless an organic equilibrium, that in a coenes thetic way res pon ded
to the needs of the community, representing a ritualized game of
differ ence , in a ma nn er of spe aki ng. The re is no que stio n of a pro cla ime d
and programmed equality, but rather of real adaptation, balance and, what
is more, of a
libido dominandi
(legi timate violence) that can expr ess itself
at a lesser cost for the whole social body. Brown called this 'the model of
pa r i ty ' .
3 1
This perspective has the advantage of accounting for the two elements of
any worldl y life: conflict and comm un ica tio n. Mo re ov er , it offers a mod el
of 'profitability' of their joint exis tenc e. In this way, it is no t a nac hronist ic;
by applying it to the case of the development of Brazil, Gilberto Freyre
even speaks of a 'process of counterbalancing' . 3 2 Th er e is always the
danger of watering down the model, or of justifying oppression: only a
concrete analysis allows us to form an opinion; but in terms of logic, there
is no reason to condemn it out of hand. In any case, as far as these
reflections are concerned, we are thus able to understand how the
negotiations between antagonisms can serve to balance the whole and,
furthermore, how in the stranger confronting the citizen, the wanderer
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T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
cyclical time divided into moments. This cyclical evolution gives each
group the assurance that it will be able to benefit once again from a
moment in time that is reserved for it alone. In this respect, we need only
know that the preparations for Carnaval are carried out by individuals well
ah ea d of ti me . Thi s ass ura nce is significant when we know that time
ma na ge me nt is the prim ordi al elem ent in wha t I have called 'confr onting
destiny'. For a determined period of time and in relation to other
mo me nt s, the peo ple k nows that it is capabl e of exercising its sove reignt y.
This moment of popular sovereignty then allows for the integration of
the anomic, the stranger. Da Matta speaks of 'periphery' and of 'edge'
( p . 65) . Referri ng to what I said earl ier, it is a ques tion of anam nes is. Th e
bandit, the prostitute and even death (the absolute other) may be
expressed as em bl em at ic figures. T he social body rem em be rs that it is an
inextricable blend of contradictory elements; and the multiplicity of guises
and the situati ons to which the y lead is illumina ting . Al so , it is qu ite
co mm on for an individual to cha nge cos tum es on a daily basis: an exte rnal
as well as internal multiplicity, in other words. In this way, the antagonists
are play ed against each oth er in an ent ert ain ing way, or exha ust them selv es
in the contests put on by the samba schools and individuals whose primary
con cern rema ins the cost of the cos tum es. No one is im mune to this
competition; and there are many anecdotes and direct observations that
will astoni sh the more calculating am on g us. Th e above- men tio ne d
philotimia could here be appli ed to the mas s: the ex pe nd itu re , even by
those who have nothing, is a way of putting back into the collective circuit
all that had been privatized: money and sex. Just as the powerful of ancient
times bought favour by const ructin g temp les , he re we are forgiven ou r
normal individuality by constructing cathedrals of light at this festive time.
Fu rt he rm or e, apar t from the collectively played antagon isms, apart from
the plurality of characteristics expressed in costume, we find the acceptance
of the st ra nger . The fact that it is re nd er ed em bl em at ic is a way of
acknowl edging its pres ence . Thus , although racism is per hap s not absent
from the everyday life of Brazil, the effervescence and theatricality of
Carnaval are a way of relativizing it and tempering it, to some extent.
Through these few characteristics of Carnaval, a form of organicity is
exper ien ced . Th e whole Carna val is inscribed in the organicity of the
tripartite festivities; within the Carnaval, we can find a specific organicity
that leaves real room for the multiplicity of functions and characteristics.
An d th e fact that this multiplicity is 'on ly' make -bel ieve doe s not cha nge
any thi ng. Th e imaginar y is increasingly gra nte d a role in s truct uring
society.
This ritual effervescence and cyclical contradictoriness permits the
reinforcement, in everyday life, of the feeling of participating in a
collective body. Just as Carnaval permits us to play the role of a general or
a count or so me other prom in en t figure, we can later ta ke glory in being
this general's chauffeur; or, as Da Matta reports, see an entire household
rejoice in the title of Baron being conferred on the boss. 3 4
There is almost
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P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
119
a 'participation', in the mystical sense of the term. It accentuates the
concrete, secondary effects (financial, privileges, favours), but also the
symbolic ones. By making common cause with a superior entity, I am
reinforced in my own existence. It leads us to attribute a wider spectrum to
solidarity, and not to limit it to its sole egalitarian and/or economic
dimension.
The difference experienced in the hierarchy may be the vector of the
social equilibriu m that so preoc cupie s us. An ot he r everyday examp le can
be the basic sociality; the neighbourhood life, the everyday life without
quality that is seen as a non -en tity in a mac ros cop ic pers pec tive, but that
rec ove rs its significance with the acce ntu ati on of pro xem ics . Her e we can
see the same mechanism of participation mentioned above. This participa
tion can be in a neighbourhood, in a group, or in the form of an
emblematic animal, a guru, a football team or a minor local leader. This is
a form of clien telism in whic h hier archy is called up on onc e mor e to play a
role. We 'belong' to a place, a group, or a local personality who thus
becomes an eponymous hero. Studies on the senior civil service, university
and senior executives all highlight this process. The intellectual microcosm,
for med as it is of perfect e xa mp le s of 'free spi rit s', canno t esca pe it: in the
scorn reserved for the work of competitors anathematized by the pro
fessor; in the low blows exchanged inside various commissions, and so on.
It remains to
participate
in the glory and the wra th of the mas ter . Ί am his
ma n' is not a ph ras e often he ard in Fre nc h nowa da ys , eve n if the reality
exists, whereas in Italy one can still frequently hear:
Ί ο sono di Vuno, io
sono delValtro. I am from his clan , his g r o u p . 3 5 Should we regret it? Should
we fight it? It is, in any case, interesting to observe its effects. Inasmuch as
in a given domain, groups can relativize themselves; this clan process can
admit the game of difference, the expression of everyone and thus a form
of balance. I have already said of the Mafia that it may be 'a metaphor of
socie ty ' . 3 6
When the rules of proper conduct are respected, there is
regulation and organic order, which cannot fail to be beneficial to all.
All the actors are an integral part of the same scene, while their roles are
different, hierarchical, sometimes conflictual. Reciprocal regulation is
surely a human constant, an anthropological structure found in all large
socio-cultural groups. This was highlighted by G. Dumezil and was
rediscovered in its own way by modern physics: Einstein's theory of
relativity is the
proof.
In each of these large groups we find a definite
pol yth eis m, whe th er it is affirmed or mo re or less hi dden . Even whe n the re
is an appa re nt monova le nc e of a value (a god ), one always finds an
alternative value or several, existing mezza voce, which hav e the ir own
effects on the social str uct ure a nd its equ ilib rium. Th us , for exa mpl e can be
seen the many heretical movements that existed within rigid medieval
Christianity or even the popular Hassidism that was to pierce the
intransigent Mosaical mo no th ei sm . 3 7
Just like che mis try , it is all a que stio n of combina tio n: t hro ugh the
differe ntiate d associa tion of el em en ts , we obt ain such and such a specific
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120
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
compound; but, with a minimal change or by moving an element, the entity
may t ak e on a new form. This is how, in the en d, on e social equi libriu m
passe s int o an ot he r. It is in the frame wor k of such a com bin ato rial logic
that we have tried to appreciate the role of the outsider; this third person
forms societies but is too often forgotte n. The ore tic al or an ecdota l
historical references were meant to underline that his acknowledgement
always corresponds to a founding moment, a moment of
culture.
On the
other hand, the weakening of culture in civilization tends to favour the
turning back to unity, to instill fear of the stranger. Another key idea is to
postulate that the effervescence surrounding the outsider is correlative
with an accentuation of the people, who are reinforced by the idea of
difference, which they know to be beneficial to each and every one of
them. Religious and mystical images are illuminating in this regard, for
they remind us and embody, in a manner of speaking, at the everyday
level, this collective Utopia, this imagined celestial community in which 'we
will all be identical and different, just as all points on the circle are identical
and different with respect to the centre'. 3 8
We can see tha t this allusive and met aph ori cal reflection is not un rel ate d
to contemporary reality; I have shown this throughout my analysis. The
sociality that is mani fest ing itself be for e our eyes is founde d, with grea te r
or lesser force , accordin g to the situati on, on the ancient anta gon ism
between the wanderer and the sedentary. As is the case with any passage
from one combinatorial logic to another, it is not without fear and
trembling, even on the part of observers that remain social protagonists as
well. But if we can create a work of lucidity which, outside of any
judgemental at t i tude, is ou r sole re qu ir em en t, the n we will be able to
recognize, to paraphrase Walter Benjamin, that 'every document of
civilization is also a do cu me nt of ba rba rit y'.
Notes
1. Ind eed , it see ms necessary to me to reverse these Durkhei mia n con cep ts, cf. my
p r o p o s a l s : M. Maffesoli, La Violence totalitaire, Paris, PU F, 1979, p. 210 , not e 1; G. Sim mel ,
Probleme de Philosophie de VHistoire, Paris, PU F, 1 984, p. 131. Cf. the idea of 'Hete ro-
cu l tu re introduced by J. Poirier.
2 . Cf. the preface to the 2nd editi on of M. Maffesoli ,
L'Ombre de Dionysos. Contribution a
une
sociologie de Vorgie,
Paris, Librairie des Meridi ens, 1985. On the 'we- Dio nys us' , I woul d
also
refer to the article by M. Bourlet, 'Dionysos, le meme et l'autre',
Nouvelle Revue
d'ethnopsychiatrie,
no. 1 (19 83) , p. 36.
3 . Cf. J. Freu nd, Sociologie du conflit, Paris, PU F, 1 983, p. 14. Natura lly, on e shoul d also
refer to L'Essence du politique, Paris, Sirey, 1965, Ch. 7. For a go od analysis of the outsider ,
cf. J. H. Park, 'Conflit et communication dans le mode de penser coreen', Thesis, Universite
de Paris V, 1985, p. 57, et seq.
4 .
As an exa mpl e of the contrad ictio ns of 'so-called dual organi zatio ns', Cf., C . Levi-
S trau s s ,
Structural Anthropology,
Ne w York , Basic Bo oks , 1976, p. 161; also G. Dum^zil,
Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus,
Paris, Gallimard, 1941, and G. Duran d,
L'Ame tigrie, lespluriels de
psycha,
Paris, Den oel -M edi ati on, 1980, pp. 83 -8 4, and the psychological experime nt
mentioned
by P. Watzlawick,
La Realita de la realite,
French transl. Paris, Seui l, 1978, p. 90.
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P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M
121
5 . O n t r i a d i s m d e r i v e d f r o m a sy m b o l is t v is i o n , c f. G . D u r a n d ,
La Foi du cordonn ier,
P a r i s , D e n o e l , 1 9 8 4 , p . 9 0 ; a l s o M . L a l i v e d ' E p i n a y , Groddeck, P a r i s, E d i t i on U n i v e r s i t a i r e ,
1983 ,
p p . 5 6 - 5 7 fo r t h i s p s y c h o a n a l y s t ' s n o t i o n o f t r i n i t a r i a n d i v i s i o n .
6 . C f . K . S c h i p p e r ,
Le Corps taoi'ste,
P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 2 , p . 1 4 6 ( m y e m p h a s i s ) a n d p . 1 6 .
7 . C f. E . M o r i n , La Nature de l 'URSS, P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 3 , p . 1 8 1 . O n t h e d i ff e r e n t i a l
' r e a l i t i e s ' , c f. G . S i m m e l , Problemes de la Sociologie des religions, P a r i s , C . N . R . S . , 1 9 6 4, v o l.
17,
p . 1 3 ; f or a n a n a l y s i s o f A r i s t o t l e ' s t e x t , c f. F r e u n d ,
Sociologie du conf lit,
p . 3 6 ,
et seq.
8 . C f . P . T a c u s s e l ' s a n a l y s i s o f ' g e n e r a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ' i n
L' Attraction sociale,
P a r i s ,
L i b r a i r i e d e s M o r i d i e n s , 19 8 4 .
9 . L . R e a u ,
L'E urope franqaise au siede des Lu mieres,
P a r i s , A l b i n M i c h e l , 1 9 5 1 , p . 3 0 3 ,
et
seq.
10 . M a f f e s o l i , La Violen ce totalitaire.
11.
F . H o f f e t , Psychanalyse de VA lsace, S t r a s b o u r g , 1 98 4 , p p . 4 8 , 3 8 . O n e m i g h t a l so m a k e
r e f e r e n c e t o S ic il y o r t o t h e a c t i o n s of t h e E m p e r o r F r e d e r i c k I I .
12 .
C f . O . R e v a u l t d ' A l l o n e s ' n o t e i n
M usiqu es, variations sur la pensee juive,
P a r i s ,
E d i t i o n C . B o u r g o i s , 1 9 7 9 , p . 4 7 .
13.
C f . P . B r o w n ,
Au gustine of Hippo,
B e r k e l e y , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l if o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 6 7,
p p .
2 1 3 - 2 1 9 .
14 . I w i ll r e f e r h e r e t o a l e a r n e d a n d e x h a u s t i v e a r t i c le t h a t a p p e a r e d a f t e r m y w o r k o n t h e
d i o n y s i a c , B o u r l e t , ' D i o n y s o s , l e m e m e e t l ' a u t r e ' , Nou velle Revue de I'ethn opsychiatrie. O n
w h a t h e j u s t l y c a l l e d ' t h e w o r k o f t h e e x i l e ' , c f. G . R e n a u d ,
A VO mbre du rationalisme,
M o n t r e a l , E d i t i o n s S t M a r t i n , 1 9 8 4 , p . 1 7 1 .
15 .
M . M a f f e s o l i , La Con naissance ordinaire. Precis de sociologie com prehen sive, P a r i s ,
L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 , p . 1 3 2 . O n t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , cf. R e a u ,
L'Europe
franqaise,
p . 3 6 8 . C f . a l s o t h e w o r k o f C o e u r d e r o y ,
H ourra, la revolution par les Cosaques,
P a r i s, E d i t i o n s C h a m p L i b r e , 19 7 2 .
16 .
M . F . B a s l e z , L'E tranger dans la Grece An tique, P a r i s , E d i t i o n L e s B e l l e s L e t t r e s ,
1984 ,
p . 75 .
17 .
G . F r e y
r e , Th e M asters an d the Slaves: A Study in the Developmen t of Brazilian
Civilization, N e w Y o r k , A l fr e d E . Knopf, 1 9 6 3 , e . g . p . 2 1 9 . C f. a l s o R . M o t t a , ' L a S o c i o l o g i e
a u B r e s i l ' , Cahiers In ternational de Sociologie, P a r i s , P U F , v o l . 7 8 ( 1 9 8 5 ) . F o r G . S i m m e l ,
cf. G r a f e m e y e r , I . J o s e p h e d . ,
L'E cole de Chicago
( P a r i s , A u b i e r , 1 9 8 4 ).
18 .
C . B o u g i e ,
Essays on the Caste System,
C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s, 1 9 7 1,
p . 189 .
19 .
O n t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n a n d C h r i s t ia n p o l y t h e i s m , I r e f e r t o M a f f e s o li ,
L'Om bre de
Dionysos.
A s t o t h e w o r k o f D u r a n d , c f. in p a r t i c u la r
La Foi du cordonnier.
Fo r an an a l y s i s o f
p o p u l a r r e li g io n , s e e Y . L a m b e r t ,
Dieu change en Bretagne,
P a r i s ,
Cerf,
1 9 8 5 . W e m i g h t
r e t a i n o n e r e m a r k : ' t h e b l u n d e r s m a d e a b o u t p o p u l a r r e li g io n w o u l d n o t b e s o p e r s is t e n t if
m o s t s p ec i a l i s t s d i d n o t l i m i t t h em s e l v es t o q u e s t i o n i n g t h e ac t i v i s t s , t h e o f f ic i a l s . . . w h o a r e
o n l y t o o g l ad t o o b l i g e ' ( p . 1 7 ) .
2 0 .
C f . f or e x a m p l e A . F a i v r e ,
Eck artshausen et la theosophie,
P a r i s , E d i t i o n s K l i n c k s i e ck ,
1969 ,
p . 14 a n d M . E . C o u g h t r e e , ' R h y t h m o m a c h i a , a p r o p a e d e u t i c g a m e o f t h e M i d d l e
A g e s ' , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a p e T o w n , 1 9 8 5, p . 2 6 .
2 1 .
E . P o u l a t , Eg lise contre bourgeoisie, P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 19 7 7 , p . 5 9 a n d p . 13 0 o n t h e
Simultaneum,
cf . p . 87 an d
Catholicisme, dem ocratic et socialisme ,
P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 77 ,
p .
4 8 6 . I k n e w o f s u c h a v i ll a g e , W a n g e n , w h e r e t h e m a s s w a s ce l e b r a t e d in t h e p r o t e c t i v e
s h a d o w o f a s t a i n e d - g l a s s w i n d o w in w h i c h f ig ur e d t h e e y e o f t h e C r e a t o r c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n a n
i s o s c e l e s t r i a n g l e - a m a s o n i c s y m b o l if e v e r t h e r e w a s o n e a n d a n a b l e m e t a p h o r o f t r i a d i s m
2 2 .
M . W e b e r ,
Le S avant et le politique,
F r e n c h t r a n s l . b y J . F r e u n d , P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 5 9 ,
p .
93 .
2 3 .
T h e s e m e a n d e r i n g s a r e b a s e d o n S i m m e l ' s t e x t , ' P r o b l e m e s d e la s o c i o lo g i e d e s
r e l i g i o n s ' .
2 4 .
Ib i d . , p . 1 7.
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122
T H E T I M E O F T H E
TRIBES
2 5 . E . D ü r k h e i m ,
Th e Division of Labour in Society,
N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 , p p . 1 7 ,
18 , et seq. O n d i f fe r e n c e in c o n j u g a l s o c i e t y , c f. I . P e n n a c c h i o n i , La Polimologie conju gate,
P a r i s , M a z a r i n e , 1 9 8 6.
2 6 .
O n t h e e v e r y d a y w h i c h ' h i d e s a f u n d a m e n t a l d i v e r s i ty ' c f. M . d e C e r t e a u a n d L . G i a r d ,
L'Ordinaire de la comm un ication,
P a r i s , D a l l o z , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 1 . O n ' d u p l ic i t y ' , s e e m y c h a p t e r
' D e l ' a p p a r e n c e a u c y n i sm e ' i n La Conqu ete du present, pour un e sociologie de la vie
quotidienne,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 .
2 7 . P . B r o w n ,
The Making of Late Antiqui ty,
C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , H a r v a r d U n i v e r s it y
Pres s , 1 9 7 6 , p . 3 8 .
2 8 .
F o r a s im i l a r ob s e r v a t i o n f r o m a F r e u d i a n p o i n t o f v i e w c f. A . G . S a l m a ,
Les Chasseurs
d'absolu: Genäse de Ι α gauche et de la droite, Paris , Gr asse t , 1980 , pp . 21 , 22 and 24 on
H erac l i tu s .
2 9 . C f. B o u g i e , Essays on the Caste System, p . 5 5 ; L . D u m o n t , Homo Hierarchus: the Caste
System and its Implications,
Ch i cag o , Un i ver s i ty o f Ch i ca go Pres s , 1980 .
3 0 . P o u l a t , Catholicisme, democratie et socialisme, p . 85 , no te 33 and p . 86 .
3 1 .
B r o w n , The Making of Late Antiquity, p. 35 . Cf. his ana lysis of the ph ilotimia. W e are
far f rom wh at G . R en a u d i n A VOm bre du rationalisme, ca l l s socia l -s tat i sm (social-etatisme)
cf. p. 215.
3 2 . Cf . Frey
r e ,
The Masters and the Slaves, p . 93 .
3 3 . R . D a M a t t a , Carnaval, bandits et heros, Paris , Seui l , 1983 , p . 57 , et seq. O n
theatrica l i ty and the confr onting of dest iny , I wo uld refer to my boo k La Conquete du
present. Reg ard i n g th e s am b a , c f. M . S od re , Samba ο dono do corpo, R i o d e Jan e i ro ,
Cod ecr i , 1979 .
3 4 .
R . D a M a t t a ,
Carnaval, bandits et heros,
p . 183 an d th e re feren c es to M a ch a d o d e
As s i s , s ee n o te 2 .
3 5 .
A . M e d a m ,
Arcanes de Naples,
Par i s , E d i t i on d es Au tres , 1989 , p . 78 , p rov i d es a good
an a l ys i s o f c l i en te l i s m i n Nap l es . Wi th res p ect to b u s i n es s es , s ee A . Wi ck h am an d M .
P a t t e r s o n ,
Les Carrieristes,
Paris , Ra m say , 1984. I t cont ains a go od analys i s and class i f icat ion
o f n e twork s .
3 6 .
M . M af fes o l i , L a maf fi a co m m e metap h ore d e l a s oc i a l i t e
Cahiers International de
Sociologie, P a r i s , P U F , v o l . 7 3 ( 1 9 8 2 ) , p p . 3 6 3 - 3 6 9 .
37 . Cf . th e exa mp l es g i ven b y G . D u ra n d ,
L'Ame tigree. Les pluriels de psyche,
Paris ,
D en oe l , 1980 , p . 143 an d n o t es . O n E i n s te i n an d gen era l re l a t i v ity , c f. J . E . Ch aro n , L'Esprit,
cet inconnu,
Par i s , A l b i n M i ch e l , 1977 , p . 56 .
3 8 . J . L acarr i ere , L'Ete grec, Paris ,
P l ö n , 1 9 7 6 , p . 5 4 f o r a n a n a l y si s o f G r e e k m y s t i c i s m .
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6
1. T h e c o m m u n i t y o f d e s t i n y
O b s e s s e d a s w e h a v e b e c o m e w i t h t h e g r e a t e n t i t i e s i m p o s e d o n u s s in c e
t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y - H i s t o r y , P o l i t i c s , E c o n o m i c s , t h e I n d i v i d u a l - i t i s
d if fi cu lt f o r u s t o f o c u s o n ' t h e m o s t e x t r e m e c o n c r e t e ' ( W a l t e r B e n j a m i n )
th a t i s t h e l if e o f t he o rd ina ry pe rso n . I t w o u ld ap p ea r , ho w ev e r , t ha t t h i s
w i l l be a c ruc i a l , o r a t l e a s t unavo idab le , focus fo r decades t o come . A nd i t
i s no t ne w . Wi t h in t h e f ra m ew or k o f t he se pa ge s , ev e r f a it h ful t o my cau se ,
I sha l l t ry t o show bo th i t s an th ropo log ica l roo t s and the spec i f i c
m o d u l a t i o n s t h a t it d i s p l a y s t o d a y .
T h e r e a re t ime s w he n w h a t ma t t e r s i s l e s s a qu es t io n o f t he i nd iv idu a l
t h a n t h e c o m m u n i t y o f w h i c h h e o r s h e is a m e m b e r , o r w h e n t h e g r e a t
h i s t o r y o f e v e n t s is l e ss i m p o r t a n t t h a n h i s t o r i e s e x p e r i e n c e d e v e r y d a y : t h e
i m p e r c e p t i b l e s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e o u r c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k . T h e s e
t w o a s p e c t s s e e m t o m e t o c h a r a c t e r i z e w h a t c a n b e r e n d e r e d b y t h e t e r m
' p r o x e m i c s ' . O f c o u r s e i t r e q u i r e s u s t o p a y a t t e n t i o n t o t h e r e l a t i o n a l
componen t o f soc i a l l i f e . Man in re l a t i on : no t on ly a s fa r a s r e l a t i ons
b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s a r e c o n c e r n e d ; b u t a l s o t h o s e w h i c h l i n k m e w i t h a
l a n d s c a p e , a c i t y , a n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t I s h a r e w i t h o t h e r s . T h e s e a r e
t h e d a y - t o - d a y h i s t o r i e s :
time crystallized in space.
T h e his to ry of a p lac e
n o w b e c o m e s a p e r s o n a l h i s t o r y . T h r o u g h a p r o c e s s of s e d i m e n t a t i o n , t h e
an od yn e - ma d e u p o f rituals, o do u rs , no i se s , im ag es , a rch i t e c tu ra l
c o n s t r u c t i o n s - b e c o m e s w h a t N i e t z s c h e c a l l e d a ' f ig u r a t iv e j o u r n a l ' . A
jo ur na l w h ich t e ac he s w ha t w e mu s t say , d o , t h i nk , l ove . I t i s a j ou rn a l t ha t
t e aches us t ha t ' he re w e may l i ve , s i nce he re w e a re l i v ing ' . Thus , a 'w e ' i s
fo rmed tha t a l l ow s each o f us t o see ' beyond the ephemera l and ex t ravagan t
individua l l i fe ' ; tha t a l lows us to fee l ' l ike the spi r i t of the house , the
fami ly , t he c i t y ' . The re i s no be t t e r w ay o f de sc r ib ing the change in ou t look
w hich I be l i eve w e mus t make . In t h i s d i f fe ren t focus , an emphas i s w i l l be
p l a ced o n w h a t i s co m m o n to a l l , on w ha t is do ne b y a l l , if on ly on a
m i c r o s c o p i c l e v e l : ' h i s t o r y f r o m b e l o w ' . 1
I t so ha pp en s t ha t such an em ph as i s i s ex pre sse d regu la r ly . It m ay be t ha t
it is a t t h e s e m o m e n t s o f f e r m e n t a t i o n t h a t , g r e a t i d e a l s b e i n g s a t u r a t e d ,
the w ays o f l i f e t ha t w i l l gove rn our de s t i n i e s a re e s t ab l i shed th rough a
m y s t e r i o u s p r o c e s s o f a l c h e m y . It is a q u e s t i o n o f t r a n s m u t a t i o n , s i n c e
n o t h i n g i s c r e a t e d ; s u c h a n d s u c h a m i n o r e l e m e n t , o n c e a g a i n c o m e s t o t h e
f o r e g r o u n d , t a k e s o n a p a r t i c u l a r s i gn i fi c an c e a n d b e c o m e s d e t e r m i n a n t .
O F
P R O X E M I C S
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T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
Such is the case for those various forms of primary groupings which are
the basic elements of any social structure. In analysing the Hellenistic
civilization, F. Chamoux observed that what we easily term a period of
decadence was once considered the 'golden age of the Greek city-state'.
This may no longer designate a History in progress, but its intense daily
activity demonstrates a certain vitality, a specific force that invests itself in
the strengthening of the 'community cell, upon which all civilization is
founded ' . 2 Inde ed , the great forces may confron t on e an ot he r in or de r to
run t he whol e world or to creat e His tor y; as to the city, it is conten t to
assu re its per dur abi lity , to pro tect its ter rito ry, to organ ize itself ar ound
co mm on myt hs. Myth versus Hist ory: to retu rn to a spatial ima ge , the
extension (ex-tendere) of Histo ry is conf ronte d with the 'in-t ensi on' (in-
tendere) of myt h which will favou r tha t which is shared and its inhe rent
mechanism of attraction-repulsion.
Mo re ov er , this is on e of the factors of polycu lturalis m which we hav e
already touched on (Chapter 5). Indeed, the territory-myth pai r that is the
organi zing princi ple of the city is bo th cause and effect of such a st ructure.
That is, like a nest of Russian dolls, the city reveals other entities of the
same type: neighbourhoods, ethnic groups, associations, various tribes that
will organize themselves around (real or symbolic) territory and common
myths. These Hellenistic cities are founded essentially on the double
polarit y of cosm opol itan ism and roo ted ne ss (which, as we kn ow , was to
produce a specific civilization).
3 What does this say other than that all these
groups, strongly united by common sentiments, will structure a collective
me mo ry which in its very diversity is a founding str uct ure . Thes e gro ups
may be of many types (ethnic, social); structurally, it is their diversity that
assures the unicity of the city. As Lupa sco said of the physical or logical
'contradictoriness', it is the
tension
be twe en the variou s gro ups that assure s
the durability of the whole.
Th e City of Florence is an illuminating example of this. When Savanarola
wished to describe the ideal type of a republic, it was the Florentine
structure that served as his model. And just what was it? Very simple, if
the truth be told , and very different from the pejo rativ e con no tat ion
generally given to the description 'Florentine'. So in his De Politia, he
bases the architectonic of the city on the idea of proximity. The civitas is
the natural combination of smaller associations
(vici).
It is the inte rpl ay
of these elements that guarantees the best political system. In an
almost Durkheimian way, he bases the solidity of the system on those
'intermediate zones', which escape extreme wealth as well as the direst
pover ty .
4
Thus ,
the exper ienc e of the co mm on life is the very fou nda tion of the
gr ande ur of a city. It is true that Flo ren ce has kno wn glory ; a nu mb er of
observers have pointed out what this owes to an ancient 'popular civic
tradition'. The classical humanism that produced the works we know today
could also be fertilized by the culture of the
volgare.5 Thi s fact should be
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re me mb er ed , for alth ough the foreign policy of the city was not rem ark
able,
its domestic vitality, in all domains, had an impact that was to remain
significant for a long time. This vitality was founded on what could be
called a micro-loc alism tha t cre ate d cu ltu re.
Th e 'natur al comb ina tion ' I men tio ned previously is of course reason
ably cul tur al, that is, pr od uc ed from a co mm on e xp eri ence , from a series of
adjustments that were more or less able to constitute a form of balance
from very het ero gen eo us ele men ts: conflictual ha rmo ny of a sort. This
struck W eber as significant; in his essay on the city, he no tes th e to and fro
mo vem en t which is established be twee n the peo ple
(popolo)
and the
political str uct ure . Of cour se , this is only a ten de nc y; but is neve rthe les s
instructive and accounts for the adjustment between the above-mentioned
civitas and vicus. We can find in it so me th ing of the co smo polit ani sm/
rootedness dialectic of Hellenistic cities; but here the two poles would be
the patrician family and the people. They neutralize one another to an
ex te nt ; the 'chiefs of eco nomic all y and politically powerful families . . .
distributed the positions among themselves' . 6 As the political expression of
the polytheism of values, this sharing of honours is a way of tempering
power while distributing it. At the same time, thanks to this quasi-state
struct ure , the city possessed its own au tonomy (e conomic, military, financial)
and could then negotiate with equally autonomous cities.
However, this autonomy was relativized within the city itself by the
organization of the popolo. As a cou nte rpo int to the patricia ns, the popolo
represented the 'fraternization of professional associations (arti or paratici)\
This did not prevent it from recruiting a militia and paying its employees
(the Capitanus populi and his ba nd of officer s).7
One might say that this
fraternization came out of proximity: nei ghb our hoo ds and associations
represented puissance, the basic sociability of the cities in ques tion . In this
way, appearances to the contrary, the close and the quotidian are what
assu re sove reignty ove r exi sten ce. Such a st at em en t is occasionally necess
ary, and there are several historical examples to illustrate it; but as always,
what can be seen at these specific moments can only translate an
underlying structure that in ordinary times guarantees the durability of a
social entity, whatever it may be. Without giving it a too-precise political
con not ati on, the 'm ass ' is con stan t; in its variou s guises, the simplest
expression of the recognition of the local as the community of destiny.
The noble, through opportunism and/or political alliances, can vary,
cha nge terri tory ; the mer chan t, by the dema nds of his profession, inevitably
circulates; as to the mass, it guarantees stability. As Gilberto Freyre points
out with respect to Por tuga l, the mass is the 'de pos ito ry of the natio nal
feeling which was lacking in the ruling class'.
8
Of course, this remark is in
ne ed of nu an ce ; bu t it is sur e tha t faced with the freq uen t c om pro mis es of
the governing classes, one finds a certain 'intransigence' in the popular
layers. They feel more responsible for 'la patrie'; taking this term in its
simples t mean ing, the fat her lan d. Th is is easily un de rs to od : as the least
mobile class, the mass is stricto sensu the 'genius of pl ac e' . Its day-to-day
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T H E
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life assu res a link bet wee n tim e and spac e; it is the 'non-c ons cious'
guardian of sociality.
It is in this sens e that we must under sta nd the collective me mo ry , the
memory of everyday life. This love of the nearby and the present is
moreover independent of the groups that invoke it. To express it in the
ma nn er of Walt er Ben jam in, it is an aura, an all-encompassing valu e,
which I hav e already propos ed calling an 'imma nen t tra nsc end enc e'. It is
an ethic that acts as a glue between the various groups that participate in
this space-time. Thus, the stranger and the sedentary, the patrician and the
ordinary man are, volens nolens, full pa rti cipants in a force tha t surpas ses
and assu res the stability of the whol e. Ea ch of these el em en ts is for a tim e a
prisoner of this glutinum mundi tha t, accor ding to the alchem ists of the
Middle Ages, guaranteed the harmony of the global and the particular.
As I hav e said earl ier, there is a tight link bet wee n spac e and eve ryday
life, which is surely the repository of a sociality we can no longer ignore.
Many studies of cities have highlighted this point; it comes across, albeit
prudently, in the preface by Raymond to the book by Young and Willmott:
'we must believe that, in certain cases, urban morphology and working
class lifestyle manage to form a harmonious whole'. 9 Of course, such
harmony exists; it is even the outcome of what I am proposing to call the
'community of destiny'. And for those familiar with the inside of the
courees
of the no rt h of Fra nce or the
bätisses*
of the sou th an d centr al
regi ons of the coun try , ther e is no doub t that this 'mo rpho logy ' serves as a
crucible for the adjustment between various groups. Naturally, and it
cannot be emphasized enough, any harmony also brings with it a dose of
conflict. Th e commu ni ty of destiny is an ac comm odati on t o the natur al and
social en vi ro nm en t, and as such is forced to confron t h ete rog eneit y in its
various guises.
This heterogeneity, this contradictory mix, no longer belongs to a history
that can be acted upon - especially through political action - but rather a
history with which one must negotiate, with which one must work for
better or for worse. And this cannot be judged from the point of view of a
life tha t is any thi ng but alien ate d, from a logic of 'ou gh t'. Refe rring to
the Simmelesque metaphor of the 'bridge and the door', which link and
which separate, the emphasis on the spatial, on territory, makes relational
man a mixture of openness and reserve. We know that a certain affability is
often the sign of a powerful 'aloofness'. All of this serves to show that
proxemics in no way means unanimity; it does not postulate, as history
does,
the surpassing of the contradictory, of that which embarrasses (or
those who are embarrassing). As the trivial expression goes: ' let 's make
d o ,
hence an
appropriation,
even if rela tive , of exis tenc e. In de ed , in not
aiming for a possibly perfect life, a celestial or terrestrial paradise, we get
use d to wha t we ha ve . It is tru e that, bey ond t he vari ous and often po or
Transl. note: couree:
in the Nort h of Fr an ce, a small dark cour tyar d shar ed by sever al poor
h o u s e h o l d s ; bätisse:
a building pr incipally constr ucted of ma sonr y.
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T H E
T I M E OF
THE
TRIBES
Returning once again to a thematic that since Durand and Morin has left
no intellectual indifferent, it must be recogniz ed tha t ther e is an e ndles s
process at work that goes from the culturization of nature to the
naturalization of culture; this allows us to understand the subject in both
his social and natur al mil ieu. It is im po rt an t in this res pec t to be sensitive to
the changes under way in our societies. The purely rational and progressive
mode l of the Wes t, which spre ad over the worl d, is bec omi ng sa tur ate d,
and we are witnessing an interpenetration of cultures which recalls the
third term (contrad ictorines s) I men tion ed. Alon gside this Westerni zatio n,
which, since the end of the previous century has been accelerating, there
are many signs around us that refer us to what may be termed an
'Ea ste rn iza tio n' of the worl d. This is exp ress ed in specific lifestyles, new
habits of dress, without neglecting to mention new attitudes towards the
occupation of space and the body. On this last point especially, one must
be aware of the development and the variety of 'alternative medicines' and
various group therapies. Moreover, research currently under way high
lights the fact that, far from being marginal, these practices, in various
guises, are branching off into all parts of the social body. Naturally, this
goes hand in hand with the introduction of syncretist ideologies, which,
attenuating the classic body -soul dic hotomy, surreptitiously enc ou rag e a n ew
spirit of the times to which the sociologist ca nno t rema in indifferent. On e
can find this intrusion of 'foreignness' occurring occasionally, as was the
case with the Egyptomania as explained by Baltrusaitis; but it would
appear that the process it triggers is no longer the privilege of an elite;
rather it gives rise to those small tribes that by concatenation and various
intersec tions have a cultural i mp ac t.
1 2
Th e essential quality of the above- men tio ned signs is a new deal for th e
space-ti me relationsh ip. To return to the notions I have been propo sing
since the begi nnin g, the emphasis is plac ed on the nea r and the affectual:
tha t which unite s on e to a pla ce, a place that is experi enc ed a mo ng ot he rs .
By way of heuristic illustration, I would refer to Berque, who stated that 'it
is no t impos sible that certai n cont em po ra ry aspec ts of Wes ter n cult ure
intersect with certain traditional aspects of Japanese culture'. 1 3 If one pays
close attention to this analysis, one will discover that the highlights of this
inte rsec tion a re its emphas is on the glob al, on na tu re , on the re latio nshi p
to the envi ron men t, which all pro duc e a com mun al type of beha viou r: ' the
nature/culture relationship and the subject/other relationship are indissolubly
linked to the perception of space' (p. 35). To abstract oneself as little as
possible from one's milieu, which must be understood here in its widest
sense, conjures up, strictissimo sensu, a symbolic vision of exi ste nce, an
existence in which 'immediate perceptions and near references' (p. 37) are
privileged. The link between the spatial, the global and the 'intuitive-
emotional' (p. 32) are an indelible part of the forgotten, denied, decried
tradition of sociological holism. Such a tradition of organic solidarity, of
the founding being-together may never in fact have existed; but it remains
nevertheless the nostalgic basis, either directly or
α contrario,
of ma ny of
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O F P R O X E M I C S
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our analyses. The thematic of Einfühlung (e mp at hy ), which come s down to
us from G e rm a n R om an ti ci sm , is the best way of expr essi ng this cour se of
resea rch . 1 4
Paradoxical as it may appear, the Japanese example could be a specific
form of this holism, of this mystical correspondence that confirms the social
as muthos.* In de ed , whet he r in bus ine ss, eve ryd ay life or leis ure, few
things escape its reach. It so happens that the contradictory mix to which
this leads is significant t oday at every level - politic al, economi c, industrial
which causes a certain fascination for my contemporaries. Should we
speak of a 'Nippon paradigm' to use Berque's words (p. 201)? Possibly,
especially if the term paradigm, as opposed to model, describes a supple
and perfectible s truc ture . Wha t is sure is that this para dig m adeq uately
explains the mass-tribe dialectic that is my principal preo ccu pati on her e;
this endles s and rath er undefined m ov em en t; this 'form' with out centre an d
without border: all things composed of elements, which, according to
situation and current experiences, fit together in changing figures and
according to several pre-established archetypes. This ferment, this cultural
effer vesce nce, is en ou gh to caus e ou r individualis tic and individualizing
rea son to he sit ate . Bu t after all, is th er e anyth ing new in this? Ot he r
civilizations were founded on ritual games of disindividualized personae,
on collectively experienced roles, and still produced solid and notable
social arch itec ton ics. Le t us not forget: th e affectual confusion of the
dionysiac myth has produced significant effects of civilization; it is possible
that our megalopolises are the site of their rebirth.
2 . Genius loci
Many times I have tried to show that the emphasis on the quotidian was not
a narcissistic turning inward, an individualist gesture, but rather a re-
cen trin g towa rd somet hin g that is ne ar by , a way of experie ncin g in the
present and collectively the anguish of time passing. Thus we can speak of
the tragic (as op po sed to dr ama tic , which is progressive ) ambi enc e that
cha rac teri zes the se eras . It is inte rest ing to no te also that they favour the
spatial aspect and all of its many territorial manifestions. In a succinct way,
we can therefo re say that space is con cen tra ted time . History is abbre
viated to day-to-day histories.
An historian of medicine has remarked on an astonishing parallel
between the 'innate Hippocratic warmth' and the fire of the Indo-
European domestic altar. They are both felt, he states, 'as unusual sources
of heat. They are both placed at central locations and dissimulated: the
ancient altar dedicated to the family cult at the centre of the house and
invisible from outside; the innate warmth proceeding outward from the
Transl. note:
' mut hos ' = myth.
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T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
heart, hidden in the deepest reaches of the human body. And both
symbolize the protective force.' 1 5 This relates to my hypothesis of the
underground centrality that characterizes sociality, hence the importance
of the 'genius of place'. This collective sentiment carves out a space, which
has in turn an effect on the sentiment in question. This makes us aware of
the fact tha t ever y social form is pa rt of a pa tt er n tr aced by the passage of
the centuries, that it is an offshoot of this, and that the modes of living that
constitute it can only be understood in terms of this substrate, in short, the
entire thematic of the Thomist habitus or the Aristotelian exis.
This constitutes a common thread of ancient memory. The cult of
Auglaurus, symbolizing the City of Athens, or the lares gods of Ro ma n
families, is te sta me nt to this. Re na n ma ke s the ironical poin t that what he
calls 'civic childishness' impedes accession to the universal religion.
1 6
It is
an easy irony, since it is cult ural; this 'mun icipaliza tion ' ha d inde ed a
function of 'reliance', turning an indefinite whole into a harmonious
system, in which all elements, in a contradictory way, fit together and
strengthen the whole. Thus, by raising altars to the glory of Augustus,
Romans were able to integrate conquered states into the solid and flexible
network of the Roman Empire. Civil religion has, stricto sensu, a symbolic
function. It expresses at best an immanent transcendence, which, while
surpa ssing individual at omi zat ion , owes its overall chara cte r only to the
elem ent s of which it is com pos ed. T hu s, the 'domest ic altar' , wh eth er a
family or, by association, a city altar, is the symbol of the social glue. It is a
place where space and time are easily discerned; a place which legitimizes
ove r and ove r again the state of bei ng- together. E ach founding mo me nt
needs such a place: whether in the form of an anamnesis, such as various
festive moments, or through scissiparity, in the case of the settler, or the
explorer who takes with him a bit of nat ive eart h to serve as the founda tion
of what will become a new city.
It is well kn ow n tha t Christ iani ty at its beg inn ings reva lue d this loca lism.
It is around such collective spaces that it grew stronger; one has only to
consult the work of Peter Brown in order to be convinced of this. He even
speaks of 'a cult of the civic saints'. It is around a
topos,
a place where a
holy ma n has taugh t and is bu rie d, tha t a churc h is fou nde d, built and
propagates his message. These topoi then gradually became connected to
on e ano th er thr oug h such flexible mean s as I have bee n discussing. Befo re
it became the overarching organization that we now know, the Church was
at first a voluntary, even federative alliance of autonomous entities with
their own traditions, their own ways of expressing religion and even,
sometimes, their own (theological) ideologies. 'Local associations remained
very strong'; and even such and such a topos arouse d 'int ense feelings of
local patr iot ism '. It is in these te rm s that Brow n desc ribes the growt h of
Christianity around the Mediterranean basin.
1 7
For him, it is precisely
because of these
topoi
in which collective feelings were inves ted, bec aus e
each community had 'its' saint, that the Church was able to implant itself
and give rise to civilization. This localist tradition was to develop in a solid
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131
and lasting way, never to be entirely annihilated by the centralizing force of
the institutional C hu rch .
To give just a few examples, we are reminded of the fact that, later on,
monasteries were to play the role of reference point, principally because
they were the repositories of relics. Duby remarked that the saint 'kept up
a corp orea l residen ce throu gh the vestiges of his earthly ex is te nc e' . 1 8 It is
mainly thanks to this that the monasteries became havens of peace; that
they were able, on the one hand, to extend this function of preservation to
the liberal arts, to agriculture and technology, and, on the other, to expand
and build up a close network of houses that became sanctuaries of culture
for what was to be co me th e Chris tian Wes t. It is wo rth reflecting on wha t is
much mo re than a me ta ph or : pres ervat ion of the saint/preservation of life;
the rootedness (more or less mythical, besides) of a saint turned into the
refuge, in the strong sense of the term, of a history in progress. To play
with words a bit, one can say that location becomes connection ['lieu
devient l i e n ' ] . This reminds us that we are perhaps in the presence of an
anthro polog ical str uctur e that ma ke s the aggregation aro und a space a
basic given of all forms of sociality - space and sociality.
Be that as it may, within the framework of my reflections here, this
relationship is the essential characteristic of popular religion. This is a term
tha t shoul d caus e many t o tr em bl e, since it is tru e that the cleric, he w ho
knows, always has difficulty avoiding an overarching view; avoiding
abs trac ting himself from what he is desc ribin g. An d yet this ter m pop ula r
religion is adequate; besides, it is almost a tautology, meaning as far as we
are concer ned wh atev er is pro xem ic. Before bec omi ng a theolo gy, or even
a specific morality, religion is above all else a place: 'We have a religion
just as we have a name, a parish, a family.' 1 9
It is a
reality:
just as I am a
product of a nature in which I feel an active participant. We can find in this
the noti on of hol ism : religion defined on the basis of spa ce is the glue
asse mbli ng an ord er ed w hol e which is bo th social as well as na tur al. This
constant is remarkable for its structural significance. Indeed, the cult of
saints in popular religion may be a useful tool for understanding the
co nt em po ra ry effect of a given gu ru , football p layer, local star or eve n
chari sma tic lu min ary - t he list is far from a closed one . If we are to bel ieve
the specialists, popular religious practices: piety, pilgrimages, cult of saints
are characterized by their local flavour, everyday rootedness and their
expression of collective feelings - all things which are in the realm of
proxemics. The institution may restore, regularize and manage the local
cult of a given saint, and with greater or lesser success; but it remains
non ethe less tr ue that one of its prim ary characteristics is spon tanei ty,
which should be understood as that which surges, expressing its own
vitalism.
This living, natural religion can be summarized with a few words from
He rv ie u- Le ge r wh o sees it as the expres sion of 'w ar m . . . relat ions . . .
found ed on proximity, conta ct, the solidarity of a local co mm un it y' . 2 0
There is no better way of describing the link between religion and space in
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THE TIME OF THE TRIBES
a do ub le po l a r i t y w hich foun ds a g iven en t i t y . Phys i ca l p ro x im i ty and d a i ly
r e a l i t y h a v e a s m u c h i m p o r t a n c e a s t h e d o g m a w h i c h r e l i g i o n i s s u p p o s e d
to con ve y. In fac t , in th i s case it i s th e co nt a in er th a t preva i l s ov er th e
co n t en t s . Th i s ' r e l i g ion o f t he so i l ' i s o f t he u tm os t pe r t i ne nc e fo r
apprec i a t i ng the mul t i p l i c a t i on o f ' u rban v i l l age s ' , t he rev i t a l i z a t i on o f t he
n e i g h b o u r h o o d a n d r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n n e i g h b o u r s w h i c h e m p h a s i z e i n t e r -
sub je c t iv i t y , af fi ni ty an d sh a re d sen t im en t . I sp ok e ea r l i e r o f im m an en t
t r a n s c e n d e n c e ; w e c o u l d e v e n s a y n o w t h a t p o p u l a r r e l i g i o n b r i n g s
t o g e t h e r t h e ' d i v i n e a n d t h e e v e r y d a y m e n t a l h o r i z o n s o f m a n '
2 1
-
s o m e t h i n g t h a t o p e n s u p w i d e a v e n u e s o f r e s e a r c h . B u t m o r e t h a n a n y t h i n g
e l s e , t h e s e r e m a r k s e m p h a s i z e t h e t e r r i t o r i a l c o n s t a n c y o f t h e r e l i g i o u s
d im en s io n . T h e so il i s t ha t w hich g ive s b i r t h an d w h e re a l l soc i a l
a g g r e g a t i o n s d i e a l o n g w i t h t h e i r s y m b o l i c s u b l i m a t i o n s .
T h i s m a y a p p e a r r a t h e r m y s t i c a l ; b u t a s E r n s t B l o c h s o c a p a b l y
d e m o n s t r a t e d , i t is a m a t t e r o f s p i r i tu a l m a t e r i a l i s m , w e ll r o o t e d , I m i g h t
ad d ; o r , even b e t t e r , it i s a qu es t io n o f t he i nex t r i c ab l e m ix o f t he co l l e c t i ve
i m a g i n a t i o n a n d i ts s p a t i a l s u r r o u n d . T h e r e is n o p r e - e m i n e n c e t h e n , b u t
r a t h e r a c o n s t a n t r e v e r s i b i l it y , a s e r i e s o f a c t i o n - r e t r o a c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e
two poles of exis tence . In order to i l lus t ra te th i s , l e t us say tha t soc ia l l i fe i s
t h e c u r r e n t w h i c h , i n a n e n d l e s s p r o c e s s , p a s s e s b e t w e e n t h e s e t w o b a n k s .
Wha t c an w e say o f t h i s , excep t t ha t t he bond be tw een the co l l e c t i ve
s e n t i m e n t a n d s p a c e is t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f a h a r m o n i o u s a r c h i t e c t o n i c i n
w hich , t o re tu rn t o t he image o f t he Psa lmi s t , ' t oge the r a l l a re a s one ' .
W i t h o u t b e i n g k n o w l e d g e a b l e e n o u g h t o g o i n t o it i n d e p t h , I r e f e r t o t h e
B r a z i l i a n
candomble,22
l e ss fo r i ts sync re t i s t r e p r e se n ta t i o ns t ha n i ts
t e r r i t o r i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . I n d e e d , t h e
terreiro*
i s s t r ik ing in i t s in te r na l
s y m b o l i c h a r m o n y . T h e l a y o u t of i ts h o u s e s , p l a c e s o f w o r s h i p a n d
ed uc a t i on , t he ro l e p l ayed by na tu re , w he th e r w i th a c ap i t a l ' n ' , a s i s t h e
ca se w i th t he g rea t
terreiros,
o r on a sm a l l e r s ca l e re p r e s en ted by a s ing l e
room - a l l a re evidence of the t ight mix, the hol i sm of the var ied soc ia l
e l e m e n t s . A s m u c h f o r t h o s e w h o l i v e t h e r e , o f c o u r s e , a s f o r t h o s e w h o
o n l y c o m e o n o c c a s i o n , t h e
terreiro
i s a po in t o f r e f e re nc e . O n e ' i s ' f rom a
g i v e n
terreiro.
I t is i n t e re s t i n g to no t e t ha t t he symb ol i sm ind uce d by th i s
m od e l is t he n d i f f ract ed in a m ino r w ay th ro ug ho u t t h e w h ole o f soc i a l li f e.
T h e cu l t pa ro xy sm , in i ts va r iou s gu i se s , eve n w h en no t iden t i f i ed a s such ,
informs a hos t of da i ly prac t ices and be l ie fs in a t ransversa l way: in a l l the
c i t ie s an d tow ns o f t h e co un t ry . Th i s p roces s is w o r th n o t in g , for in a
c o u n t r y w h o s e t e c h n o l o g i c a l a n d i n d u s t r i a l p o t e n t i a l is n o w r e c o g n i z e d b y
eve ryone , t h i s ' ho l i s t i c ' pe r spec t ive a r i s ing f rom the
candomble
is far from
b e i n g e x t i n g u i s h e d . T o s o u n d l ik e P a r e t o , it r e p r e s e n t s a n e s s e n t i a l
(qu in t e s sen t i a l ) ' r e s idue ' fo r any soc i a l comprehens ion . In any ca se , i t i s a
spec i f i c fo rm of t he space -soc i a l i t y re l a t i onsh ip , t he t r ad i t i ona l roo t edness
* Transl. note: terreiro
i s a p lace for wo rship of the
candombla,
from a smal l courty ard to an
agricu l tural es tate .
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O F P R O X E M I C S
133
the postmodern perspective, in short, of a contradictory logic of the static
and the dyna mic , which in this case is arti cul ate d ha rmo nio usl y.
To co me back to the materi al spirituality I previously men tio ned , what
does this logic teach us? Mainly, that space guarantees sociality a necessary
security. We know that limits fence one in, but also give life. All of
'formist' sociology can be summarized by this statement.
2 3
Just like the
rituals of anam ne sis or the handfu l of land I just me nt io ne d; just like the
cosmic concentrate represented by the terreiro, the dome stic Ro ma n or
Ja pa ne se a lta r, the stability of spa ce is a focal poi nt, an ancho r for the
group. It allows for a certain perdurability within the teeming and
effervescent life in pe rpet ua l re ne wal . Wh at H al b wachs said of the family
spa ce , 'the calming image of its con tin uit y', can be app lied to ou r con
tem po rar y tri bes. By sticking to its spac e, a gro up transform s (dynamic)
and adapts (static). In this way, space is a social given that makes me and is
itself made. All individual or collective rituals, whose importance is again
being recognized, are the cause or effect of such a permanence. It is really
a question of a 'silent society', of the 'strength of the material milieu'
(Ha lbwachs ) 2 4
wh ich is nece ssar y to the existent ial bal anc e of every
individual as well as the gr ou p as a wh ol e. Wh et he r we are talking abo ut
the family property or the urban 'property', whether it limits my intimacy
or is its arch ite ctur al f ram ewo rk (familiar walls, hou se s, str eet s), it is all a
part of a founding proxemics that accentuates the vividness of the spatial
fr am ew or k. All of this gives secu rity as well as allowing for res ist anc e; in
the simple sense of the ter m, it is wha t allows us to pe rd ur e, to hold back
the various natu ral a nd social impo siti ons . Thi s is the comm un ity of
destiny. Thus, the 'genius of place' is not an abstract entity; it is also a
cunning genius that continuously drives the social body and ensures the
stability of the whole above and beyond the multiplicity of varia ble details.
This dialectic has curiously been ignored, especially considering how
careful we have been to underline the progressive aspe ct of huma nit y. But
to apply a distinction develo ped by Wor ring er, al thou gh there are
mo me nt s whe n the social pro duc tio n, that is, acc omm oda tio n to the wor ld,
is essentially 'abs trac tive' (mech anic al, ration al, ins trum ent al) , ther e are
others when it returns to Einfühlung (or gan ic, imag ina ry, affectual). As I
have shown , ther e are eras durin g which, according to different balan ces,
these two perspectives can be found occurring jointly. Thus, the architec
ture of cities, which must be understood here in the narrowest sense of the
term, the fitting into a given space, can be both the application of a precise
technological development as well as the expression of a sensitive being-
together, the former referring to the dynamic, the latter favouring the
social static. It is this second case that interests us here; what has been
called the desire for security is a by-product of it. In a study which
inaugurated his reflections on cities, Medam even speaks of 'the ancestral
need for protection', which he moreover ties to the collective imagination
and everyday life. 2 5 Sh elter, the refuge as an un der gro un d but n o
less sovereign reality of all life in society, the puissance of social ity
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134
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
responding to, without necessarily opposing, the power of the socio
economic structure. In neglecting this paradoxical tension we risk forget
ting that, alongside the abstract political responsibility which theoretically
and practically has prevailed since the nineteenth century, there is a much
mor e con cr et e responsibi lity which is that of the space we live in, t he
co mm on te rri tor y. Of cour se , while the form er is mac ros cop ic, the latter is
concerned with the small number, since it comes out of a shared
experience, which I propose to call an existential
aesthetic.
Such a perspective does not easily lend itself to individualist ideologies
or to the the me of liberation which came out of Enli ghte nmen t philosop hy.
To ret ur n to an analysis of Boug ie' s, the 'sense of co mm on responsibiliti es'
with respect to the land, and the solidarity that it induces, are not
favour abl e to the 'in de pe nd en t initiatives of indiv idual s'. This is a reflec
tion on the caste system; but this valuing of proxemics in 'joint villages' can
shed some light on the tribal resurgence. The same can be said for the
infamous
obschina
of pre-sociali st Russi a. Jus t as was the case for the
castes and their interdependence, this peasant community was linked to a
feudal s tru ct ur e, and as such within the con text of the increasingly rational
world was deserving of destruction; but 'from the peasants' point of view' it
was full of ideals of solidarity t ha t were wort h no ting - which is in fact w ha t
the populists and anarchists did. 2 6
In bot h cases, serv itude or an aliena ting social stru ctur e are conf ront ed
collectively. An d this com mun ity of destiny is foun ded on the c om mo n
responsibility, whether symbolic or not, of a territory. One may make the
hypothesis that dependence and servility may be completely secondary,
on ce they are relativ ized, sha red within the framewo rk of an affectual
ne tw or k. I can just hea r the cries of ou tra ge of the convent ional maj orit y,
denouncing such a hypothesis as at best anachronistic, at worst reaction
ary. Wha t does this ma tt er , for up on a clear- eyed con tem pla tio n of a
number of social structures, one becomes aware that, beyond the claims of
abstract autonomy, they are all characterized by a high degree of
heteronomy which must be acknowledged. This negotiation may lead to a
political confronta tion (historical pr edo min an ce) ; somet imes it may be
invested in the establishment of collective refuges (spatial predominance).
It is no t up to us to decid e which is be st , but ra ther to poin t out tha t the
latte r att itu de has its own adv ant ages.
In this res pec t, th ere is a pa ra do x worth notin g. While we are able to
pick up here and there reference to the relationship between the Jewish
pe op le an d agri cul ture , it is genera lly recogn ized t hat this was not the
dominant characteristic of their history, it being understood that this is the
result of ma ny causes which esc ape reduct ive simplification. Nev ert hel ess ,
as F. Ra ph ae l says, 'the rela tionship of the Jews to the land is bot h com ple x
and more ambiguous ' .
2 7
Indeed, they seem to be the protagonists
par
excellence of a dyna mic (his tori cal) vision of the wor ld . Thi s is in pa rt t ru e;
but at the same time, the dia spo ra, the out side r statu s of the Je w, ma ke s no
sense without taking into account his relationship to the land of Canaan.
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O F P R O X E M I C S
135
Here is a land which is, in the simplest sense of the term, 'mythical'. It is
the basis of the union; it reinforces the community. The community may be
scattered, it nevertheless remains in organic solidarity, thanks to a process
of constant territorial anamnesis. This attachment to place was,
stricto
sensu, an eth os ensu ring the perdur ability of the com mun ity across many
vicissitudes, and far from minor ones , as Histo ry shows. Here is the par adox:
arising periodically throughout a long historical development, the 'mythical'
land will be diffracted into a variety of territ ories tha t may be epheme ral ,
fragile, under constant threat, but which nevertheless constitute refuges,
constantly being reborn, in which different Jewish communities will find
energy.
In this respect, the ghetto is almost the archetype of what I am
attempting to describe. Louis Wirth, in his now classic book, showed how,
in both Europe and the United States, the ghetto offered a kind of security,
this 'family fold' which, while reminding one of one's origins also had a
recreational function. Th us , as con trasted with the formalism that governed
the Ge nt ile wor ld , th e Je w found in th e gh ett o a lan gua ge, daily rituals,
friendship; in short, the familiarity that makes life tolerable. The analysis
emphasizes the 'small group' structure which prevails inside the ghetto,
and the 'emotional ' ambience that results. 2 8
To return to the image of a
nest of Rus sia n dolls , the ghet to is a pa rt of the gre ate r urba n entity and
serves itself as a shell encompassing a variety of sub-groups which gather
acco rding to the ir plac e of orig in, the ir religious or edu cat ional pre fere nce s
as so man y tribes sharing a co mm on terri tory.
Wh at can be re tai ne d from this examp le is the con ver gen ce of, on the
one hand, the spatial affiliation and, on the other, the emotional glue.
Thus, the ghetto can allow us to shed light on a number of contemporary
groups which define themselves in terms both of territory and of an
affectual sharing. Whatever the territory in question or the content of
the affection - cultural pursuits, sexual tastes, clothing habits, religious
representations, intellectual motivations, political commitments: we can
easily go on listing the factors of aggregation - they can also be circum
scribed on the basis of the two poles of space and symbol (sharing, the
specific form of solidarity , and so on ). This is wha t best charac teriz es the
intense communication which in many ways serves as a breeding ground
for what I am calling neo-tribalism. Let us clarify that this fact did not
escape Dürkheim who, reflecting on 'secondary groups', noted both the
' terri torial basis ' and the 'material neighbourhood' . 2 9
Thi s att ent ion t o
proxemics at a time when The Division of Labour in Society was at its most
influential shou ld be poin ted o ut . It shows how every society is founde d on
a kind of contract between the living, the dead and those who are to come.
I me an by this that social ex ist enc e is possib le in any place only be cause
there is a specific aura in which, volens nolens, we parti cipat e. Th e territory
is th e specific crystallizati on of such an aura . Nei gh bo ur ho od life, with its
small rituals, can be analyse d from this str ang e phyl um . Thi s Dü rk he im , in
hardly less metaphorical terms, calls holism.
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T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBES
Th e very force of eve ryday life, even when unp erc eiv ed, is built upon
this phylum. Sociality or proxemics is thus constituted of a constant
sedimentation which lays down a path; which builds 'territory'. The
str anger , the wa nd er er , is int egr ate d or refuses this sed ime nta tio n - can
eve n cre at e a new on e (cf. p olycult ura lism ); but he or she is obliged to
define him- or herself in these terms. For an image, I will borrow an
aphorism from Ebner-Eschenbach: 'The ambrosia of past centuries is the
daily bread of the times to come (Die Ambrosie der früheren Jahrhunderte
ist das tägliche Brot der späteren).
9
Th e tem pora l triad is her e summa rize d,
and the aphorism accounts for the materialist spirituality which, in a non-
conscious way, or without spectacle, deeply informs everyday life and
collective experience. As I have shown many times before, this translates
in a contradictory way the dynamic rootedness characteristic of every
society.
Th e spatial affiliation a nd its symboli c or mystical conno ta tion tha t I
have just described are in the orgiastic-dionysiac tradition which, according
to certain sociologists (Max Weber, Karl Mannheim, Max Scheler) is a
social con sta nt (let us not forget that Dion ysu s is a 't re e' divinity, ro ot ed ).
Th e essential att rib ute of this trad ition is its foundati on on 'ex-st asis', the
exit from the
self. Scheler draws a parallel between this process and the
process of identification. I identify with such and such a place, totem,
stone, because they place me in a long line of ancestors; he even speaks of
'm an -s to ne s' . Of cours e, this identification is emo tional an d collective; it
induces a 'symbolic identification'. 3 0 This is now a well-k nown t hem e, and
the te rm 'di onysiac ' itself is begi nning (aga in) , to the great annoyance of
the theoretical curmudgeons, to appear in many sociological analyses. On
the oth er h an d, it is imp ort ant t o emph asize its chtho nic aspect: these
exp ress ions refer to that which is territ oria lized , materia lize d or inca rnate ,
in the strongest sense of the term. One ought even to see whether the
theme of reincarnation, of resurrection, of metempsychosis, by postulating
perdurability, by ensuring the stability of the phylum, does not compare
with the heavily spatial procedures of identification. In any case, such
mythico-anthropological perspectives should not fail to shed some light on
the many ecstatic forms of contemporary effervescence (musical, sexual,
consumer, sporting, etc.) which, in a more or less enduring way, 'are
em bo di ed ', de linea te a terri tory, in shor t, reinvest these archaic, primitive
values of proximity that rationalism seemed to have destroyed so easily.
In summarizing the given notes and examples, we can say that there is a
close relationship between territory and collective memory. This could
lead Halbwachs to say that, as far as their cities, houses or apartments are
concerned, the groups 'in a way trace their shapes in the earth and connect
with their collective mem ori es in the spatial framework thus de fin ed' . 3 1
This is a strong expression which bursts through the too-strict barrier
established between social history and its definition in a specific place.
What is more, it illustrates precisely what I am trying to underline here: the
reva luing of spac e is corre lative to the reval uing of mo re rest ricte d enti ties
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O F P R O X E M I C S
137
(groups, ' tribes'). Symbolic and spatial proxemics encourage the desire to
leave one's mark, that is, to bear witness to one's durability. This is the
true aesthetic dimension of a given spatial affiliation: to serve the collective
memory that defined it. Afterwards, of course, these affiliations may be
subject to aesthetic analyses stricto sensu, and be co me in this sense wor ks
of culture; but it must not be forgotten that they surpass, and by far, what
is only too often an abstr act and intellec tual red uct ion. In this persp ect ive ,
the cathed ral is no mor e worthy than t he kitsch deco rati ons of a w ork er' s
garden plot; urban graffiti or stencils can be compared to prehistoric cave
pa in t ings .
3 2
In each case, a group declares itself, delineates its territory and
thus confirms its existence.
Finally, whether or not it is possible to develop it precisely, a parallel
must be drawn between proxemics and the (re)new(ed) importance of the
imagination in social life. It is almost as if a sociological 'law' needed to be
drawn up: each time that distrust of the imagination prevails (iconoclasm,
rationalist monovalency) theoretical representations and social modes of
organi zation with the co mm on de no mi na to r of ' th e distant' evolve; we are
then witness to the dominance of the political, of historical linearism,
which are all essentially prospective in nature. On the other hand, when
image in its various forms returns to centre stage, localism becomes an
undeniable reality.
To ta ke only on e historical exam pl e to serve as a spr ingboa rd to my
analysis, let us remember that at the time the Christian civilization was
being established, iconoclasm was the ideological banner under which the
believe rs in centralism m arc he d, wh ere as iconodulism* is the domai n of
those who favour the expression of local feelings. Of course, there is a
the ore tica l rat ionaliz atio n, theologi cal in this cas e, that is given to this
conflict; but it is essenti al to know wha t form the org an iza tio n of society
will take. Peter Brown, in analysing this conflict, even speaks of 'iconoclast
jacobinism'. All means are valid for eradicating local cults, quite simply
because they impede the activity of a central government. These local cults
are organized around a holy man and a specific icon; they both 'were
consecrated from below . Thi s was the basis of a complex syst em of
interrelationships between the various topoi tha t constit ute d a skein of
alternate power structures outside the confines of the centralized organiza
tion that was being established in its place. 3 3
From this process one should
remember the role of the icon that legitimized the opposition energy of the
holy man, and served as the crystallization of the feelings expressed by the
local groups.
In
brief,
in the solitude inherent in any urban setting, the icon, familiar
and close by, is a reference point that is imbedded in the daily fabric. It is
the centre of a complex and concrete symbolic order in which everyone has
a role to play in the context of an overall theatre. It thus allows for self-
Transl. note: pertainin g to the venerati on of i con s .
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138
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBES
recognition, the recognition of oneself by others, and, finally, the recogni
tion of ot he rs . This is the em pa theti c streng th of the imag e that regular ly
returns in order to remedy the deadening effects of uniformization and the
commutation it engenders. It would naturally be interesting to note the
contemporary manifestations of what I have just called icons. They are
var ied , and each of th em would re qu ire its own in-de pth analysis. I have
co nt en te d myself he re with bringing ou t the inne r logic or the 'for m'. Bu t
this should allow us to accentuate the 'imaginary' function of a whole range
of local emblems. As I have already remarked, they may be notabilities of
whatever type, animals with which the group identifies, specific places or
products of the land: each one being, of course, eponymous.
One may add that the significance of the emblematic image is increased
by technological innovations. Indeed, the television or advertising image
was initially suspect, especially inasmuch as it was the bearer of a unique
and alienating ideological message. We can now see that advertising on the
on e ha nd tak es its ins pir ation from seve ral arche typ al figures, a nd on the
other, as a result, addresses 'target' audiences, what I am calling tribes,
which give rise to and recognize, through various modes of representation
and imagination, the products, goods, services and ways of being that
con sti tut e the m as gro ups . Telev ision , becau se of its diffraction, is no
longer the standard-bearer of a unique message applicable to all. Indeed,
alt hough w ha t I am advanci ng her e is just a ten de nc y, it must be
rec ogn ized that it is add res sed increasingly to part icul ar group s: gr oup s
based on age, region, cities, even neighbourhoods. Examples such as
buildings which receive cable TV can only reinforce this process. What can
this me an , except that the imag e is no longer distan t, ove rar chi ng, totally
abs tra ct, bu t rath er it is defined by prox imit y? For bet te r or for wor se, and
whicheve r is be side the poi nt , the image will play the role of familiar icon .
A buildin g or nei gh bo ur ho od will offer up its own spec tacle . In t he
meg alo pol is, the televised image will be part of a tacti le, emo tio nal and
affectual experience; as a result, it will strengthen the tribe as such, while
at the same time creating a zone of security for
i tself .
3 4
Admi tted ly, the
theo re ti ca l stakes are significant, especia lly if we are careful to not ice t ha t
it is from 'belo w' that the se new manifest ations of bei ng- tog ether will issue.
What is certain is that all of these tendencies come back to space: there is
a territorial connotation to all of the preceding examples. Basing himself
on linguistic rese arch , Be rq ue distinguishes betw een 'e gocen tric' languages
and ' lococentric ' languages.
3 5
It is surely possible to extrapolate his
analysis and recognize th at there are cultures that are primarily 'egoc entri c'
and others that are 'lococentric'. The former favour the individual and his
or her concerted actions, whereas the latter emphasize the natural or social
environment. One might also envisage that, within one culture, one could
find differential sequences, with an emphasis sometimes on that which
individualizes, and at other times, the collective, disindividualizing aspects.
This is, at any rate, my theory for our own culture. Thus, the valuing of
spac e, thro ug h the image, the bod y and territ ory is bo th cause and effect of
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O F P R O X E M I C S
139
the sub mer gin g of the individua l in a vast whol e. A society founde d on
such a dyn amic risks seeing its fund amen tal values tur ned upsi de-d own;
this is pe rh ap s the con tem po rar y challe nge repr ese nte d by all the expe ri
ences and all the social situations which are based on proxemics.
3 .
Trib es an d netw orks
Indeed, the emphasis on the spatial is not an end in
itself:
if we are to
restore meaning to the neighbourhood, neighbourly practices and the
affectual aspect that this will inevitably give rise to, it is above all because it
allows for networks of relationships. Proxemics refers primarily to the
foundation of a succession of 'we's' which constitutes the very essence of all
sociality. To follow up on what has already been said, I would now like to
highlight the fact that the constitution of micro-groups, of the tribes which
intersperse spatiality, arises as a result of a feeling of belonging, as a
function of a specific
ethic
and within the framew ork of a co mmun icati ons
network. Th es e ma y in fact be the bywords of this analysis.
Although it takes the form of a metaphor, these three ideas can be
summarized by speaking of a 'multitude of villages' which intersect, oppose
each other, help each other, all the while remaining themselves. We now
have at our disposal several speculative analyses and field studies which go
a long way to reinforcing this point of view. 3 6 The city-object is a
succession of territories in which people in a more or less ephemeral way
take root, close ranks, search out shelter and security. In using the term
'village', I have made clear that it was only a metaphor. Indeed, it can of
course delineate a concrete space; but this can also be a cosa mentale, a
symbolic territory, in whatever shape or form, but which is no less real for
all that. One has only to refer to the 'fields' broken down by the
intellectuals to create protected domains in order to understand that the
me ta ph or of the tribe or the village is no t wit hou t heuris tic interes t. In all
domains then, whether intellectual, cultural, religious, commercial or
political, we can observe these roots which allow a social 'body' to exist as
such.
In addition, the feeling of tribal belonging can be reinforced by tech
nological developments. In speaking of 'the electronic nebula', A. Moles,
with some ret ice nce it is tr ue , suggests what coul d bec om e the 'mode l of a
new global vil lage' . 3 7 Thi s is prim arily t ha nks to the intera ctivity which this
mod el gives rise to . In de ed , 'cable T V , co mp ute r bulletin boa rds (for
am us em en t, erotic or functional purpos es) may cre ate a commu nicat iona l
matrix in which groups with various goals will appear, gain strength and
d i e ; groups which recall somewhat the archaic structures of village clans or
tribes. The only notable difference which characterizes the electronic
neb ula is of course th e very tempora lity of these tribe s. Ind ee d, as op pos ed
to wha t is usually me an t by this no tio n, the tribalism we are exploring he re
can be comp letely ep he me ra l, organ ized as the occasion arises. To retur n
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T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
to an old philos ophic al t er m, it is exh aus ted in the act. As has bec om e clear
in many statistical reports, more and more people are living as 'singles'; but
the fact of living alone does not me an living in isolation. Acc ord ing to the
occasion - especially tha nks to the com pu te r services of the Minitel - the
'single' can join a given group or activity. The 'tribes' based on sports,
friendships, sex, religion and other interests are constituted in many ways
(the Minite l is jus t one) , all of th em hav ing var ied lifespans acc ord ing to
the degree of investment of the protagonists.
Indeed, just as there are successive truths in loving relationships, science
is con str uct ed from s eque ntia l app rox ima tio ns; it is possible to imagi ne a
participation in these diverse 'forms' of sociality that would itself be
differ entiat ed and ope n. This is ma de possible by the speed of the su pp ly -
de ma nd circuit inhe rent in the comp uter ized transacti on.
It remains no less true that although they are stamped with the seal of
timeliness, with its inevitably tragic dimension, these tribes favour the
mec han ism of bel ong ing. Wha te ve r the do ma in , it is mo re or less req uir ed
to partic ipa te in the collective spirit. More ov er , the ques tion is simply no t
asked, and acceptance or rejection depends on the degree of feeling* felt
both by the members of the group and by the applicant. This feeling will
the n be eit her reinforc ed or we ak en ed by the acc ept anc e or rejecti on of
various initiation rites. Whatever the lifespan of the group, these rites are
necessary. We can moreover observe that they take on an increasing
importance in everyday life. Some rituals are more or less imperceptible,
which allow one to feel at ease, to be 'a regular' of a given bar or nightspot.
In the same way, one would never dream of transgressing them to get one's
racing form or lottery ticket; it is the same if one wants to be served
properly in the neighbourhood shops or to walk in a given street. The
rituals of belonging are of course found in office blocks and factories and
the socio-anthropology of work has paid considerable attention to this
aspect. Finally, we may recall that leisure or mass tourism is essentially
dependent on this tendency. 3 8
One could continue with examples; however, one need only show how,
alongside the resurgence of the image and the myth (a story told by each
gr oup) in the con te mp or ar y worl d, the rite is an effective t ech niq ue whi ch
at best constitutes the ambient religiosity (religare) of ou r mega lopo lises .
One can even say that the ephemeral and tragic aspects of these tribes
deliberately emphasize the performance of rituals; the latter, by their
repetitive aspect and their attention to the minuscule, attenuate the
anguish inherent in 'presentism'. At the same time as the aspiration, the
future and the ideal no longer serve as a glue to hold society together, the
ritual, by reinforcing the feeling of belonging, can play this role and thus
allow groups to exist.
It must be noted, however, that at the same time that it encourages
attraction, even if plural, the feeling of belonging proceeds if not by
Transl. note: Th e word 'feeling' is in English in the text.
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O F P R O X E M I C S
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exclusion then at least by exclusiveness. Indeed, the characteristic of the
tribe is that by highlighting what is close (persons and places), it has a
tendency to be closed in on itself. This suggests the metaphor of the door
(Tür)
so de ar to Sim mel . Th e abstra ct unive rsal gives way to the
concreteness of the particular, thus explaining the existence of these
'localisms' which have surprised more than a few researchers. Thus, within
the neighbourhood itself, we can find a seri es of clu bs ; friendly gat he rings
ta ke place within a strictly defined pe ri me te r. M ov em en t is confined to a
limited nu mb er of str eet s. Thi s kind of ph en om en on is well know n in the
cities of the south of Europe, but the work of Young and Willmott has also
shown how it applies to London. 3 9 Localism favours what can be called
't he Mafia spir it' : in loo kin g for lodg ing s, finding wo rk and as far as all the
other trivial daily privileges are concerned, priority will be given to those
who belong to the tribe or those who travel within its spheres of influence.
Ord ina ril y, this pro ces s is anal ysed within the fra mew ork of the family, b ut
it is certainly possible to extend the notion of family; that is, to a
rela tions hip bas ed on family ties bu t also on various friendships, clientelism,
or reciprocal favours.
The term 'tie' (family, friendship, etc.) must be understood in its most
commonly accepted sense: that of necessity, which the medieval guild
system classified under the heading of 'obligation'. Mutual aid in all its
forms is a
duty,
th e linchpin of a code of ho no ur , often uns ta te d, regul ating
triba lis m. Thi s is wh at gives rise to this exclusivism which, in ma ny
respects, distrusts anything unfamiliar. In their work on 'everyday
villages', Yo un g and Willmott ment ion a re ma rk which unde rlines this
ph en om en on : ' they are newcomers : they've only been here 18 years' . Th e
contra dictio n is only ap pa re nt; it me an s that these 'newc ome rs' have othe r
t i e s ,
other networks of mutual aid, participate in other groups. They
function according to their own proxemics. This reality is particularly
evident in big cities but it is, like any evidence, worth repeating. For its
own security, the grou p constru cts its own natu ral and social env iron men t
and at the same time forces,
de
facto, oth er gro ups to constit ute themselve s
as such. Thus, the territorial demarcation (I repeat: physical or symbolic
ter rito ry) is the stru ctu ral found ati on of mult iple socialities. A longsi de
direct repr od uc ti on th er e is an indir ect form of rep rod uc tio n which does
not dep en d on the will of th e social pr ot agon is ts bu t on the social effect
represented by the duo of 'attraction-repulsion': the existence of a group
founded on a strong sense of belonging requires that, for everyone's
survival, other groups exist from a similar necessity.
Th e manif esta tion s of this pro ces s ar e, when all is said and don e, quite
ordinary. One only has to observe the customers of certain cafes, the
specificity of certain neighbourhoods or even the clientele of such and such
a school, concert hall or public sphere in order to realize the importance of
such a structure. Within these various spaces, one may notice other equally
exclusive groupings, based on the subtle yet deep-rooted consciousness of
the feeling of belonging and/or of difference. Perhaps we should see this, as
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T H E
T I M E OF THE TRIBES
Bou gie pr op os es , as 'certa in trac es of the caste spirit'. Wh at is certa in
is that , alongside a surface egali taria nism , the re has always be en an
extremely complex social architectonic whose various elements were at the
sam e time complete ly oppo sed to on e ano the r as well as in ter dep end ent .
There may exist a
de facto
recognition of these group s betwe en
themselves. As I have stated, exclusivity does not mean exclusion, just as
such a recognition leads to a specific mode of adjustment. There may be
conflict, bu t it is exp ress ed within the bo unda ri es of certa in rul es, to th e
poi nt of bein g comp lete ly ritualized. Let us re me mb er the pa roxy smal
me ta ph or of the Mafia: the sharing of terri tori es is in general re spe cte d and
clan or 'family' warfare arises only at such time as the equilibrium of the
'h on ou ra bl e society' is rupt ur ed . If we were to apply this mod el to ou r
urban tribes, we would observe that there are highly sophisticated
mechanisms of regulation in place. The role of the outsider so ably
described by the political scientists (Freund, Schmitt) finds its application
he re . A system of differen tiated alliances arran ges for on e of thes e tribe s to
be always in a position of mediator. The ad hoc aspect of these alliances
makes the system one of motion while it remains perfectly stable. The role
of the outsider is not in fact a single person's doing: it can be played by an
entire group which acts as a counterweight, which plays the role of
intermediary, which simply makes up the numbers, thus strengthening the
balance of a given whole.
This can be linked to the function of 'proxemics' which existed in ancient
cities. It is an intermediate function, a matter of forming a link between the
various ethical and national groups which made up the city. By playing
around with these words, we can say that the proxenus (close) brings
closer. It is this perd urab ility tha t allows the stranger , while r ema ini ng
foreign, to take an active part in the city. He has his place in the social
architectonic. Is it moreover fortuitous if, as M.F. Baslez reports, the poet
Pindar plays the role of proxenus at the sam e time as he compose s the
dithyramb in honour of the city? Indeed, one can imagine that the
celebration of the city as a city owes much to its capacity of taming and
integrating the st ran ger . 4 1
Thus, the recognition of diversity and the ritualization of the discomfort
that it occasions leads to a specific adjustment which in a way uses the
trouble and the tension as useful balancing factors for the city. Here we
find once more the contradictory logic analysed many times already
(Lupasco, Beigbeder, Durand) and which refuses overly mechanical and
reductive binary structures and dialectical procedure. The various urban
tribes constitute a city because they are different and at times even
op po se d. A ny effervescence is structur ally foundat ional. Th is is a basic
sociological rule that did not of course escape Dürkheim; the trick is to
know how to use this effervescence, how to ritualize it. A good way, in the
above-mentioned logic, is to let each tribe be itself: the resulting adjust
ment will be all the more natural. As I have already explained elsewhere,
the coenesthesia of the social body can be compared with that of the
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T H E
T I M E OF
THE
TRIBES
sociological analyses. Thus, what was in the not too distant past deemed
'marginal' , can no longer be described as such.
Before the Chicago School, Weber had noted the existence of what I
shall call a 'tribal romanticism' which valued the affectual life and the life
experience. With nuance moreover, it can be used to separate the wheat
from the chaff; however, unlike certain commentators, it seems to me that
his analysis of small mystical groups contains, in nuce, a nu mb er of
elements which can allow us to appreciate what is happening today. In this
regard, the prudence of Jean Seguy seems closer to the mark, since,
beyond the reserve of his time, his description of that which escapes the
rati ona liza tion s of the world is in perfect ha rm on y with the non-rational
that is deep ly seat ed in urba n tr ib es .
4 4
This term must be emphasized: the
non-rational is not the irrational; it is not even defined in terms of the
rational; it establishes a logic other than the one that has prevailed since
the Enli ght enm ent . It is increasingly given that eighteent h- and nine teen th-
cen tur y rationalis m is just one mode l of rea son i nhe ren t in social life.
Ot he r par am et er s such as the affectual or the symbolic can have their own
rat ion ali ty. Ju st as the non-logica l is no t illogical, we can state tha t t he
search for shared experiences, the grouping around eponymous heroes,
non-verbal communication and bodily gestures are all based on a rationality
that is no less effective and which is in many ways wider and, in the
simplest sense of the term, more generous. This calls upon the social
observer to be generous of mind; this can only make us more sensitive to
the multiplication of tribes that are located not on the margins, but which
are like so many points in a nebula that no longer has a clearly discernible
centre.
Le t us ac knowledge the fact that th er e is a host of loci sec ret ing the ir
own values and acting as a glue for those who make and belong to these
values . Nine teen th-c entu ry v alues referred to Histo ry, to what I called the
extensive (ex-tension) att itu de ; the eme rgi ng rationality is principally
proxemic, intensive (in-tension). It is organiz ed ar ound a main spri ng (a
guru, an activity, pleasure, space) which binds people together as well as
libe rate s th em . It is cen trip etal as well as centrifuga l, wh enc e the appa re nt
instability of trib es: the coefficient of belongin g is not ab sol ute , and any one
can participate in a multitude of groups, while investing a not inconsider
able part of him or herself in each. This flitting about is surely one of the
essential characteristics of the social organization which is becoming
ap pa re nt . It is this which allows on e to po stu la te, in a para doxi cal wa y, on
the one hand, the existence of the two poles of mass and tribe and, on the
other, their constant reversibility: the coming and going between the static
and the dynamic. Must this be linked to the 'objective chance' so favoured
by the Surrea lists? It is cert ain tha t, more an d mo re , each per son is
enclosed in the circle of relationships; and at the same time, he or she can
yet be struck by the shock of the unexpected, the event, the adventure.
Hannerz thus describes the essence of the city: 'the act of discovering one
thing by chance when one was looking for something else'.
4 5
This can also
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O F P R O X E M I C S
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apply to these remarks; determined by territory, tribe, ideology, anyone
may also, and in a very short time-span, sweep into another territory,
ano ther tribe, ano the r ideology.
This is wha t brings me to con side r individual ism a nd its vari ous theo ries
as invalid. Each social actor is less acting than acted upon. Each person is
diffracted into infinity, according to the kairos, the opp ortu niti es and
occa sions tha t pr es en t them sel ves . Social life is the n a stage upo n which,
for an instant, crystallizations take place:
let the play begin.
But onc e
pla ye d, the whole is dilu ted until such point as an ot he r nodos ity take s its
place. Such a metaphor is not extravagant, in so far as it can allow us to
comprehend the succession of 'presents' (no future now) whi ch , in a
general way, best characterizes the ambience of the moment.
4 .
The netw ork of netwo rks
Although the social organization created by this paradigm may shock our
too -me cha nic al re pr es en ta ti on s, it is no less functional: it forms a struc
tu re . It is truly , in the sens e I ha ve sho wn , taki ng my inspiration from
Simmel, a form in which var ious el em en ts of a social given hold tog eth er,
in which they a re as on e bod y. This is what has caused m e to spe ak of
organicity, to rethink the notion of organic solidarity, even if it should
seem paradoxical: at the end of this reflection, we are only at the beginning
of ou r ques t. W ha t is this glutinum mundi dev elo ping bef ore ou r very eyes?
We may note that some solid work has already been done on the question
of net wor ks: for inst ance , micro-psycholo gy and math emat ical formaliza
t i o n . 4 6 Mo re ov er, it is possible that con tem po rar y ma the mati cs is perfect
ing, in a sophisticated way, its own model of interpretation - I have,
however, neither the competence nor the desire to use their analyses. One
need only remark that, although their methods are divergent, their
objective is the same: to account for a nebula with its own logic. Indeed,
that is how I would fo rmula te the prob lem : the interplay of the proxemic is
organized into poly centric nebulae.
Th es e latt er allow on e to expr ess both
segregation and tolerance. Social groups organize their territories and
ideolo gies ar ou nd the values which are their ow n, and then , thr ough force
of circumstance, are obliged to adjust themselves. This macro-social model
is in tu rn diffra cted , giving rise to the myri ad of tri bes obey ing the same
rules of segregation and tolerance, of repulsion and attraction, hence, to
return to Hannerz's expression, this 'urban mosaic' whose analysis remains
to be com ple ted : 'no on e gro up has his undivid ed al le gi an ce '.
4 7
To understand fully the teeming life that characterizes this nebula, let us
ta ke the ex am pl e of goss ip, a eu ph em iz ed form of segr egat ion and desire
for death. It serves as a group's glue and allows one to deny the honour,
the pertinence - the very existence even - of the other. At first, its practice
of anonymous killing is used to strengthen the group in its belief in what it
rep res en ts and in its activities . It alo ne posse sses the trut h - the ore tic al,
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T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
exis tenti al, ideolog ical; the erro r lies 'el sew her e'. B ut it is striking to no te
how quickly gossip spreads: each little milieu has its own rumour mill.
Without studying these as such, it is possible to state that they are a perfect
expression of the fact that, within a particular group, there are many
members who belong to a multitude of other tribes: this is how a piece of
gossip becomes a rumour. This interpenetration can also work between
different groups. By way of illustration, one can say that such and such a
pr e- em pt or y ju dg em en t - definite, mor e or less well fou nde d, negative of
cour se - a bo ut a member of the scientific trib e will sp read from university
to lab ora tory , from comm itte e to commiss ion, from colloquium to confer
ence, from journal to report, in a vast tour of academia. The means are
variable: it may range from private diatribe to silence or published
critici sm. Bu t the whole of this social body is rapidly invol ved . Nex t, from
cocktail parties to working meetings, the piece of gossip does the rounds of
the publishers and then spreads to the journalists. Sometimes the con
tamination even spreads to another tribe, such as senior government
officials or social workers who are occasional consumers of theoretical
works. Thus, we can follow, by successive concatenations, the efficiency of
mult iple a llegiances. In this sen se, the rumo ur mill is a goo d indi cator
of th e net wo rk s tr uc tu re , and it is very difficult t o find a circle tha t is
e x e m p t . 4 8
In fact, the interlacing (what English-speaking theoreticians call connected
ness) is a morphological characteristic of the social aggregat ion which
concerns us here. One will remember in this context Milgram's experiments,
which showed that, with the help of five or six relayers, one could establish
contact between two people in opposite corners of the United States.
4 9
Relying on the research by Milgram, one notices that the chain linking the
pe op le in que stio n is compo se d less of individua ls than of 'micr o-mi lieux '.
In the above-cited exa mpl e, as in Milgra m's exp erim ent s, information
circula tes beca use it is tra nsm itt ed from link to link; som eti mes within the
chain there is a larger link. Depending on the case, it may be a bar, a
ta ver n, a res pec ted university lab ora tor y, a chur ch - it mat ter s little. This
link structures the received information, corrects it, prunes it, invents a
little low embellishment, then sends it on to the next link. At its extreme,
the individual concerned by the information does not count for much, a
fortiori the on e who is tran smit ting it; they are bo th int erc han gea ble paw ns
of a part icul ar 'st ruc tur e effect'. T his expla ins why no on e is respo nsib le (or
answers) for the information or the gossip: they are transmitted through
the atmosphere, making and destroying the most fragile of reputations - sic
transit.
The aforementioned examples, which are of course only general indica
tions, are reinforced by the non-voluntary, non-active structure of the
ne tw or ks . We might almost say tha t this is a constr ain t, or pre- constra int.
Fr om he re on in, its pro tago nist s can also be thus qualified: they are less
producers of information than acted upon by information. If we can forget
for a moment our judgemental attitude, and without giving it a pejorative
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con not ati on, we can refer back to the dionysiac me ta ph or of confusion:
things, people and representations relate through a mechanism of proximity.
Thus, it is by successive associations that what we call the social given is
created. By a series of overlappings and multiple interconnections, a
net work of net wor ks is cons titut ed; the various ele men ts are main taine d in
relation to on e anot he r, thus forming a compl ex stru ctur e; ho weve r,
timing, chance, the present all play a considerable part. This gives to our
era its uncer tai n an d stochastic flavour. This does no t alter the fact,
difficult as it is for us to see, that there is a solid organicity at work that can
serve as the basis of new forms of solidarity and sociality.
To be sur e, these owe nothi ng to the ideology of dev elo pme nt founded
on an individual master of himself or on continuous progress; these are all
par t of a linear pers pec tive or a physics com pri sed of isol ated , j ux tap os ed
at om s. A s is the case in ot he r dom ai ns , it is nece ssary from tim e to time t o
instigate a truly Cop ern ican revolu tion. In de ed , it would be judicious t o
write a new De revolutionibus orbium . . . which wou ld apply not to the
heavenly realm, but which would show the particular evolutions and
revolutions of a shattered social world. Thus, the network of networks
would no longer refer to a space in which various elements are added to
one another, are positioned; in which social activities are ordered accord
ing to a logic of separation; but rather a space where everything is
combined, multiplied and reduced, making kaleidoscopic figures with ever-
changing and varied contours.
Perhaps we can compare it to what Berque calls the 'areolar space', a
space which refers to area, as opposed to a linear space uniquely defined by
a succession of points: 'linear space would be defined as more extrinsic,
areolar space as intrinsic' . 5 0
I would like to extrapo late th e autho r's notes
on this topi c which he appl ies to Ja pa n. In de ed , it is possible to imagin e
that the emphasis placed on context, correlative to this 'areology', can help
us to define more clearly the effectiveness of the local and proxemic. As I
formu lated earlie r, ex-tension gives way to 'in-te nsion' . Con seq uent ly,
instead of interpreting the logic of networks as arising from a rather
causalist mechanics - a series of sequences - it can be seen holistically as
the correspondence of differing areas. In the context of a complex society,
everyone lives through a series of experiences which can only be under
stood in an overall sense. Participating in a multitude of tribes, which are
themselves interrelated, allows each person to live his or her intrinsic
plurality. These various 'masks' are ordered in a more or less conflictual
way and fit together with other surrounding 'masks'. Thus we can describe
to some extent the morphology of the network. This construction, like
paintings within a painting, values all of these elements, no matter how
minuscule or anodyne.
I return to my main hypothesis: there is (there will be) an increasing to
and fro between the tribe and the mass; within a defined matrix, a
multitude of poles of attraction are crystallizing. In both of these images,
the glue of the aggregation - which we could call experience, the lived,
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148
T H E T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
sensi tivity , image - is ma de up of proxim ity and th e affectual (or the
emo tio na l), which is evok ed by are a, the minuscule and the every day.
Thus, the network of networks appears as an architectonic whose sole
worth resides in its various elements. To come back to Troeltsch's
typology, the sociality produced by the network would be of the mystical
t y p e . 5 1 This te rm offers a suitable descripti on of the domi na nt char acte r
istic of contemporary reliance. We can find in it th e flux, the mobi li ty , th e
experience and the emotional life. These are all things which, as I have
tried to emph asiz e thr oug hou t this analysis, surpass the individual mon ad
and strengthen the collective feeling. It would thus appear that, due to one
of those frequent short-cuts in human history, postmodern sociality is
reinvesting some rather archaic values to say the least. Referring to
bour geoi s monu men tal ity, to its institutional expressions and its pro
jective preoccupations, these can be called 'non-contemporary' values.
And yet, they are no less real and gradually spread throughout the societal
whole in their entirety.
The paradigm of the network can then be seen as the re-actualization of
the ancient myth of community; myth in the sense in which something that
has perhaps never really existed acts, effectively, on the imagination of the
time. This explains the existence of those small tribes, ephemeral in their
actu aliz ation, bu t which never thel ess crea te a state of mind that, for its
part, seems called upon to last. Must we see this then as the tragic and
cyclical re tu rn of the sam e? It is possi bl e, howev er , tha t it forces us to
rethink the mysterious relationship uniting 'place' and 'we'. For, although
it does not fail to annoy the upholders of institutional knowledge, the
jarring and imperfect everyday life inescapably secretes a true 'everyday
knowledge' ('co-naissance') that the subtle Machiavelli called 'the thinking
of the public square'.
Notes
1. N iet zsc he, cf. F. Ferraroti's analysis,
Histoire et histoires de vie,
Paris, Librairie des
M e r i d i e n s , 1983, p. 32,
et seq.
2 .
F. Chamou x, La Civilisation hellenistique, Paris, Arth aud, 1981, p. 211 .
3 .
Ibid., p. 231, on another application of this polarity, cf. the ideal type of the city
developed by the Chicago School, in particular E. Burgess in U. Hannerz, Exploring the City:
inquiries
toward an Urban Anthropology, Ne w York: Colu mbia Unive rsity Press, 1980, p. 29.
4 . For an analysis of De Politia, cf. D. Weinst ein, Savonarole et Florence, Paris, Calm ann-
L e v y , 1965, pp. 298-2 99.
5 . Ibi d., pp. 44- 45 and footn ote s 18 and 19 on the influence of the city of Flore nce. On
space as a category of understanding', cf. A. Moles and E. Rohmer, Les Labyrinthes du vecu,
Par i s , Me rid iens , 1982; on the 'communi ty of meanin g', cf. J.F. Ber nard- Bechar ies in Revue
Franqaise du marketing, 1 9 8 0 - 8 1 , book 80, pp.9-48.
6. M. Web er, The City, Ne w Yo rk, Free Press , 1958, p. 111.
7. Ibi d. , p. 159.
8. G. Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian
Civilization, Ne w Yor k, Alfr ed E. Knopf, 1963, p. 209.
9 . H. Ra ymo nd, preface to M. You ng and P. Willmott, Le Village dans la ville, French
trans l . of Family and Kinship in East London, Paris, Centre Geo rges Pom pid ou, Centre de
creation industrielle, p. 9.
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O F
P R O X E M I C S
149
10. C f . H a n n e r z ,
Ex ploring the City
p . 6 ; o n ' u r b a n v i l la g e s ' , c .f . H . G a n s ,
The Urban
Villagers,
N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 2. O n a t t r a c t i o n , c f. P . T a c u s s e l ,
L' Attraction sociale,
P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 4 .
11 .
O n t h i s t h e m e a n d i t s e s se n t i a l c a t e g o r i e s , I r e f e r t o m y b o o k , M . M a f f e so l i,
L a
Con quete du Present. Pour u ne sociologie de la vie quotidienn e, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 . I a m u s in g
t h e t e r m d i a l e c t ic h e r e in it s s i m p l e s t ( A r i s t o t e l i a n ) s e n s e : c o n t i n u o u s tr a v e l b e t w e e n t w o
p o l e s ; o n a c t i o n - r e t r o a c t i o n , o r t h e ' M o r i n i a n ' l o o p , cf. E . M o r i n , La Methode, v o l . 3 , L a
Conn aissance de la connaissance/1,
P a r i s , Seu i l , 1 9 8 6 .
12 . B y w a y o f e x a m p l e , s e e t h e w o r k u n d e r w a y a t t h e C e n t r e d ' E t u d e s u r l ' A c t u e l e t l e
Q u o t i d i e n ( S o r b o n n e - P a r i s V ) b y P i n a L a l li o n a l t er n a t i v e m e d i c i n e n e t w o r k s , b y P . G e r o m e
o n t h e m u l t ip l i ca t i o n o f b o d i l y t h e r a p i e s , b y S . J o u b e r t a n d B . G . G l o w c z e n s k i o n a s t r o l o g y ,
a n d J . F e r r e u x on t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f a l t e r n a t i v e g r o u p s . A l s o r e f er t o J . D u m a z e d i e r ' s
w o r k , i n c l u d i n g
La Revolution du temps libre,
P a r i s , M o r i d i e n s K l i n c k s i e c k , 1 9 8 8.
13 . A . B e r q u e ,
Vivre V espace au Japon,
P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 2 , p . 3 4 , c f. t h e a n a l y s is p p . 3 1 - 3 9 .
14 . I h a v e a l r e a d y p r o p o s e d r e v e r s i n g t h e D u r k h e i m i a n c o n c e p t s o f ' o r g a n i c s o li d a r i t y ' a n d
' m e c h a n i c a l s o l i d a r i t y ' , c f . M . M a f f e s o l i , La Violence totalitaire, P a r i s, P U F , 1 9 79 ; o n
Einfühlung ,
I r e f er t o m y b o o k
La Con naissance ordinaire, precis de sociologie com prehen
sive, P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 85 . O n t h e c o m m u n i t y n o s t a l gi a o f t h e f o u n d i n g
f a t h e r s , c f. R . N i s b e t ,
Th e Sociological Tradition,
L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n E d u c a t io n a l ,
1970 .
15. C . L i c h t e n t h a e l e r ,
H istoire de la m edecine,
P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 7 8 , p . 1 0 0. I o w e t h is
r e f e r e n c e t o t h e t h e s i s u n d e r w a y b y T . O r e l o n v i t a l i sm .
1 6. E . R e n a n , La Reforme in Oeuvres Completes, P a r i s , C a l m a n n - L e v y , p . 2 3 0 . C f . a l s o
G i b b o n ,
The History of the Decline and F all of the Rom an Em pire,
L o n d o n , M e t h u e n , 1 9 09 ,
v o l . 1 , p . 7 6: ' A u g u s t u s p e r m i t t e d i n d e e d s o m e o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l c i t i e s t o e r e c t t e m p l e s in h i s
h o n o u r , o n c on d i t i o n t h a t t h e y sh o u l d a s s o c ia t e t h e w o r s h i p o f R o m e w i t h t h a t of t h e
s o v e r e i g n ' a n d p . 8 5 ' m a n y p e r s o n s p r e s e r v e d t h e i m a g e o f M a r c u s A n t o n i n u s a m o n g t h o s e o f
t h e i r h o u s e h o l d g o d s ' .
1 7. C f . P . B r o w n , Society and the Holy in Late A ntiquity, L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d F a b e r , 1 98 2,
p p . 2 7 6 - 2 8 1 . C f . a l s o
Th e Cult of the Saints: I ts Rise and F un ction in Latin Christianity,
C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 , C h . 1: ' T h e H o l y a n d t h e G r a v e ' .
18.
G . D u b y ,
The Age of the Cathedrals: Art and Society 980-1420,
C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f
C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 .
19 . E . P o u l a t ,
Eglise contre bourgeoisie,
P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 7 7 , p . 1 1 2 .
2 0 .
D . H e r v ie u - L e g e r , Vers un nou veau christianisme, P a r i s ,
Cerf,
1986 , p . 109; cf. a l so
p p . 1 0 7 , 1 23 f or r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e w o r k o f H . H u b e r t , R . H e r t z a n d S. B o n n e t .
2 1 .
M . M e s l i n , ' l e p h e n o m e n e r e l ig i eu x p o p u l a i r e ' in Les Religions populaires, Q u e b e c ,
P r e s s e s d e 1 ' U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , 1 9 7 2 .
22 . C f . fo r e x a m p l e t h e s t u d i e s o f R . M o t t a ( R e c i f e ) , ' E s t u d o d o X a n g o ' ,
Re vista de
antropologia, S ä o P a u l o , 1 9 8 2; V . d e C o s t a - L i m a ( S a l v a d o r d e B a h i a ) , A familia de santo nos
candom bles jeje. Nagos a Bah ia : un estudo de relaqoes in tra-groupais,
U n i v e r s i d a d e f ed e r a l
d o B a h i a , S a l v a d o r , 1 9 7 7 ; M . S o d r e ( R i o d e J a n e i r o ) , Samba ο dono do corpo, R i o , C o d e c r i ,
1979.
2 3 .
I h ave exp l ore d th i s i n La Connaissance ordinaire.
2 4 . Cf . th e rem ark ab l e p ag es H a l b w ach s d evo tes to th e co l l ec t i v e me m ory o f s p ac e , i n La
Memoire collective, Par i s , P U F , 1968 , p p . 130 -13 8 .
2 5 . C f . A . M e d a m , La Ville censure, Par i s , An th ro p o s , 1971 , p . 103 . O n th e d i s t i n c t ion
W o r r i n g e r m a k e s , c f . Abstraction and Empathy : A Contribution to the Psychology of Style,
t ran s l. M . B u l l ock , Ne w Yor k , I n tern at i on a l Un i v ers i t i e s , 1967 . O n th e s h ared exp er i e n ce , c f.
M . M a f f e s o l i , L e P a r a d i g m e e s t h e t i q u e , Sociologie et Societes, M o n tre a l , vo l . 17 , n o . 2 (O c t .
1985) , p . 36 .
2 6 .
O n th es e two h is tor i c exa m p l e s , c f. C . B o u g i e ,
Essays on the Caste System,
C a m b r i d g e ,
Cam b ri d ge Un i v ers i ty Pres s , 1971 , p p . 171 - 172 an d F . Ven tu r i , Les intellectuels, le peuple et
la revolution. Histoire du populisme russe au XIXe siicle,
Par i s , G a l l i m ard , 1972 , p . 211 .
27 .
F . R a p h a e l , Judaisme et capitalisms Par i s , P U F , 1982 , p . 201 .
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150
T H E
T I M E
O F T H E TRIBE S
2 8 .
L . W i r t h ,
The Ghetto,
C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 .
2 9 .
E . D ü r k h e i m , The Division of Labour in Society, N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 , p p . 2 8 -
29.
3 0 . M . S c h e l e r ,
The Nature of Sympathy,
L o n d o n , R o u t l e d g e a n d K e g a n P a u l , 1 9 7 0 , p . 1 9
( cf . a l s o p . 2 0 , n o t e 1 ) ; o n t h e o r g i a s t i c - d i o n y s i a c , cf. K . M a n n h e i m ,
Ideology and Utopia,
N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t a n d B r a c e , 1 95 4, p . 1 9 4 a n d M . W e b e r ,
Econ omy and Society,
B e r k e l e y , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 7 8 .
3 1 .
H a l b w a c h s , La M em oire collective, p . 166 .
3 2 . O n t h e a r t o f s t e n c i l s , c f. t h e s t u d i e s o f M . D e v i l l e , ' I m a g i n a i r e s , p o c h o i r s , t r i b u s ,
u t o p i e s ' ,
Societis,
P a r i s , M a s s o n , n o . 10 ( 1 9 8 6 ) ; o n g r a f f it i, c f. J . B a u d r i ll a r d ,
L'Echange
sym bolique et la m ort, P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , 1 97 6 , p . 1 1 8 , et seq.
3 3 . P . B r o w n ,
Society and the Holy in Late A ntiquity,
L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d F a b e r , 1 9 82 , p p .
2 9 3 , 2 9 7 a n d 2 9 8 .
3 4 . O n t h e s e va r i o u s p o i n t s , c f. A . S a u v a g e o t ,
Figu res de la publicitä, figures du m onde,
P a r i s ,
P U F , 1 98 7 ; M . D e v i l l e ,
Les V ideo-clip et les jeun es,
P a r i s, C e n t r e d ' o t u d e s s u r l' a c t u e l
e t l e q u o t i d i e n ( C . E . A . Q . ) C . M o r i c o t ,
Tälävision et sociätä, les imm eubles cables,
P a r i s ,
( C . E . A . Q . ) .
3 5 . B e r q u e ,
Vivre
Γ espace au Japon,
p. 47 .
3 6 . T h e t erm mu l t i tu d e o f v i l l ages wh i ch is c l o s e to th e Ch i c ago S ch oo l a s I h ave s h ow n , i s
b o r r o w e d f r o m J . B e a u c h a r d ,
La Puissance des foules,
Par i s , P U F , 1985 , p . 25 ; on th e
neighbourhood relat ions , and their confl icts or so l idari ty , one can refer to a s tudy by F.
Pe l l e t i er , Q u art i er e t com mu n i ca t i o n s oc i a l e ,
Espaces et Sociites,
n o . 15 (197 5 ) . M ore
recen t l y , c f . th e p oet i c an a l ys i s o f an e th n o l og i s t , P . S an s o t , La France sensible, C h a m p
Va l l on , 19 85 ; c f. a l s o Ferraro t t i,
Histoire et histoires de vie,
p . 33 .
3 7 . A . M o l e s ,
Th äorie structurale de la com m un ication et sociites, P a r i s , M a s s o n , 1 9 8 6 ,
p . 1 4 7 ,
et seq.
3 8 .
Ε . Τ . H al l , Beyond Culture, G a r d e n C i t y , N e w Y o r k , A n c h o r / D o u b l e d a y , 1 9 7 6 , p . 5 5
give s the ex am ple of facto ries in Jap an. On to urism , I refer to the art ic le (a s tudy unde r w ay)
b y R . A m i r o u , L e B a d a u d , a p p r o c h e d u t o u r i s m e , Sociätäs, P a r i s , M a s s o n , n o . 8 ( 1 9 8 6 ) .
F i n a l ly , o n r i tu a l in g e n e r a l , c f. L . - V . T h o m a s ,
Rites de mort,
P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 5 , p . 1 6 .
3 9 .
C f . M . Y o u n g a n d P . W i ll m o t t , Fam ily an d Kinship in East London, H a r m o n d s w o r t h ,
P e n g u i n , 1 9 6 4 , p p . 1 0 5 , 1 1 0 ,
et seq.
A l s o s e e m y n o t e o n t h e M a f i a , ' L a m a f f ia : n o t e s su r l a
s o c i o l o g i e ' , Cahiers intern ationaux de sociologie, P a r i s, P U F , v o l . 6 8 ( 1 9 8 2 ) .
4 0 .
B o u g l e \ Essays on the Caste System, p . 11 .
4 1 .
I a m f r e e ly i n t e r p r e t i n g h e r e t h e a n a l y si s d o n e b y M . F . B a s l e z ,
L'E tranger dans la
Grace antique, P a r i s , L e s B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1 9 8 4 , p . 4 0 , etseq. O n t h e r o l e o f t h e o u t s i d e r , c f. J .
F r e u n d ,
L'E ssence du politique,
P a r i s , S i r e y , 1 96 5 a n d J . H . P a r k , ' C o n f lit e t co m m u n i c a t i o n
d a n s l e m o d e d e p e n s e r c o r e e n ' , t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t e d e P a r i s V , 1 9 8 5 . O n M a f i a t e r r i t o r y , c f. J .
I a n n i ,
Des af faires de fam ille,
P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 7 8 .
4 2 . C . F o u r i er , Oeu vres Com plites, P a r i s , A n t h r o p o s , 1 9 6 6 - 6 7 , v o l . 5 , p . 15 7 ; c f. a l s o E .
D ü r k h e i m ,
Th e Elem entary Form s of the Religious life,
N e w Y o r k , C o l l ie r , 1 9 6 1 ; a s t o t h e
u s e s of v io l e n c e , I h a v e a l r e a d y d e v e l o p e d t h e s e i n M . M a f f e so l i, Essais sur la violence banale
et fondatrice,
2 n d e d i t i o n , P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 .
4 3 .
C f . t h e a n a l y si s o f t h e s e e t h n o g r a p h e r s b y U . H a n n e r z ,
Ex ploring the City,
p p . 3 8 - 3 9 .
O n t h e t h e m e of t h e p r e s e n t , I r e f e r t o m y b o o k
La Conquete du Präsent.
F o r m o r e o n t h e
m o d e l o f s e c r e c y , c f. G . S i m m e l , ' L e s S o c i e t e s s e c r e t e s ' ,
Revu e franqaise de Psychanalyse,
P a r i s, P U F , 1 9 7 7. O n t h e r i t e s o f a d o l e s ce n t g r o u p s , c f. T h o m a s , Rites de mort, p . 1 5 . O n a
m o r e g e n e r a l s e n s e o f t h e u s e s o f l e is u r e t i m e , c f. t h e b o o k s o f J . D u m a z e d i e r .
4 4 .
O n e m i gh t a l s o p o i n t ou t t h a t t h e n o r m a t i v e r e s e r v a t i o n s e n u n c i a t e d b y W e b e r a r e
f o u n d m o r e i n
Le S avant et le Politique,
F r e n c h t r a n s l. P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 59 , p . 8 5 , 1 0 5 ,
etseq.,
w h i c h d o e s a b e t t e r j o b o f g a t h e r i n g t o g e t h e r h i s ' e d u c a t i o n a l ' t e x t s t h a n d o e s Economy and
Society.
O n t h e ' e m o t i on a l c o m m u n i t y ' cf. W e b e r ,
Econom y and Society,
p . 4 5 5 a n d J . S e g u y ,
' R a t i o n a l i s a t i o n , m o d e r n i t e e t a v e n i r d e la r e l i gi on c h e z M . W e b e r ' , Archives de Sciences
Sociales des Religions,
P a r i s , C e n t r e n a t i o n a l d e la r e c h e r c h e s c ie n t i f i q u e , 1 9 8 6 , v o l . 6 1 , n o . 1 ,
p p .
1 3 2 , 1 35 a n d n o t e s . O n t h e c li m a t e i n w h i c h W e b e r w r o t e a b o u t t h e ' o r g i a s t ic ' a n d t h e
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O F
P R O X E M I C S
151
p rox i mi ty o f th e B aa l s ch oo l o f p r i es t s , an d th e K l ages c i rc l e , c f. W . F i e tk an , Ά la rech erch e
d e l a revo l u t i on p erd u e i n
Walter Benjamin,
Par i s ,
Cerf,
1986 , p . 291 ,
et seq.
4 5 . H a n n e r z , Exploring the City, p. 118.
4 6 .
Ap a rt f rom th e re fer en ce s g i ven b y H a n n e rz , on e can re fer to th e th es i s b y S . L an g l o i s ,
L es res eau x s oc i au x e t l a mob i l i ty p r o fes s i o n n e l l e , S o rb o n n e , 1980 , wh i ch g i ves a fin e
s u mm ary as we l l a s op en i n g u p n e w ave n u e s o f res earc h .
4 7 . H a n n e r z ,
Exploring the City,
p . 63 .
4 8 . T h e q u es t i o n o f gos s i p or ru mou r is worth a n oth er l oo k . A p art f rom th e s tu d ies b y
Morin and Shibutani (Cf .
Sociites,
Par i s , M as s on , 1984 ) , I wo u l d re fer to th e
these d'etat
by
F . R e u m a u x , E s q u i s s e d u n e s o c i o l o g i e d e s r u m e u r s , q u e l q u e s m o d e l e s m y t h i q u e s e t
p a t h o l o g i q u e s , S or b o n n e - P a r is V , C . E . A . Q .
4 9 . S . M i l gram, The Experience of Living in Cities. Cf . the analys i s do ne by Ha nn er z,
Exploring the City,
p. 68 .
5 0 . B e r q u e , Vivre Vespace au Japon, p. 119.
5 1 .
E . T ro e l t s ch , Ch r i s t i an i s me e t s oc i e te ,
Archives de Sociologie des religions,
no . 11
(19 61 ) , p p . 15 - 34 ; cf . w i th regard to th e n eb u l a an d th e s ec tar i an grou p , H er v i eu -L eg er , Vers
un nouveau christanisme,
p p . 145 , 343 , 353 ,
et seq.
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A P P E N D I X : T H E T H I N K I N G
O F
T H E
PU BL I C SQ U A R E *
1.
T h e t w o c u l t u r e s
The exis tence of a ' savage th inking ' i s now taken as a g iven; for t i f ied by
expe r i ence acqu i red th rough con tac t w i th p r imi t i ve soc i e t i e s , an th ropo logy i s
turning i t s a t tent ion to the everyday l i fe of contemporary soc ie t ies , even to
what has been ca l led the ' ente rpr i se cul ture ' , or o ther spheres tha t used to
seem too close to be successful ly analysed. I t is the same for the cul ture of
knowledge , which i s beginning to admi t the exis tence of
another culture,
tha t
of col lec t ive sent iments . We can agree on th is emergence ; many ana lyses
test i fy to this;
1
how eve r , a c e r t a in d i s t ance rema ins be tw een the se tw o
cul tures which a t t imes r i sks becoming an unbr idgeable
gulf.
The re i s no
ques t ion, of course , of t ry ing to ge t a round th is d i f fe rence , or even of denying
the genu ine consequences , w he the r i n t he rea lm of know ledge o r t he
everyday; ra ther i t must be acknowledged in order to maste r i t s e f fec ts . I t i s a
ma t t e r o f expe r i enc ing the pa radox ica l t ens ion p roduced by the ex i s t ence o f
the se tw o cu l tu re s , a t ens ion w hich can be summar i zed thus : how to combine
into a thought perspec t ive - a very genera l perspec t ive - tha t which can be
qua l i f ied as evanescent ,
ad hoc
and eph em er a l . I t i s a qu es t ion of ' ever yda y
knowledge ' which, wi thout los ing any of i t s re f lexive aspec t , t r ies to remain
close to its
natural foundation,
tha t is , th e basic social i ty.
O n a l l s i de s , moreove r , w e can see t he re su rgence o f many i s sue s re l a t ed
to t h i s na tu r a l fou nd a t io n ; t h i s i s w h a t w e cou ld ca l l, t ak in g a fa m ou s
p r e c e d e n t , th e ' N a t u r e Q u e s t i o n ' . H o w e v e r , as o p p o s e d t o w h a t w a s , f r om
t h e g r o t t o s o f U m b r i a t o t h e c o m m u n i t i e s o f t h e A r d e c h e , t h e ' F r a n c i s c a n ' -
t h em a t i c , such a qu es t io n is no long e r seen in cu t an d d r i ed t e rm s . T h e r e
can no longe r be a c a se o f cu l tu re on one s ide and na tu re on the o the r , w i th
a l l t he consequences such a d i cho tomy impl i e s . I t mus t be seen tha t t he
e ssen t i a l co ns eq ue nc e is t he co ns t an t r e l a t i v i za t ion o f t he na tu r a l po l e . In
v a r i o u s f o r m s - p o p u l a r , f o l k l o r e , c o m m o n w i s d o m a n d s o o n - i t w a s f o r
the mos t pa r t ma rg ina l i z ed . A t be s t , i t w as seen a s a s t age t o be pa ssed
t h r o u g h ; t h e i n f a n c y o f h u m a n i t y , a l w a y s r e b o r n , w h i c h h a d t o b e
c o m p l e t e l y e r a d i c a t e d , a t a s k t o w h i c h t h e g r e a t t h i n k e r s b u c k l e d d o w n
w i th re l i sh . Thus , be fo re demons t ra t i ng , o r a t l e a s t i nd i ca t ing the syne rgy
Ded i ca ted to Fran co Ferraro t t i .
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A P P E N D I X : THE
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153
that is bec omi ng clear the se days be twe en th e natural pole and the cultural
pole, an analysis, however
brief,
should be made of the constant scorn or
neglect of popular thought: whether in the realm of mythology or the
everyday.
2
This is a procedure stated α contrario which can be of en or mo us
help to my arguments.
T o re tu rn to a con cep t of Gil be rt Du ra nd 's , it was no t until recen tly that
the 'ant hrop olog ical trajectory ' (which Be rq ue called 'trans-subjectivity')
between the aforementioned poles was called into question. Thus, in the
cabbalistic tradition, alongside the 'tree of knowledge' grows the 'tree of
life'. It is the schism be tw ee n the two tre es that , accord ing to Sc hol em,
allows evil to gain a foothold in the world. 3 In a metaphorical way, one can
surely say tha t this is on e of the source s of the separ ati on b et we en life and
philosophy, their profound antagonism and the enormous difficulty the
latter has in integrating the rich experience of the former. Very early on,
we see the emergence of an important distinction between a 'philosophic-
rationalist ' culture and a 'populo-mythological' culture, a distinction
which, like a th re ad , weaves its way throu gh th e fabric of hu ma ni ty .
4
1 have
no inten tion of writing their histor y, which is worth doi ng, how ever; but
rather of highlighting that, in the words of a well-known expression, there
are variou s 'kn owl edg e inter ests' (Hab er ma s) which are bo un d to confront
each other. One might also stress the fact that the popular sensibility has
always provoked the discontent of the clerics.
This is an anc ien t pa ra do x be tw ee n that which att em pt s to explain
(return to square one), to regulate life, and that very life itself which
forever resists explanation. The first sensibility proceeds by distinction and
by subsequent analysis; the second favours conjunction and the overall
comprehension of various elements of the worldly reality. Historians and
sociologists have often contested the equivalency (ideal-typical) estab
lished by Max Weber between the spirit of capitalism and Protestantism. In
fact, in this book he stylized the essential characteristics of what can be
called bourg eoisi sm. In parti cula r, with respect to his epi ste me: to ma ster
nature (social and natural) through the rational and systematic application
of the disjunctive attitude. Moreover, this can be summed up by what Mehl
states with rega rd to the Prot est ant o utlo ok which, as opp ose d to what
seems 'at times to characterize Catholic thinking', proceeds by 'rupture, by
refusing conjunctions' . 5 In this sense, bourgeois society and its Protestant
ideology , or even th e Ang lo-Sa xon attit udes which are its vecto rs, push t he
logic of distinction and separation to its extreme. These are things which
characterized modernity in its best as well as worst aspects. By favouring
the demonstration of a rational order of 'ought', it simply forgets to show
[monstrare] a real or de r that is muc h mo re compl ex - somet hing mod ern
thought has often been incapable of understanding. Witness this warning
by an historian of Russian populism, concerning intellectuals who 'lead the
people in the name of abstract, bookish, imported ideas, but adapt
themselves to the people as it was\
6
Bu t this tra nsi tion from a logic of
oug ht to an em bo di ed logic is no t a given whe n on e rem em be rs the
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154
T H E
T I M E
OF THE
TRIBE S
scholar 's scorn of the ordi nar y, every day life which , desp ite differing
political sympathies, continues to form the basis of a good number of
analyses of social reality.
2 . Fo r the people' s happ ines s
We shall not return to an old problem which has been the subject of many
studies for over a decade. At a time when it was unfashionable to do so, I
myself ma de a contribution to this deb ate . One must reme mbe r, however,
that the people must always be brought to consciousness from
the outside.
Len inis m took this pers pect ive an d, as we kn ow , very few intellec tuals
escaped its grip. 7 And all those who, even today, distrust spontaneous
sociology, everybody's sociology, take their inspiration from the same
philosophy: that of scorn for anything which cannot be explained con
ceptually; perhaps for anything that is lived.
One may remember the Hegelian expression, 'The people does not
know what it wants, only the Prince knows.' Bit by bit, this privilege of
the Prince's was passed on to the upholders of the logic of politics, the
intellectuals, as carriers of the universal and the founders of collective
responsibility. From the princes of the mind from centuries past enacting
laws or the royal march of the Concept, to their pale reflections today in
the form of con tem po rar y buffoons, builders of a medi a infrastructure, the
mechanism is exactly the same: in all places and at all times it is a question
of 'an swe rin g for'. In this resp ect, it is enlig hten ing to see tha t, whe th er in a
scholarly study or in the multitude of newspaper articles, the moral
preoccupation remains the basis of much of intellectual analysis. As for
those who refuse to go along with this trend, they are classified under the
shameful heading of aesthetes
It would be instructive to compile an anthology of the expressions of the
scornful attitude with respect to the idiocy and the idioms of the people; in
sho rt, with resp ect to its at ta chme nt to part icul aris ms. Whe th er in the case
of Gorky observing that Lenin had the barine's* scorn 'for the life of the
masses' or the type of populo of whom Sartre stat ed 'th ey always noti ce the
ba d in thin gs' when it is equally possibl e to see the good, th er e are man y
who cannot let go of their critical
a priori
in or de r to seize the val ues which
make for the quality of life above all concerned with 'proxemics'. This
ou tloo k can best be su mm ed u p in a qu ip of Pau l Va te ry : 'Politics is the ar t
of preventing the senses from getting involved in what concerns them.'
8
In de ed , the abo ve- men tio ned failure to com pre he nd resides in the p rop en
sity of the moral-political logic to concern itself with the far-off, the plan,
the perfect; in a word, with the 'ought'. On the other hand, what for lack of
a better term we shall call the people or the mass can be characterized by
that which is close by, by that structurally heter og ene ous , mon stro us
Transl. note: a nob lem an of pre-revol utionary Russi a.
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A P P E N D I X :
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P U B L I C S Q U A R E
155
ev eryd ay ; in sh or t, by being the cen tr e of an exi stence it is ver y difficult to
su mm ar iz e. This expl ains its quas i-con scious refusal to be a nyth ing.
To account for this, I have proposed the metaphor of the underground
centrality, in order to underline the fact that many social phenomena,
while not finalized, have their own specificity. Thus, in the hypothesis of
neo- triba lism I am setting ou t, one can say tha t within a multifor m mass
th er e is a multiplicity of mic ro- groups tha t esc ape the norm al predic tions or
commands to identity of the social analysts. Nevertheless, these tribes'
exist ence is consp icu ous ; the existence of thei r culture s is no less real.
Naturally, these cultures are not part of the politico-moral order; any
analysis starting from such a premise is condemned to silence or, what is
unfortunately more often the case, to verbosity. As I have said, it is
impossible to summarize; even less is it possible to be reductive, or to make
sociality subject to some form of determination, be it of the highest order.
We are living through some of the most interesting times, in which the
efflorescence of the lived gives rise to a pluralisti c kn ow le dg e, in which
disjunctive analysis, the techniques of separation and conceptual a-
priorism
are giving way to a com ple x ph en om en ol og y which can inte grat e
participation, description, life narratives and the varied manifestations of
collective imaginations.
Such a procedure, which takes life into account, may go some way in
explaining the contemporary throng. As I have said before, we are far from
an abdica tion of the mind - on the cont rar y In de ed , it is possib le that in so
doing we are able to see a particular order at work in our own day. Thus,
corresponding to a logical vitalism would be a societal vitality, in other
words, a logic of passions (or of confusion) would replace the politico-
moral logic to which we have become accustomed. In the words of Saint
Athanas ius ,
'ou kairoi alia
kurioV
, which coul d be tra nsl ate d as: 'no t that
which is pre sen t; but rathe r the gods'. Mart ine au pro pose s inverting the
proposi t ion: 'ou kurioi alia kairoi , which we might transl ate as 'not
over arch ing auth orit y; but rat her that which is th er e' , the occasions, the
moments experienced joint ly. 9 This inversi on is useful in u nders tan din g
our own time. Religious or profane monovalency has had its day; it may be
that the aforementioned tribes are more concerned with the time that
passes and its tru e nat ur e, with the occasions tha t arise , rat her tha n
over archi ng aut hori ties , whate ver sha pe they may take . It is no less
possible that these occasions define an
order
wh ich, for all that it is mo re
stochastic or mor e la ten t, is no less rea l. Thes e are the stakes claimed by
the un de rg rou nd centrality: to be able to co mp re he nd a differentiated
architectonic, based on an internal order or puissance and whi ch, while not
being finalized, posse sses an intrinsic force tha t must be ack now led ged .
Th e vitalism pr od uc ed by the appr oa ch I have just laid out is not an
ex nihilo cre ati on . This pers pec tive recurs regu larly, and has inspired
important works. To cite but a few names from modern history, one might
refer to Schopenhauer's 'will to live', to Bergson's elan vital, Simmel's
Lebensoziologie
or Levi-Straus s'
vouloir obscur.
In each of thes e, the
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156 THE TIME O F THE TRIBES
acce n t i s p l ac ed on th e
system of conjunctions.
O r , t o em plo y a t e r m in use
to re fe r t o t he va r ious cu l tu ra l , soc i a l , h i s to r i c a l and economic e l ement s ,
t h e s o c i a l w h o l e
[tout social].
T h i s c o n j u n c t i o n s e e m s t o b e e q u i v a l e n t t o
t h e g r e a t s o c i o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e m o m e n t . O n e m a y d i s c r i m i
n a t e , s e p a r a t e , r e d u c e a w o r l d d o m i n a t e d b y t h e o b j e c t a n d t h e o b j e c t i v e ;
i t i s no t t he sam e w he n on e is con f ro n ted w i th w ha t I w o u ld ca ll t he ' r e t u r n
of l i f e ' . Th i s t heme can be found recur ren t ly i n Webe r i n t he h igh ly
f o r m a l i z e d f o r m o f
Verstehen.
I t i s ap pr op r i a t e t ha t w e hav e be en ab l e t o
u n d e r l i n e t h e c e n t r a l r o l e t h a t th i s n o t i o n h a s p l a y e d b e t w e e n k n o w l e d g e
and eve ryday l i f e . 'D esp i t e t he mys t ique w i th w hich the concep t o f
Verstehen
h a s b e e n i n f e c t e d , t h e r e s e e m s t o b e n o r e a s o n t o s u p p o s e t h a t
h i s to r i c a l o r soc io log ica l un de rs t an d i ng i s d i f fe ren t f rom eve r yd ay u nd e r
s t a n d i n g . '
1 0
In fac t , t he re i s a c e r t a in amount o f t he mys t i c a l i n t he no t ion
of un de rs t an d i ng , in t h e sense t ha t it i s fo un de d o n kno w l ed ge tha t i s a t t he
same t ime d i rec t , i n tu i t i ve and g loba l . I t ga the rs ; i t keeps t oge the r t he
v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s t h a t t h e a n a l y t i c m o m e n t h a d s e p a r a t e d .
Le t us cons ide r t he t e rm 'mys t i c a l ' i n i t s w ides t s ense : t ha t w hich t r i e s t o
u n d e r s t a n d h o w t h i n g s s t a y t o g e t h e r , e v e n i f i n a c o n t r a d i c t o r y w a y . T h i s
acc ou n t s fo r t h e conf l i c tua l ha rm on y tha t is t he a t t r i bu t e of eve r y soc i e ty .
In shor t , i t i s th i s
glutinum mundi
t ha t m ak es som e th ing ex i s t . M ys t i c a l i s
t h e a s t o n i s h m e n t o f t h e m e m b e r o f t h e
populo
w h o , c o n f r o n t e d w i t h
Sa r t r e ' s c r i t ic a l sp i r i t , s e e s , sme l l s , t e l ls t h e ' go od a t w o rk in al l t h in gs ' . T h e
a f f i rma t ive ' y e s ' i s i n op po s i t i o n to t he d i s soc i a t i ve ' n o ' . R em e m b er t ha t
th e d i s junc t ive p ro ce du re i s t he f li p -s ide o f t he p r inc ip l e o f i n d iv id ua t io n .
T h e c r it i c a l i nd iv id ua l w h o sep a ra t e s is t he sam e on e w h o d iv ide s . W hi l e
h i s e n t i r e
oeuvre
is p a r t o f t h i s t r a d i t i o n , A d o r n o , w h e n h e l e ts g o , r e m a r k s
w i th l uc id i ty t ha t ' no one ha s t he r i gh t t h rough e l i t i s t p r ide t o be opposed
to t he mass o f w hich he o r she i s a l so a moment ' , o r ' i n many peop le i t i s
a l r e a d y a n i m p e r t i n e n c e t o s a y " I " \
n
In fac t , th e my st ica l a t t i t ud e of
un de rs t an d i ng t a ke s i n to accou n t t he d i scou rse of t h e m ass ; i t i s j us t , t h e
t ru th be to ld , a spec i f ic express ion of i t . In these f ine words : 'Our ideas a re
i n e v e r y o n e ' s h e a d . ' I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e e x t e r i o r i t y m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r ,
un de rs t an d i ng en co m pa sse s t he w h ole and is i ts e lf s i t ua t ed w i th in t h i s
w h o l e .
Th i s i s a speci fi c am bie nc e w hich enc ou rag es i n t e rac t iv i t y , w he th e r
c o m m u n i c a t i o n a l , n a t u r a l o r s p a t i a l . B y p u t t i n g f o r w a r d i n a p r e v i o u s b o o k
t h e n o t i o n s o f c o r r e s p o n d e n c e a n d a n a l o g y a s a p p r o a c h e s a d o p t e d b y o u r
d i sc ip l ine , I sough t t o h igh l igh t t he pe r t i nence o f t he g loba l pe r spec t ive i n a
w o r l d w h e r e , p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e n o t h i n g is i m p o r t a n t , e v e r y t h i n g i s i m p o r t
an t ; i n a w or ld w he re , f rom the l a rge s t t o t he sma l l e s t , a l l e l ement s f i t
t o g e t h e r . T h i s w a s a l s o a m a t t e r o f e m p h a s i z i n g t h a t , j u s t l i k e a m o n o
ch ro m e pa in t in g , soc ia l l if e i s fou nd ed on a sub t l e ove r l a y ing o f exp e r i
e n c e s , s i t u a t i o n s a n d p h e n o m e n a , o n e o n t o p o f a n o t h e r w h i c h a r e
i n t e r r e l a t e d i n a n a n a l o g o u s w a y . W i t h o u t g o i n g i n t o t h e r e a s o n s b e h i n d i t ,
o n e c a n d e s c r i b e s u c h a m b i g u i t y . I n h i s o w n w a y , B e r q u e u s e s t h e n o t i o n
o f ' m e d i a n c e ' , w h i c h c o n n o t e s a m b i e n c e w h i l e e v o k i n g t h e m u l t i f o r m
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effects me nti on ed earlier . Th er e is a back and forth mov em en t betwe en the
objective and the subjective, and between the search for conviviality and
the met aph ori c pro ce du re . To be mor e precise, it is possible to speak of the
contamination of each of these registers by the other. All of these things, if
they do not inv alid ate , at least relativize bo th ext ernal scrutiny as well as
any conceptual and/or rational mo no va le nc e.
1 2
3 .
The or de r within
The surpassing of rational monovalence as an explanation for the social
world is not an abstract process; in fact, it is tightly aligned with the hetero
genization of this world, or what I have called social vitalism. According to
Renan, the ancient god 'is neither good nor bad; it is a force'.
1 3
This power
has nothi ng morali zing ab ou t it, but is exp ress ed th rough a variety of
characters, which should be understood in the strongest sense of the word,
and which all take their place in the vast symphony of the world.
Such a pluralization forces social thought to break through the con
strain ts of a one-d ime nsi onal science. This is the essential lesson of Ma x
We be r: th e pol ythe ism of value s cre ate s a causal plur alis m. Within the
conce ptual fram ework impo sed by the ninet een th centur y, I have shown
how a value was recognized as good, and the intellectual's goal was to
ensure that this principle became law. This is the politico-moral perspec
tive.
Th e few ideol ogies that sha red (conflictually) the ma rket functioned
according to the same mechanism. It can no longer remain so when totally
antagonistic values burst onto the scene, relativizing, at the very least, the
pre ten sio n to univers ality , just as this gives nu an ce to the overall influence
of a part icul ar mor alit y or politics. This erupti on is the foundati on of
conceptual relativism.
Such rela tivis m is no t necessaril y a ba d thing. In any case , its exi stence is
clear , and one might as well ta ke not e of it. In or de r to be tt er un de rst and
its effects, one might recall a statement of Brown's, in which he says that
the history of man kin d there fore is ma rk ed by 'a const ant tension betwe en
theistic and polytheistic ways of thinking'. 1 4 For my part, I would say that
th er e is a con sta nt swing bac k and forth . A cco rdi ng to Sor ok in' s law of
saturation which he so capably applied to cultural entities, there are
paradigms that favour that which unifies in terms of political organizations,
conceptual systems and moral representations; there are others that, on
the con tra ry, enco ura ge explo sion, effervescence and proliferation. Fro m a
purely spiritual God, powerful and solitary, we have moved to bodily idols,
dis ord ere d and plurali stic. How ev er , as op po se d to a simplistic linearity
which can only envisage the pa th from ' pol y' to 'm ono ', it is easy to obse rve
that human histories provide many examples of a back and forth move
ment between these two modes of social expression.
Many studies have underlined this ph en om eno n: Du ra nd , an expert on
mythology, has shown how Christianity itself, in its monotheistic intransi
gence , is incompr ehensib le witho ut i ts syncretist su bs tra tu m.
1 5
Even in our
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own day and age, the development of sectarianism, charismatic move
ments, charitable initiatives, fundamental communities, the many forms of
super stitio n, can be inte rpre ted as the manifestation of our old pa gan ,
populis t root s tha t hav e last ed, mor e or less, within po pu la r religion and
which have undermined the unifying shell developed by the institution of
the Church over the course of centuries. In fact, it would be interesting to
show how the unified aspect of the doctrine and the organization is less
solid than at first appears; that it is still vulnerable to fracturing and is
above all
ad hoc.
Th e varie d schisms and heresie s are a goo d illustration of
this phenomenon. Even the doctrines which prove later to be the most
solid supporters of monovalent positions, since they are opposed to
intolerance, because they confront the unknown and because they are
based on the thirst for freedom, are in their founding moments the most
solid defenders of pluralism. Thus, if we follow Strohl, a great expert on
the young Luther, we can see how Luther contrasted a macroscopic,
insti tutional C hu rc h with an 'invisible Chu rch . . . tha t acts thr ough its
wi tnesses ' .
1 6
Thus he found that the essence of the
ecclesia
was constituted
of small local entities mystically united in the communion of the saints. For
him, against the institutional Church serving up an established doctrine
there exists an essential instituting force:
puissance
versus
power.
It is interesting to note that this pluralistic vision of the Church has as its
corollary an intellectual framework that dissociates itself from scholastic
rigidity. Luther learned to 'combine fragments of the Aristotelian system
with those of the Augustinian, without worrying about the principles of
thes e two systems . . . he could easily ado pt ideas derived from foreign
principles, but which could be assimilated to his own'. In both these
aspe cts, Lut he r's ex ampl e is illuminating, for the success of Luth era nis m
resid es in the intuitive unde rs tan di ng of the pluralistic founda tion which
characterizes the masses. Strohl, moreover, goes on to highlight that
Lu th er 'so n of the peop le . . . has bot h his good and ba d qua li ti es '.
1 7 W e
shall leave the responsibility for such claims to himself; what is sure is that
in his own time the popular levels of society were not wrong in following
him enthusiastically and, taking his teachings to their logical conclusion,
revolted against the established powers, until Luther, having achieved his
goal of getting rid of the vizier to become the new vizier, called upon the
nobility for help in quelling the disorder of the rabble. But the 'circulation
of elites' is another story
Above all, it is critical to bring ou t the fact that ther e is a ref ract ory
social foundation to unity: refractory to any representational or organiza
tional one-d imens ionali ty. This found ation seem s to be functionally man i
fest at moments in which massification occurs together with an explosion of
the valu es und erly ing this mas s. As I hav e just shown for th e Re fo rm ati on ,
the same can also be said of the Renaissance during which, alongside a
general tendency for the 'amalgamation of different levels of society', as
Jacob Burckhardt, the great historian of this period remarks, there is a
vitalist explosion in all domains: doctrines, arts, sociability, political
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structures, etc. This effervescence constitutes a new social deal, usually
inviting other forms of interpretation. Dürkheim also noted it in the case of
the Fre nch Re vol utio n (in unde rlini ng its religious aspe ct), and, mo re
generally, in the case of any form of religion which, he says, 'is not reduced
to a unique cult, but rather consists of a system of cults invested with a
certain degree of au to no my ' . 1 8
Wh at be co me s clear thr oug h these few exam ples and quo tes is that the re
are times when societies become more complex by making use of
procedures that are themselves complex. Refined classicism is followed
by the luxuriant baroque. Just as the classical is linear, visual, closed,
analytical, and liable to be clearly analysed, the baroque is evolving,
complicated, open, synthetic and evokes a relative obscurity, or at least an
approach based on the chiaroscuro. Such research arguments put forward
in art history by Wölfflin 1 9 can easily be applied to these epistemological
considerations. In this case, the accent will be placed on the latter of these
two grou ps of not ion s. The ba ro qu e sociality that is being born requ ires
that we know how to decipher the logic of its internal mechanism. I repeat,
th er e is a specific or de r to th e un de rg ro un d sociality, an inte rnal ord er that
occasionally blo sso ms at time s of fract uring , distu rba nce or efferve scence,
given that these may be completely silent, or at the very least very discreet,
to the extent that they may escape the close analysis of the experts. Let us
remember the adage of 'keeping one's ear to the ground' .
Jü ng er not ed with ast ute nes s tha t th er e is no allusion in Egy pti an w riting
t o E xodus . 2 0 This event must not have played a significant role in the
internal politics of that country. Nevertheless, we know what impact this
small escape by slaves had on the course of history, or, and it amounts to
much the same thing, on the mythological construction underlying our
history. Th us , th ere are times durin g which the suppo sedly un imp ort ant ,
the unob se rv ed , consi dere d marg inal , is bot h a place of real investm ent for
the protagonists, as well as being consequential for social evolution. The
order to which I am referring is an attempt to come to terms with this
phenomenon.
It has alre ady b ee n anal yse d by way of no tions such as the 'soft
und erb ell y', 'aloo fness' a nd rus e; I even prop ose d the catego ry of dupli
city21 to acc ount for the proces s of abs ten tio n. It mus t also be no ted tha t
this thematic, aside from its inherently prospective interest, opens up an
epistemological line of inquiry. Thus, as Poirier remarks, the life narratives,
which 'try to make the people of silence talk, in the words of their most
humble representa t ives ' , 2 2 can be seen as belonging to this perspective. He
no te s the fact that t he re is an elo qu en t silence, and tha t it is no t a ma tt er of
rushing it, but rather of interpreting it in order to bring out all its richness.
Silence is very often a form of dissid enc e, of resistance or eve n inte rnal
distance. If we interpret this in the context of positivist norms, which can
only see the positivity of things, then this silence will be seen as 'less', as a
non-existence. As opposed to this attitude, one must say that such a
procedure has its own strong points: the 'nothing' which serves as a
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T H E
T I M E
OF THE
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fou nda tion for a meaningful life. This is the Webe ria n exp ress ion:
understanding reality from the characteristics of the unreal. In fact, the
categories of opacity, ruse, duplicity, the mechanisms of silence and the
chiaroscuro are above all the expression of a vitalism which assures the long-
term preservation and self-creation of sociality. This leads us to the
aforementioned epistemological situation.
Behind the practice of silence lies, as I have pointed out elsewhere, the
question of survival. By survival I mean that faculty of adaptation which
allows one to accommodate constraints without being overwhelmed by
them. Therein essentially lies the problem of force or puissance, which
must not be confused with po we r. I would also no te that , in its sociological
dimension, the survival of the Jewish people can be seen in the context of
the strategies I have just explained. Its jokes, its puns, silences and
consequent ruses are accompanied by a great respect for and love of life, as
many commentators have not failed to remark. 2 3
In the same order of things, one may pursue the detailed analysis of a
polemical dialogue of everyday life and how only loving relationships that
escape the injunction of speech, the therapy of confession, have a chance
to survive.
2 4
I am intentionally using illustrations from a broad spectrum.
They have nothing to do with one another, but they are able expressions of
how all sociality is base d on co mm un io n and reser ve , attr actio n and
repulsion, and by paying too much attention to the first of these pairs we
risk losing sight of the richness of the second . In the nine te en th -cen tu ry
zeal to explain everything in terms of reason, to require explanations for
everything, we have forgotten, in the lovely words of Silesius, that the 'rose
knows no reason'. From an epistemological point of view, relying too
heavily on the 'spoken' portion of social relationships has caused us to
forget that they are also founded on the unspoken. Such empty space is a
storehouse worth exploring. This perspective, well represented by the
ancient wisdom of the secretum meum mihi, can form the bas is of a
conc re te sociality which is mo re tha n the simple reflection of ou r ideas, bu t
has its own consistency. This may be common sense, grudgingly recognized
by academics who feel relativized, but it regularly re-emerges both in
everyday life and in the world of ideas.
4 .
Experi ence, proxemics and organ ic knowledge
Cont ra ry to wha t is typically ack nowle dged , the end of the grea t nar rativ es
of reference is not the result of a lack of great thinkers. The quality of
intelle ctual rese arch is not necessarily worse tha n at ot he r times. In fact, if
there is a disenchantment with overarching and distant ideologies, it is
because we are witnessing the birth of a multitude of ideologies which are
lived from day to day, based on close, familiar values. Experience and
proxemics: this sense of the concreteness of existence can now be
considered as an expression of good health, of particular vitality. This
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vitalism secretes in a way an organic thinking with, of course, all its
inhe ren t qua lit ies , tha t is, an insistence on intuiti ve pe rce pti on - seen from
insi de; on comp re he ns io n - seen overa ll; the holistic app rec iati on of the
varied elements of the given and on the common experience, which is felt,
along with others, to constitute a lived knowledge. Some authors, few and
far be tw ee n, it is tr ue , ha ve emph asi ze d such an org ani c way of thinking.
One might refer in this instance to Dilthey, of course, but also to any
thought inspired by Nietzsche which prefers the dionysiac and its tactile,
emo tio nal , collective and conjunctive aspec ts. On e might also qu ote G. E.
Moore and his Defense of Common Sense whil e insisting on the tru ths he
nu rtu res . Mo or e not es with finesse that 'mos t philo soph ers . . . go against
the common sense which they still practise in their daily lives.' 2 5 One could
cite more authors who take the same line by focusing their investigations
on a similar thematic, such as sociological phenomenology, whose episte
mological and thematic interest can be seen in the work of Schutz, Berger
and Luckmann. Indeed, what may be called vitalism and 'common-
sensology' are linked, and their conjunction allows us to highlight their
intrinsic hie et nunc qua lity, and the val ue of a pre sen tis m whose r ichness
ha s yet to be fully ex pl or ed .
It re mai ns tr ue , ho we ve r, th at this is som eth ing th at is difficult for th e
intelle ctual pr oc ed ur e to admi t, since its nat ura l inclination (a struc tural
bias?) compels it towards the distant, the normative, the elaboration of the
general rule. These can all be subsumed in the expression 'the logic of the
ought', with all tendencies taken together. In order to bring this to a close,
we might say that ail of these explanatory procedures are
centrifugal -
always in sear ch of wha t lies be yo nd the obj ect un de r con siderat ion .
Op po se d to that is a com pre hen siv e app roa ch which is deliberately
centripetal, which thus tak es its ob jec t, eve n the mos t minuscul e on e, very
seriously. Ev ery th ing is exam ined in and of
itself, and there is no wish to
go be yo nd its con tra dic tions to an illusory synt hesis . In the pers pect ive
initiated by Lupa sco an d Dur an d, the re is what may be ter med a
'contradictory logic ' . 2 6 History, distance and explanation combine centri-
fugally, resulting in the 'ought'; myth, the nearby and comprehension are
comb ined centripetally, to prod uce the contradictory.
It is inte res ting to note tha t the impuls e to reco nsi der th e cate gori es of
social knowledge comes in large part from those who are emphasizing the
significance of space. I am thinking in particular of Berque's work which
showed on the one hand how 'the inhabitant lives as such and not for an
external viewer'; he develops the hypothesis of an areolar or cellular
theory which operates on the collective, in the strictest sense of the term,
rather than on the individual. This, on the other hand causes him to speak
of an indistinctness bet wee n subject and obj ect, the I and the o th e r, 2 7
which is som ewh at remi niscent of the proce du res of metap horic al or
analogical co rre spo nd enc e. What ev er the case, this conjunctio n permit s
one to isolate an
immanent order
linke d to the 'physical milieu' and t he
'concrete field' in which social life takes place. 2 8 Thi s is the maj or ele men t
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only a
posteriori
tha t scholarly cultu re dev elo ps . I will use a distinction
proposed by Fernant Dumont, who speaks of 'first culture', which
surrounds us imperceptibly, and 'second culture', which ties me to a
part icular group.
3 1
In the context of these reflections, I would say that the
fo rmer is in a way the ambi en ce , the am ni ot ic fluid of all life in soci ety, and
it gives bir th to or at leas t pe rm it s th e flourishing of var ious t rad iti ons
which cannot last outside the common matrix. There are thus as many
specific traditions as there are groups; the intellectuals are one such group,
but it is only in an abusive way that it presents its learning as the most
legitimate. In fact, we would be better advised to note the correspondence,
the synergy and the complementarity that unites these diverse scholars
than to establish prevalence and hierarchies. In so doing, we would be
more aware of the richness of such learning. Naturally, to accomplish this it
is nece ssary t o diversify ou r criteria of eva lua tion. I nd ee d, if in or de r t o
judge the validity of a given statement or practice we employ the sole
crite rion of formal c oh er en ce or simple causalist logic, we are co nd em ne d
to provide tautological analyses. As far as French sociology is concerned,
Pie rre Bo ur di eu is certain ly the most significant ex am pl e of this whe n he
elaborates (or theorizes, according to one's point of view) on 'practical
belief s'. The re is no poi nt reite rat ing the scorn induce d by such an atti tud e.
It can be judged for itself and is above all an admission of impotence. In my
op in ion , it is no mo re fitting to spe ak of a 'popul ar the oret ical s ense ', since
he re onc e mo re th e co mm on s ense is ju dg ed by the sole yardstick of the
theoret ical perspect ive. 3 2
In bo th cases , on e is dea ling with a 'centrifugal'
pers pec tive whose ref eren ce lies be yo nd the obje ct with a mo re or less
explicit jud ge men tal at titu de.
Mod ern ity 's strengt h lay in having situated everythi ng in the framework
of History and historical dev elo pme nt. 'Centr ifuga tion' is noth ing m ore
than the intellectual translation of such a perspective. But what was once a
streng th has inevitably be co me a wea kne ss. Ind eed , History dep rived
histories of their place; it relativized experience. And these once-repressed
expe rienc es are resurfacing today with a ven gea nce . The ir modulat ions are
of all types, but with the common thread of favouring empiricism and
proxemics. This is forcing us to reorient our analyses, to focus our scrutiny
on 'the most ex tre me con cre te' (W. Ben jam in) that is everyd ay life. Th e
complexity of everyday life, the 'first culture', deserves special attention. I
have proposed calling this everyday knowledge.33 Th e stak es are high,
since this proxemics increasingly determines, in the simplest sense of the
wo rd , the rel ati ons hip to ot he rs . Wh et he r it is the 'lived social wor ld' , the
lived experience, relationism or reciprocal interrelationships, there have
been many expressions, from Dilthey to Schutz by way of Mannheim,
which take natural sociality and its architectonic as their
a priori
for all
sociological categories. 3 4 Is this pre-scientific? Spo nt an eo us sociology?
Spe cul ati on? T he status of such a pr oc ed ur e is of little im po rta nc e in as
muc h as it ske tch es out t he pla n, if only provis iona lly, of a configuration in
progress. Stable structures were well defined by the logic of
identity
and the
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2 1 .
M a f f e s o l i ,
La Conqu ite du präsent,
1979 .
2 2 . J . P o i r i e r , Les räcits de Ι α v ie , P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 4 .
2 3 . C f. W . J . J o h n s t o n , L'Esp rit vienn ois. Une histoire in tellectuelle et sociale, P a r i s , P U F ,
1985 ,
p p . 2 6 - 2 8 .
24 .
I . P e n n a c c h i o n i , De la guerre conjugate, Par i s , M aza r i n e , 1986 , p . 79 .
25 . G . E . M o o r e ,
Apologie du sens common ,
i n F . A r m e n g a u d ,
G.E. Moore et la
genäse de
Ι α philosophic analytique, Par i s , K l i n c k s i eck , 1 986 , c f. p . 13 , p . 135 -160 . T h e s tu d i es o f th e
Ce n tre d E tu d es s u r l Ac tu e l e t l e Q u ot i d i en (Par i s V) an d my tw o b ook s on th i s th em e, La
Conquete du präsent. Pou r un e sociologie de Ι α vie quotidienne, Par i s , P U F , 1979 an d La
Connaissance ordinaire, are s i tu a ted a t th e cros s ro ad s o f th i s p ers p ect i ve an d s oc i o l og i ca l
p h e n o m e n o l o g y .
26 . Cf . th e a f terwor d o f G . Du ran d to h i s Structures anthropologiques de Vimaginaire,
Par i s ,
B ord as , 19 69 . O n myth ocr i t i c i s m s u s ag e o f th e cen tr i p eta l p ro ced u re , c f. G . Du ra n d ,
Figures mythiques et visages de Voeuvre, Par i s , B e rg , 1982 , p . 308 .
27. B e r q u e , Vivre Vespace au Japon, pp . 124 and 56 .
28 .
C f. B e r q u e , Le Sauvage et Vartifice, p . 267 .
29 . O u t h w a i t e ,
Understanding Social Life,
p . 13 .
3 0 .
Cf . E . D ü r k h e im , Th e Division of Labour in Society, N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4,
p . 1 7 0 . C f . a l s o o n t h e s t er i l it y o f a c a d e m i c d i s c o u r s e , K . M a n n h e i m ,
Ideology and Utopia,
N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 19 5 4 . C f . a l s o t h e r i ch l y r e w a r d i n g r e m a r k b y E . R e n a n : ' it w a s
t h e h a l t in g p r o n o u n c e m e n t s o f t h e p e o p l e t h a t b e c a m e t h e se c o n d b i b l e f or t h e h u m a n r a c e ' in
Marc Auräle, p . 2 9 1 .
3 1 . C f. D u m o n t , ' C e t t e c u l t u r e q u e T o n a p p e l le s a v a n t e ' , p . 27 ,
et seq.
3 2 . C f. Y . L a m b e r t , Dieu ch ange en Bretagne, P a r i s ,
Cerf,
1 9 8 5 , p . 2 2 5 . I n f a c t , L a m b e r t ' s
b o o k i s v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g a n d o n e m i g h t t a k e t h i s s t a t e m e n t a s a n a n a l o g y ; u n f o r t u n a t e l y , in m y
o p i n i o n , it i s t o o d e p e n d e n t o n t h e ' B o u r d i e u s i a n ' p e r s p e c t i ve .
3 3 .
M a f f e s o l i ,
La Conn aissance ordinaire.
I r e f e r a l s o t o t h e r e s e a r c h o f J . O l i v e ir a
( U n i v e r s i t y o f F e i r a d e S a n t a n a , B r a z i l ) o n t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f p o p u l a r k n o w - h o w : thäse
d'ätat
i n p r o g r e s s .
3 4 . W i t h o u t b e i n g e x h a u s t i v e , o n e m a y c it e D i l t h e y , Le Mon de de Vesprit, P a r i s, A u b i e r ,
1 9 4 7 , M a n n h e i m ,
Ideology and Utopia',
A . S c h u t z ,
Le Chercheur et le quotidien,
P a r i s ,
M e r i d i e n s K l i n c k s i e c k , 1 9 8 6 . C f . a l s o a g o o d a n a l y s i s o f s o c i a l i t y i n J . F . B e r n a r d - B e c h a r i e s ,
' M e a n i n g a n d s oc i a l it y in m a r k e t i n g : g u i d e l i n e s f o r a p a r a d i g m a t i c r e s e a r c h ' ,
International
Review of M arketing Research.
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INDEX
act i v i s m,
co l l ec t i ve b ou rgeo i s , 12
the decl ine of , 35
vs fata l i sm, 40
n o n - ,
3 0 - 3 3 , 4 0 , 1 4 6
p ro jec t i ve , 59
the saturat ion of , 92
A d o r n o , Τ . , 7 4 , 15 6
a e s t h e t i c ( s ) ,
a u r a / a m b i e n c e / f o r m / m a t r i x / p a r a d i g m ,
9 -15 , 18 , 76 , 81 , 85
eth ical , x , 20
ex i s ten t i a l , 134
m o v e m e n t , 3 6
p art i c i p a t i on / a t t i tu d e , 49
a n d p h e n o m e n o l o g y , 8 6
and the pol i t i ca l order, 164
o f s en t i men t , 14 , 74
and theatrical i ty , 77
theory of the reci ta l , 7
and v i ta l i sm, 12
a f f ec t u a l n e b u l a , 7 2 - 7 8 ,
a n d h u m a n i s m , 8 8 - 8 9
al ienat ion , x , x i i , 2
an d d u p l i c i ty , 21 , 50 -52
a n d e c o n o m i c - p o l i t ic a l o r d e r , 4 4 - 1 3 4
and h is tory , 126
and l i fes ty les , 96
an d
puissance,
7 2
an d s ecrecy , 93
an d tec h n o l ogy , 138
and v i ta l i sm, 32
A l l a i s, Α . , 4 2 , 9 6
a l l o n o m y ,
vs au ton om y, 27 , 93
a l oo fn es s ,
and dup l ic i ty , 159
a n d p o w e r / d o m i n a t i o n / r e s i s t a n c e , 3 2 , 3 7 ,
4 5 - 5 3 , 51
an d p ro xem i cs , 126
an d s ecrecy , 92
and the soc io lo gy of eve ryd ay l i fe , 114
and the versat i l i ty of the ma sses , 62
a m b i e n c e , 1
and atmosphere/S i immHrtg, 11
a n d c o m m u n i o n , 2 6
and the d i f fuse unio n , 73
and elect ive socia l i ty , 90
and hol i s t ic c l imate, 14
an d i d en t i f i ca t i on , 75 - 76
an d l i f e s ty l es , 98 -99
and the mult ip l ic i ty of the
self, 10
and space, 19 , 129 , 156
and the th inking of the publ ic squar e ,
1 6 2 - 1 6 3
and tribes , 6
an th rop o l ogy 114 , 152
an d cr i t i q u e o f i n d i v i d u a l au ton omy, 27
An t i q u i ty , 10 , 33 , 46 , 57 , 84 , 94 -95 , 98 ,
108, 114
ap p earan ce( s ) ( c f th ea tr i ca l i ty ) ,
and the logic of ident i ty , 11
the p lay of , 1 , 76-77 , 90 , 98
unisexual izat ion of , 64
A q u i n a s , T . , 2 0
A r a g o n , 1 1 4
arch i tec ton i c ( s ) ,
and archi tecture, 37
of the city, 124
and civ i l i zat ions , 129
an d co l l ec t i ve s en t i men t , 80 , 115 , 132 ,
1 4 2 ,
1 6 2 - 1 6 3
and confl ictual har mo ny , 31
and dupl ic i ty , 114
an d s ecrecy , 91 , 95
and the sect type , 85
and socia l i ty , 98 , 148 , 163
an d u n d ergrou n d cen tra l i ty , 155
arch i tec tu re ,
an d arch i tec ton i cs , 36 -37
an d th e eve ryd a y , 123
and perdu rabi l i ty , 133
Ari s to t l e , 20 , 105 , 158
art,
and the aesthet ic aura, 18
an d aes th et i c s , 49
and rel ig ion , 131
tacti le vs visual , 31
and v i ta l i sm, 158
as tro l ogy ( c f occu l t , s yn cre t i s m) ,
an d th e aes th et i c au ra , 13 -14
an d puissance, 3 2
an d th e re -en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d ,
3 9
Ath an as u s , S t . , 155
a t o m i z a t i o n ,
of the indiv idual , 13 , 76 , 83 , 130
Au gu s t i n e , S t . , 94 , 108 , 158
au ra ,
aes th e t i c , 18 -19 , 23 , 25 , 27 , 126 , 135
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I NDEX
167
scientific, 31
th eo l og i ca l , p o l i t i ca l , p rogres s i ve ,
aes th et i c , 13
B ach e l ard , G . , 35
B a k u n i n , 1 6
B a l l a n c h e , 4 1
Bal trusai t i s , 128
barbari ty ,
a n d p o s t m o d e r n i t y , 2 8 , 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 , 1 2 0
B a s l e z , M . F . , 1 0 9 - 1 4 2
B as t i d e , R . , 40
Ba tai l l e , G. , 2 , 5 1 , 107
Baudri l lard , J , ix , 46 , 76
B eck et t , S . , 10 , 27
B e i g b e d e r , M . , 1 4 2
B e n ja m i n , W . , 1 8 , 20 , 58 , 63 , 66 , 73 , 82 ,
1 2 0 ,
123 , 126, 163
B erger , P . , 82 , 161
B e rg s on , H . , x , 3 , 78 , 155
B e r q u e , Α . , 1 1 , 1 4 - 1 5 , 2 2 , 1 2 8 - 1 2 9 , 1 3 8,
147, 153, 156, 161
b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n ( s ) ,
go i n g b eyon d , 10 , 11 , 128
and logic of sep ar at io n , 14 , 52 , 147
B i s marck , 92
B l o c h , Ε . , 3 6 , 4 3 , 1 3 2
B ö h m e , J . , 3 2 , 11 1
B o l l e d e B a i , M . , 3 , 7 7
B o u g i e , C , 3 2 - 3 3 , 4 7 , 8 7 , 1 0 0 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 5 ,
134, 142
B o u r d i e u , P . , x i i, 5 6 , 1 6 3
B o u r l e t , M . , 1 09
B r e t o n ,
Α . , 85
B r ow n , P . , 10 , 21 , 59 , 66 , 72 , 108 , 114 ,
116, 130, 136, 157
B u rck h ard t , J . , 158
b u r e a u c r a c y ,
the relat iv izat ion of , 84
C a n e t t i, Ε . , 5 8 , 6 3 , 9 3
cap i ta l i s m,
and the bourgeois ideal , 16
Cap ra , F . , 36
carn i va l ( s ) ,
an d th ea tr i ca l i ty , 77 , 117 -118
c a s t e ( s ) ,
appraisal of, 32
an d co l l ec t i ve s en t i men ts , 100 , 134
an d h i erarch y , 115 - 117
cau s a l i ty (c f fu n ct i on a l i s m , u t i l i tar i an i s m) ,
cri t ique of , 7 , 41 , 147 , 161-163
Certeau , M . d e , i x
C h a m o u x , F . , 1 2 4
ch ar i s mat i c ,
l ead ers , 84
m o v e m e n t s , 1 5 8
C h a r r o n , J . E . , 3 6 , 4 6
c h i a r o s c u r o , 1 5 9 - 1 6 0
C h i c a g o S c h o o l , 1 1 0 , 1 4 3 - 1 4 4
Ch ri s t i an i ty , 22 , 52 , 78 , 82 -85 , 108 ,
111 -112 , 119 , 130 , 157
church typ e (cf sect ty pe ) , 83
C i c e r o , 5 6
c i v i l i za t i on (s ) , 90
Chris t ian , 137
an d d ea th / re -b i r th , 34 , 114 , 129 -130
an d e f ferves cen ce , 73 , 81
H el l en i s t i c , 124
a n d t h e m o n s t r o u s m a s s , 6 5 - 6 6
an d th e s t ran ger , 10 7 -1 09 , 120
collective unconscious (non-conscious),
9 8
c o m m u n i o n ,
wi th b eau ty an d n a tu re , 35
with others , 10 , 160
o f th e s a i n t s , 40 , 73 , 83 , 111 -112 , 158
an d th e s p ectac l e , 77 , 98
C o m t e , Α . , 4 0 - 4 1 , 7 4
con cr ete u n i vers a l , 19
conscience collective
and the d ionys iac, x , 76 , 79
con tractu a l ,
vs affec tual , 6 , 1 8 , 72
myth , 10 -11
p ers p ect i ve , 45
rat ional i ty , 88
C o u g h t r i e , M . E . , 1 11
cu l t ( s ) ,
o f Au g l au ru s , 67 , 109 , 130
of the body, 77
d i on ys i ac , 75
o f D i on ys u s , 10 , 82
an d d om i n at i on , 137
and fam i l ia l i sm, 129
an d re -en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d , 39
re -res u rg en ce o f, 86 , 99 -1 00 , 159
of sa ints , 59 , 111 , 131
c u s t o m ( s ) , 2 0 - 2 8
the survival of, 47
and the taken for gra nted , 41 , 80
cyb ern et i cs ,
an d my th o l ogy , 112
d e a t h ,
and a l ienat ion , 51
des ire for, 145
an d th e everyd ay , 7
and l i fes ty les , 96
an d mod ern i ty , 38
and the nobi l i ty of the masses , 63
and ritual , 17, 78
an d s p ace , 67 , 88
an d th e wi ll to l i ve , 22 -2 4 , 31 -3 4 , 78 ,
1 1 4 - 1 1 5
d e m o c r a c y ,
A m e r i c a n , 7 9
Chris t ian , 111
an d T h o mi s t Cat h o l i c i s m , 116
d em oth e i s t i c ( c f s oc i a l d i v i n e) ,
a n d i m m a n e n t t r a n s c e n d e n c e , 4 1 , 4 3
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168
T H E T I M E
O F T H E
TRIBES
d er i s i on ,
a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 4 8 , 5 0 - 5 1
d es t i n y ,
community of , 13-15 , 17 , 19 , 123-129, 134
an d th e d i on ys i an th emat i c , 1
vs indiv idual control , 10
an d p s ych oan a l ys i s , 35
an d th e re -en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d ,
3 9
D i l t h e y , W . , 1 6 1 - 1 6 3
D i o n y s i a n ,
v s d i on ys i ac , 32
th em at i c , χ , 1 , 12 , 28
d i on ys i ac ,
v s d i on ys i an , 32
an d i n d i v i d u at i on , 89
l au gh ter o f th e b acch an a l , 51
logic of socia l i ty , 104
me tap h or o f con fu s i o n , 147
an d th e mon s trou s mas s , 65
t h e m a t i c , 1 9 , 2 5 , 4 2 , 7 5 , 9 8 , 1 0 8 - 1 1 0 ,
136, 161
th ias es , 8 2
D i o n y s u s 8 7 ,
myth / cu l t o f , 9 -10 , 32 , 82
an d roo ted n es s , 136
an d th e s t ran ger , 108 -10 9
and tribal i sm, 28
d i s cr i mi n at i on ,
the reject ion of , 82
d i s e n c h a n t m e n t w i t h t h e w o r l d
(Entzauberung), 72 , 160
v s r e - e n c h a n t m e n t , 2 8 , 7 8 , 8 3
d i s e n g a g e m e n t ( c f w i t h d r a w a l ) , 4 8 - 4 9
pol i t ica l , 44 , 60
d i s i n d i v i d u at i on ,
an d Di on ys i an va l u es , 12
an d i d en t i f i ca t i on , 73 -75
an d th e l og i c o f n e twork s , 90
an d th e p er s on a , 129
an d s ecrecy , 91
and the tr ibe, 6
d o m i n a t i o n ,
an d th e libido dominandi, 3 6 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 6 2 ,
116
logic of , 21 , 51
p o l i t i c o - e c o n o m i c , 2 3 , 1 3 7
the revers ib i l i ty of , 35
D o n J u a n , 1 0
D ö r f l e s , G . , 3 6 , 9 8
d r a m a
(dramein),
v s t r a g e d y , 1 7
d r e a m ( s ) ,
a n d t h e e v e r y d a y , 7 - 8
o f u n i t y , 1 0 5
D u b y , G . , 1 31
D u m o z i l , G . , 1 0 4 , 1 1 9
D u m o n t , F . , 2 6 , 6 6 , 1 15
D u m o n t , L . , 1 63
d u p l i c i t y ,
a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 21
a n d
puissance,
4 9 - 5 0
a n d t h e s o c i o l o g y o f e v e r y d a y li f e , 1 1 4
a n d t r i b a l i s m , 9 5
a n d v it a l i s m , 1 6 0
D u r a n d , G . , . 7 , 1 0 , 1 4 , 2 3 , 3 5 , 7 2 , 1 0 4 , 1 1 1 ,
128 , 142 , 153 , 157 , 161
D ü r k h e i m ,
Ε . , χ , 4 , 1 2 , 1 7 , 2 1 , 3 1 , 3 5 ,
3 8 - ^ 2 , 45 , 56 , 58 , 64 , 70 , 74 , 79 , 82 ,
87 -89 , 113 , 124 , 135 , 142 , 159 , 162
E b n e r - E s c h e n b a c h , 1 3 6
E ck h art , 111
ecs ta s y ( ex - s ta s i s ) ,
an d b e i n g - to geth er , 58 , 111
an d everyd ay l i f e , 25 -26 , 43 , 75
and the orgiast ic , 19 , 136
E h r e n be r g , Α . , 7 7
E i n s te i n , 114 , 119
e l ec t i ve s oc i a l i ty , 78
an d th e l og i c o f n e two rk s , 86 -90
E l ia s , Ν . , 65
e m p a t h e t i c ,
p er i od , 1 1 , 15 , 73 , 138
e m p a t h y ,
vs abstract ion , 31
and the affectual nebu la , 73
an d formi s m, 3 ,
an d h o l i s m, 129
E n g e l s , F . , 5 6
E n l i g h t e n m e n t ,
an d ab s o l u t i s m, 52
an d co l l ec t i ve b ou rgeo i s ac t i v i s m, 12
and indiv idual i sm, 10 , 80 , 134
and rat io nal i sm , 144
eth i c ( s ) / e th os , x , x i i
a n d t h e e t h i ca l ( c o m m u n a l ) e x p e r i e n c e ,
1 5 - 2 0 , 2 5 , 60 , 126 , 139
and socia l ase ps i s , 50
Pro tes tan t , 82
o f s ecrecy , 92
and the sp irit of the t ime s , 73
o f s ymp ath y , 75
e t h n o l o g y , 1 1 4
fashion , x i , 135
a n d c o m m u n i o n , 7 6 - 7 7 , 9 9
a n d s e c r e c y , 9 0 - 9 1
Fau l k n er , W . , 10
Fer raro tt i , F . , 164
fest ival (s ) (cf carnival ) ,
a n d c o m m u n i o n , 7 7 , 7 9 , 1 3 0
p op u l ar , 53 , 63 ,
F e u e r b a c h , 4 0
fiction, 7, 9
an d sci en ce fiction, 44
formi s m, 16 , 162
an d em p at h y , 3
an d s oc i o l ogy , 86 , 133
f o r m ( s ) , 6 - 7 , 2 0
arch ety p a l / i d ea l - typ e , 10 , 31 , 37 , 124
artistic, 81
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I NDEX
169
Christian, 111
com muna l, 16, 26, 61, 127
of derision, 50-51
dionysiac/tribal, 19, 32-33, 89, 109,
115-116,
ecstatic, 136
emerging, 70, 78, 81, 120, 147
empathetic, 73, 138
and lifestyles, 98
and the mass-tribe dialectic, 129
and nature, 35
religious, 87
of the secret society, 92
social, 68, 130
and the social give n , 145
of
sociality/network,
48, 84, 140
and socialization, 143
of
Verstehen,
156
Fourier, C , 7 3, 116, 143
Fourierism, 16
Frankfurt School, 34
Freud, S., 34, 82, 107
Freund, J., 38, 45, 50, 104, 142
Freyre, G., 51, 110, 116, 125
functionalism (cf causality, utilitarianism),
7 9 ,
83, 114
Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft oppo siti on, ix,
19 ,
60
ghe tto , 19, 42 , 135
global
perspective, 156
village, 17, 139
glutinum mundi,
13, 126, 145, 156
Goethe, 34
Goffman, E., ix, 5, 21
Gorky, M., 154
Groddeck,
34-35, 67
Habermas, J., 153
habitus
(Th omi st) /em (Aristotelian), xi, 20,
2 5 , 81, 89, 130
Halbwachs, Μ . , 13, 21, 25, 66, 68, 76, 79,
1 3 3 ,
136
Hannerz, U., 127, 144-145
hedonism, 32, 46, 52-53, 110, 143
Hegel, xii, 33, 88-89, 99, 154
Heidegger, M., 34
Heraclitus, 113, 115
hermeneutics, 5
Hervieu-Leger, D., 78, 131
Herzen, 16
Hillman, J.46
Hippo (Bishop of), 108
History,
vs dynam ic historical visi on, 134- 135
vs everyday histories, 64, 88, 129
and humanism, 89, 123-124
vs masses, 58, 62-63
and morality, 15, 17
vs myth, 3, 161
and the relativization of experience, 163
Hocquenghem, G., 76
holism 2,
and the communal ethic, 15, 18,
and hierarchy, 115, 117
and the organic community, 69, 80,
128-129, 135, 147, 161
and religion, 131-132
and sociology, 34
Hoffet, F., 107
Hoggart, R., 53
Hölderlin, 24, 28
hom mer ie, 2, 13
humanism,
and History, 89, 123-124
idealism,
of communicative rationality theories, xii
and hom mer ie , 13
identity (cf logic of identity),
and disindividuation, 65, 90, 98
and the multiplicity of the self, 10
and tribalism, xii, 155
identification, 164
logic of, 7 2- 73
pr ocess of, 15, 136
th eor y of, 75
ideology,
abstract, 23, 41, 46-48, 51, 157, 160
and alienation, 138
anarchist, 16
th e blu r r ing of, 11 , 14
and the collective sensibility, 13
democr at ic Chr istian , 24
dogmatic, 68
the dom ina nt , 15
individualist, 59, 80, 134
introduction of syncretist, 128
multiplication of, 44, 68
Protestant, 153
of proximity, 84
saturation of an, 83
theological, 130
tribal (multiple), 90, 92, 94, 115, 145-147
and Utopia 58
and versatility, 63
imaginary (cf mystical/mythical),
function of emblems, 138
perspective, 1, 13
th e pr evale nce of, 74, 118
and the return of irrationalism, 38
imagination,
collective, 18, 22, 27, 78, 82-83, 133
vs eco n om ics , 14
the impor ta nce of, 137-138
and mysticism, 59
and myth, 148
and non-activism, 33
and social theory, 4
immanen t t r anscend ence , x, 40-41 , 43, 59,
6 7 , 126, 130, 132
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170
T H E
T I M E O F T H E TRIBES
i n d i v i d u a l i s m,
an d th e b ou rgeo i s ord er , 74 , 78 , 127
a n d t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , 4 0
g o i n g b e y o n d , 9 - 1 0 , 5 9 , 6 7 - 6 8 , 7 2 ,
7 8 - 8 0 , 8 6 - 8 7 , 1 0 4 , 1 2 9 , 1 4 5
an d h o l i s m , 115
th e s a tu ra t i on o f , 64 -65 , 69
vs t r i b a l i s m, 97 -9 9
indiv idual i s t ,
doxa,
15
a n d e c o n o m i c m o d e l , 1 1 3
i d e o l o g i e s , 1 3 4
an d mech an i ca l v s organ i c , 79 , 104
i n d i v i d u at i on (principium individuationis),
156
an d th e b ou rgeo i s ord er , 64
cri t ique of , 1 0- 11
a n d d i o n y s i a c t h e m a t i c , 7 5 - 7 6 , 8 9
saturat ion of , 27 , 95
i n ters u b jec t i v i ty ,
an d p rox i mi ty , 132
an d re l a t i on i s m, 69
i n tu i t i on ,
vs abstract ion , 31
and organici ty , 3 , 161
and socia l theory, 4
i ron y (c f l au gh ter , d er i s i on ) , 130
a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 5 0 - 5 1 , 5 3 , 9 3
and socia l i ty , 32
J u l e s - R o s e t t e , B . , 4 2
J u n g , C , 3 4
J u n g e r , Ε . , 3 4 , 5 9
ju s t i ce ,
ab s tract , 17 -18
K afk a , F . , 93 , 107
K i erk egaard , x i i
k n o w l e d g e ,
acc oun tan ts of , 14 , 56 , 107
capital of, 1
e m b o d i e d , 2 5 , 6 3
e v e r y d a y , 3 , 7 , 5 7 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 , 1 5 5 - 1 5 6
exp l os i on o f , 97
i n s tru men ta l , 4
o f th e mas s es , 34 , 68 ,
o f mod ern i ty , 9
a n d p o w e r , 3 8 , 5 6
t h e o l o g i c a l , 8 4
L a B e s t i e , E . d e , 4 5
L acarr i ere , J . , 34
L a m b e r t , Y . , 6 7 , 7 8
L a m m e n a i s , 4 1
l au gh ter ( c f d er i s i on , i ron y) ,
a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 5 0 - 5 1 , 9 3
L e B o n , G . , 17 , 43 , 58
l e i s u re , 26 , 129 , 140
an d mas s en ter ta i n men t , 81
L e n i n i s m , 6 1 , 1 5 4
L e P l a y , F . , 7 9
L e f e b v r e , H . , 5 2
L erou x , P . , 41
L ov i -S trau s s , C , 2 , 104 , 155
l i fes ty le(s ) , x -x i
t h e avoidance, 92 , 94
the conf orm ity of , 89
and logic of ident i ty , 11
an d th e mas s es , x , 96 -100
an d s ecrecy , 95
and the sect ty pe , 82 , 85
and tribal i sm, x i , 115 , 127-128, 143
an d th e u n d i rec ted b e i n g - tog eth e r , 81
l o c a l ( i s m ) ,
and Chris t ian i ty , 130
and elect ive socia l i ty , 86
vs g lob al /univ ersa l , 31 , 105 , 141
an d th e s ec t - typ e , 84
and tribal i sm, 19 , 137
L ock e , J . , 80
logic of ident i ty , 6 , 74 , 163
cau sal ist , 163
g o i n g b e y o n d , 1 1
refus ing the, 38
o f s ep ara t i on , 147 , 153
L o i s y , 32 , 41
L u ck man n , T . , 82 , 161
L u p as co , S . , 112 , 124 , 142 , 161
L u th er , 158
M a c h i a v e ll i , Ν . , 1 , 5 7 - 5 8 , 1 4 8
M af i a , 15 , 90 , 94 , 119 , 14 1 -14 2
M al l arme, 21
M an , H . d e , 43
M an n , T . , 10
M an n h e i m , K . , 19 , 43 , 58 , 80 , 136 , 163
M art i n o , E . d e , 99
M arx , K . , 58 , 61 , 79
M arx i s m, x , 16 , 61 , 83
m a s k s ,
an d th e p er s on a , x ii , 5 , 10 , 49 , 9 0 - 95
M atta R . d a , 66 , 77 , 117 -11 8
M au s s , M . , 20 , 66 , 68 , 89
mech an i ca l , 145
vs organic , 3 , 18 , 27 , 79 , 104 , 117, 133
M e d a m , Α . , 13 3
M eh l , R . , 153
m e d i a ( m a s s ) ,
an d th e g l ob a l v i l lage , 17 -1 8 , 23 -2 8 , 32 ,
4 1 , 7 8 , 1 3 8 - 1 4 0
a n d h e d o n i s m , 5 2
and the sp iri t of the t imes , 73 , 106
an d s yn ton i c re l a t i on s h i p s , 75
and theatrical i ty , 49
and tribal mass r i tes , 98
m e d i c i n e ,
N e w A g e , 3 2 , 9 9 , 1 2 8 - 1 2 9
tradi t ional , 24
m e g a l o p o l i s ,
an d ap p earan ce , 11 , 76
and effects of c iv i l i zat ion , 129
and the g lobal v i l lage, 138 , 140
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172
T H E
T I M E O F T H E TRIBES
optical (cf tact i l e) ,
v s tac t i l e , 31 -3 2
organ i c ,
b a l a n c e , 1 1 4 - 1 2 0
con cep t o f th e s oc i a l b od y , 87
c o n t e x t a n d m i c r o - g r o u p s , 9 5 - 9 6
im age of a bo dy , 107
k n o w l e d g e , 1 6 0 - 1 6 4
vs mech an i ca l , 3 , 18 , 27 , 79 , 100 , 104 ,
117, 133
p ers p ect i ve o f th e grou p , 81
p ract i ces o f s i l en ce , 93
vs rat ional , 67 , 69
sol idari ty , 13 , 145
s ys tem an d th e s ec t - typ e , 84
organ i c i ty ,
and the Carnival , 118
a n d e m p a t h y , 3 1 - 3 2
and hol i sm, 13 , 80
an d med i eva l s oc i e ty , 79
o f op p os i t es , 105
and rel ig ion , 40 , 59
and rel ig ios i ty , 77
and the socia l g iven , 145
and unici ty , 52
and the wil l to l ive , 3 , 24 , 147
O u t h w a i t e , W . , 1 6 2
Pa l o Al to S ch oo l , 22 , 104
p an th e i s m, 115
Pareto , V . , 46 , 80 , 88 , 111 , 132 , 162
p as s i on ,
an d th e com mu n i ty e th os , 12 , 60 , 69 , 88 ,
9 3 ,
143 , 164
an d con fo rm i ty , 64
an d d i f f eren ce , 115
P e n t h e u s , 5 0
Pern i o l a , M . , 12
p e r s o n s / p e r s o n a ,
vs the indiv idual , 6 , 10 , 27 , 66-67 , 76 ,
129
and the role of the outs ider, 120
and secrecy , 91
phalanstery , 16 , 116 , 143
p h e n o m e n o l o g y ,
an d a formi s t s oc i o l ogy , 86
an d p l u ra l i s t i c k n owl ed ge , 155
s oc i o l og i ca l , 161
tradi t ion of , 73
p h y l u m , 3 4 , 4 5 , 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 1 3 6
Pindar, 142
P l a t o ,
51 , 56 , 80
plural i sm, 65 , 162
an d an tagon i s m, 99 , 105 , 111 -112 , 115
causal , 157 , 162
a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 4 7
an d k n ow l ed ge , 155
pluricu l tural i sm (cf polycul tural i sm), 105 ,
1 1 3 , 143
P o e , E . A . , 9 0
Poir ier , J . , 159
p o l i t i ca l - econ omi c ord er ,
vs affin ity ne tw ork s , 89
and analyses , 41
an d d omi n at i on , 23 , 137
go i n g b e yo n d , 110
an d i n d i v i d u at i on , 64 , 95 , 97
vs mas s es , 6
vs pass ional order, 164
an d th e p ro jec t i ve , 63
vs puissance, 4
relat iv izat ion of , 61
p o l ycu l tu ra l i s m, 7 , 10 4 -12 0
and ext ens ion vs in -ten t ion , 124
and the s tranger, 136
p o l ye th n i s m, 143
p o l y p h o n y ,
and p lural i sm, 105, 111, 114
p o l y t h e i s m ,
and causal p lural i sm, 157
an d d i on ys i ac ceremon i es , 109
a n d m a s s e s , 9 5 - 9 6 , 1 1 0 - 1 1 5
an d th e re l a t i v i za t i on o f p ower , 44 , 48 ,
1 1 9 ,
125
and tribes , 33
p os i t i v i s m,
and cri t ique of in tel lectual i sm, 2-5 , 31 , 56
and d ia lect ica l tradi t ions , 44
D u r k h e i m i a n , 4 , 4 5 , 7 4 , 8 7
an d th e Fren ch Pos i t i v i s t S ch oo l , 32
Marxis t and funct ional i s t , 83
and mechanical or indiv idual i s t
p ers p ect i ves , 79
and relat iv i sm, 18
red uct ion is t , 14 , 33 , 159
p o s t m o d e r n i t y ,
and barbari ty , 28
an d h ete rog en e i t y , 110
vs mo d ern i ty , 6
and the wi thdrawal in to the group, 89
P o u l a t , E . , 2 4 , 4 0 - 4 1 , 48 , 111 -112 , 116
p ro jec t i ve ,
v s co l l ec t i ve , 7 -8 , 12 -13 , 16 , 83
cr i t i q u e o f , 57 -5 9 , 65 , 148
vs nature, 69
and pol i t i ca l saturat ion , 31 , 89
an d th e p o l i t i ca l - econ omi c ord er , 63
Pro tagoras , 80
Prou s t , M . , 66
p rox i mi ty ( c f p roxemi cs , s p ace) ,
and the affectua l , 148
and the archi tectonic of the c i ty , 124
and the d ionys iac, 147
an d fami l i a l i s m, 94 -95 , 141
and the image, 138
and the mass , 65
an d th e n e i g h b o u rh ood , 12 , 78 , 125
and prom iscui ty , 16
vs rat io nal i sm , 136
an d re l i g i on , 35 , 131 -133
an d res i s tan ce , 59
an d th e s ec t typ e , 83 - 85
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I NDEX
173
and the socia l d iv ine, 21 , 25 , 41
and so l idari ty , 63 , 131
p r o x e m i c s , 7 , 8 0 , 1 1 6 - 1 1 7 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 3 - 1 4 8 ,
154
and the aesthet ic aura, 23
and everyday l i fe , 119
the impersonal nature of , 12
and l i fes ty les , 94
an d n a tu re , 35 , 40 , 69
a n d o r g a n i c k n o w l e d g e , 1 6 0 - 1 6 4
vs the proj ect iv e and universa l , 57
an d s a tu ra t i on , 27
and so l idari ty , 24
and space, 14
an d th e t ran s u b jec t i ve , 22
p s ych oan a l y t i c t rad i t i on , 35
a n d m y s t i c i s m , 6 7 - 6 8
puissance, 1 , 7 , 24 , 67 , 81 , 125
th e b in d i n g n a tu re o f , 58 -5 9
vs p ower , 4 , 21 , 32 , 38 , 63 , 73 , 106 -107 ,
133 -134 , 155 , 158 , 160
an d tran s cen d en ce o f th e i n d i v i d u a l , 76
t h e u n d e r g r o u n d , 3 1 - 5 3
race ,
the constr ict ing fram ewo rk of , 33
rac i s m,
an d th e cu l t o f D i on ys u s , 82
an d th e growth o f a f f ec tu a l n e twork s ,
113
and the logic of ident i ty , 38
an d th e n on -rac i s m o f th e ma s s es , 111
the relat iv izat ion of , 118
Rap h ae l , F . , 134
ra t i on a l i s m,
a n d A d o r n o , 7 4
an d th e E n l i gh ten m en t , 144
and irrat ional i sm, 38
mon o-cau s a l i s t , 162
vs pro xim ity , 136
Wes tern , 105
rat ional i s t ,
vs myst ic , 32
p ers p e ct i ve [ cr i t iq u e o f ] , 39 -4 0 , 80 , 137
rat ional i ty ,
affectual , 144
c o m m u n i c a t i v e , x i i
con tractu a l , 88
i n s tru me n ta l , 21 , 27 , 69 , 133
op en , 162
and the sect typ e , 85
Wert
an d
Zweck,
23 , 60
R a y m o n d , H . , 1 2 6
R a y n a u d , E . , 6 9
R e a u , L . , 1 0 6 - 1 0 7
re-en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d , 34 , 39
vs d i s e n ch an tm en t , 28 , 78 , 83
R e f o r m a t i o n , 1 5 8
re l a t i on i s m, 86 , 123 , 163
an d e l ec t i ve s oc i a l i ty , 88 -8 9
and organici ty , 97
and the sp irit of the t im es , 68
relat iv i sm, 4
and everyday l i fe , x i i , 32 , 63
the foun datio n of , 157
and i l l egal i t i es , 94
an d th e i n s t i tu t i on s o f p ower , 44 , 48 , 51 ,
5 9 , 61 , 134
of l i fe, 72
and l i fes ty les , 92
an d th e l og i c o f th e n e twork , 88 -89
p op u l ar , 48 , 53
and truth , 5 , 65
re l a t i v i za t i on ,
o f acad em i cs , 160
o f a u t o n o m y , 1 2 4
o f b u rea u cracy , 84
o f exp er i e n ce , 163
of the future, 83
o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m, 80
o f p ow er , 44 , 48 , 119 , 125
of raci sm, 118
of va lue s , 110
reliance, 148
and rel ig ion (religare), 2 2 - 2 3 , 8 2 , 1 3 0
and rel ig ios i ty , 3 , 77
re l i g i on ,
civ ic , 41
an d h en oth e i s m , 110
and h ierarchy, 115
o f h u man i ty , 74
and the logic of the network, 86
p o p u l a r , 1 5 8 - 1 5 9
vs the pro-jectum, 57
as
religare,
3 5 - 3 6 , 3 8 , 4 0 , 5 8 - 6 2 , 1 1 3 , 1 3 0
an d th e re l i g i ou s mo d e l , 82 -85
and Satan , 48
an d s p a ce , 131 - 137 , 140
rel ig ios i ty (cf socia l d iv ine) ,
p op u l ar , 59
as reliance or religare, 3 , 7 7 - 7 8
an d tr i b es , χ
Ren a i s s an ce , 80 , 158
R e n a n , Ε . , 6 7 , 8 3 , 9 1 , 1 3 0 , 15 7
R e n a u d , G . , 6 4
r e v o l u t i o n ( s ) ,
an d a l oo fn es s , 37
B o l s h e v i k , 4 3
Chris t ian , 111
Cop ern i can , 4 , 147
Fren ch , 40 , 43 , 56 , 79 , 109 , 116 , 159
an d l i f e s ty l es , 96 -97
and the logic of the network, 86
a n d t h e m a s s e s , 5 0 - 5 1 ,
58 , 61
O u r o b o r u s , 4 2 - 4 3
p o l i t ica l or ec on om i c , 18
vs s tatus quo, 40
ri tual (s ) ,
an d th e commu n a l e th i c , 16 -17 , 25 , 27 ,
3 3
an d th e Di on ys i an th emat i c , 1
an d mag i c , 49
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174
T H E
T I M E O F T H E
TRIB ES
ritual(s)
cont.
an d p o l ycu l tu r a l i s m, 116 -117
an d p roxemi cs , 123 , 129 , 133 , 135 , 142
an d s ecrecy , 93
an d s oc i a l i ty , 20 , 69
an d th e tak en for gran ted , 41
tribal and mass , 98
an d the wil l to l ive , 21
R o b e s p i e r r e , 4 0 , 5 8
r o l e ,
vs funct ion , 6 , 117 , 129,
o f th e ou ts i d er , 120 , 142
and theatrical i ty , 63 , 137
R o m a n t i c i s m
G e r m a n , 1 2 9
H e g e l i a n , 8 8
tribal , 144
r o o t e d n e s s ( d y n a m i c ) ,
an d H el l en i s t i c c i t i e s , 124 -125
an d a mys t i ca l p ers p ect i ve , 33 , 58 ,
1 3 1 - 1 3 2 ,
136
R o u s s e a u , J . J . , 4 0 , 4 5
S a d e , M a r q u i s d e , 8 8
Saint-Just , 58
S artre , J . P . , 154 , 156
s a tu ra t i on , 61
o f ac t i v i s m, 92
of the
function
o f the indiv idu al , 6
o f grea t s y s tems , 27 , 41 , 78
o f an i d eo l ogy , 83
of the mass , 112
p o l i t i ca l , 31 -33 , 36 , 46 -47 , 64 , 88 -^89
of the princip le of indiv iduation , 95
Sor okin s law of , 114 , 157
S a v a n a r o la , Α . , 1 , 1 2 4
S ch e l er , M . , 3 , 75 , 136
S ch erer , R . , 76
S c h m a l e n b a c h , H . , i x
S c h m i d t , C , 1 0 4
S ch mi t t , 142
S c h o l e m , G . , 4 , 1 5 3
S c h o p e n h a u e r , Α . , 7 8 , 1 55
S c h u t z , Α . , 4 0 , 7 3 , 9 9 , 1 6 1 - 1 6 3
s e c r e c y ,
an d grou p s , 37 , 143
th e l aw o f , 9 0 - 96
and the nea r , 44
an d s ec t s , 32
and socia l i ty , 24
s ec t ( s ) ( c f s ec t typ e) ,
of early Chris t ian i ty , 82
an d s ecrecy , 32
an d s ec tar i an i s m, 99 , 158
s ec t typ e ( c f ch u rch typ e ) , 83 - 85
S ogu y , J . , 77 , 144
S h e l d r a k e , R . , 3 6 , 6 8
Si les ius , 160
S i m m e l , G . , i x , 3 , 2 0 , 2 4 , 3 5 , 3 7 - 3 8 , 6 4 ,
77 , 79 , 81 , 86 , 89 -9 0 , 95
Sorokin , P . , 110 , 114, 157
S i tu a t i on i s t s ,
and eth ics , 85
and the labyrinth , 37
S i tu a t i on i s m,
and truth , 5
S m i t h, Α . , xi
sociabi l i ty ,
an d p rox i m i ty , 125
and v i ta l i sm, 158
socia l c lass ,
an d th e b ou rgeo i s i d ea l , 16
an d b ou rgeo i s p h i l o s op h y , 10 , 99
an d th e b ou rgeo i s re i gn / ord er , 46 , 74 , 78
an d co l l ec t i ve b ou rgeo i s ac t i v i s m, 12
the constrict ing framework of , ix , 2
an d th e d i s i n tegra t i on o f b ou rgeo i s
cu l tu re , 26
th e d omi n an t , 51
p op u l ar v s u p p er , 42 , 48
th e p ro l e tar i a t , 6 , 31 , 35 , 38 , 47 , 58 ,
6 1 - 6 2 ,
105
a n d t h e b o u r g e o i s i e , 1 1 , 6 4 - 6 5 , 1 0 9 ,
1 1 5 ,
127 , 148, 153
s oc i a l d i v i n e ( c f d emoth e i s t i c ) , 10 ,
a n d D ü r k h e i m , 4
a n d ' i m m a n e n t t r a n s c e n d e n c e ' , x , 2 1 - 2 2 ,
41
a n d m a s s iv e p o l it i ca l d i s e n g a g e m e n t , 6 0
a n d p r o x i m i t y , 25
' s o c i a l g i v e n ' ,
a n d t h e ' b l a c k h o l e s ' , 3 6
a n d t h e glutinum mu ndi , 145
a n d t h e ' t a k e n f o r gr a n t e d ' , 4 0 , 1 6 2
a n d t h e w o r l d a c c e p t e d a s i t i s , 27
s o c i a l i z a t i o n ,
an d s o c i a l i t y , 8 1
a n d t r i b e s , 1 4 3
s o c i a l m o v e m e n t s ,
t h e an a l y s i s o f , 4 0
a n a r c h i s m , 1 3 4
c h a r i s m a t i c , 1 5 8
' c o u n t e r c u l t u r e ' , x i
e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p o p u l i s m , 4 6
e c o l o g i c a l , 3 4 , 9 2
f e m i n i s t a n d h o m o s e x u a l , 9 2 , 9 8
m as s , 1 8
p o p u l i s m , 5 7 , 6 1 - 6 2 , 1 1 6 , 1 3 4 , 1 58
R u s s i a n p o p u l i s m , 1 6 , 5 7 , 6 1 , 1 53
w o r k e r s ' , 1 3 , 4 8 , 6 1 , 8 3
s o c i a l i t y , i x , 1 , 5
a n d t h e ' a f f e c t u a l n e b u l a ' , 8 8 , 1 0 6
a n d a t t r a c t i o n / r e p u l si o n , 1 16
b a r o q u e , 1 5 9
b l a c k h o l e s o f , 3 6 - 3 7
black-market, 21
a n d c u s t o m , 2 5 , 8 0
a n d D i o n y s u s , 9
a n d t h e e v e r y d a y , 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 , 1 2 6 , 1 5 2
a n d f a m i l i a l i s m , 9 0 , 9 4
a n d ' f a m i li a r i s m ' , 6 5 - 7 0
a s t h e p l a y - f o r m o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n , 8 1
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I N D E X
175
p o s t m o d e r n , 1 4 7 - 1 4 8
a n d p o l y t h e i s m , 4 8
a n d
puissance,
4 , 7 , 32
a n d reliance o r religare, 3 , 7 7 - 7 8
and ri tuals , 20
an d s ecrecy , 24
and the sect ty pe , 85
vs s oc i a l , 6 , 56 -64 , 72 , 76 , 86 , 93 , 95
an d s p ace , 126 , 131 , 139
and the sp irit of the t im es , 57 , 73
an d s p i r i tu a l mater i a l i s m, 22 , 132 -133 ,
136
an d th e th i n k i n g o f th e p u b l i c s q u a re ,
1 6 2 - 1 6 4
and undergro und central i ty , 92 , 130 , 155
an d v i ta l i s m, 43 -44 , 160
s oc i a l i s m,
an d th e
obschina,
16 , 134
scient i f ic , 61
s o c i o l o g y ,
a n d a b s o l u t i s m , 5 2
A m e r i c a n , 2 3
the b irth of , 104
d i st r u st o f s p o n t a n e o u s , 5 6 - 5 7 , 1 5 4
a n d e v e r y d a y d r e a m s , 8
o f e v e r y d a y l i f e , 9 6 , 1 6 2 - 1 6 3
formi s t , 86 , 133
fou n d i n g fa th ers o f , 4
F r e n c h , 7 4 , 7 9 , 1 6 3
G e r m a n , 6 0 , 8 0
m o d e m v s p o s t m o d e r n , i x- xi i
an d an on to l og i ca l v i ta l i s m, 49
an d p os i t i v i s m, 87
o f re l i g i on , 38 , 82 , 111
an d th e s ec t typ e , 84 - 85
o f th e s en s es , 76
s o l i d ar i ty ,
a n d t h e c o m m u n a l f o r m , 1 6 , 2 2 , 2 4
an d th e commu n i ty o f d es t i n y , 13
a n d d i f f e r e n c e , 1 1 3 - 1 1 5 , 1 1 9
an d e l ec t i ve s oc i a l i ty , 86
vs i n d i v i d u a l i s t i d eo l og i es , 145
v s m e c h a n i c a l , 7 9 , 9 3 - 9 4 , 9 8
orga n i c , 14 , 81 , 97 , 147
a n d p o p u l i s m , 6 1 , 1 1 6
an d p rox i mi ty , 63 , 131
a n d p u i s s a n c e , 4 1 , 4 3
and ritual, 17
an d s ecrecy , 91
an d th e s ec t typ e , 85
an d s o l i d ar i s t myth s , 74
of tr ibes , x-x i
s p a c e ( c f p r o x e m i c s , p r o x i m i t y ) ,
an d an aes th et i c s o f s en t i men t , 14
a n d a m b i e n c e , 1 5 6
areo l ar v s l i n ear , 147
an d th e b l ack h o l es , 46
the des ire for los t , 37
an d th e e th i ca l exp er i en ce , 19
a n d k n o w l e d g e , 1 6 1
a n d t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , 2 2
an d n etwork s , 139 , 141
an d th e org i a s t i c -d i on ys i ac t rad i t i on , 136
and rat ional i ty , 23
and sp iri tual ma ter ia l i sm , 133
an d t i me , 27 , 36 , 47 , 65 , 123 -124 , 126 ,
1 2 8 - 1 2 9 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 9 - 1 4 0
an d v i ta l i s m, 88
S p a nn , Ο . , 74
S p i n o z a , Β . , 10 7
s p i r i tu a l mater i a l i s m, 22 , 132 -133 , 136
S ta l i n i s m, 61
s ta te ,
a l l -p erv as i ve / s o vere i g n , 18 , 45
C h i n e s e , 5 9
an d i n d i v i d u a l i s m, 64
an d re l i g i on , 82
s tran ger ,
a n d D i o n y s u s , 1 0 8 - 1 1 0
an d th e glutinum mundi, 126
an d p o l ycu l tu ra l i s m , 136
a n d p o l y t h e i s m , 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 , 1 1 8
a n d p r o x e m i c s , 1 4 2
and trip l ic i ty , 104
an d xen op h i l i a , 106 , 120
S t r o h l , H ., 158
s u b jec t i v i ty ( c f i n ters u b jec t i v i ty ) ,
a n d t h e c o m m u n i t y e t h o s , 6 0
trans , 153
S u m n e r , W . G . , 7 4
S u rrea l i s m, 85
s yn cret i s m (c f a s tro l ogy , occu l t ) ,
an d th e aes th et i c au ra , 13
an d th e B raz i l i an candombli, 132
a n d m o n o t h e i s m , 1 5 7
s yn erg i s t i c re l a t i on s h i p , 3 , 81
s yn ton i c re l a t i on s h i p , 75
T ac i tu s , 56
tac t i l e ,
v s ab s tract , 77 -7 8
an d th e d i on ys i ac , 161
a n d t h e m e g a l o p o l i s , 1 3 8
v s o p t i c a l , 3 1 - 3 2
re l a t i on s h i p , 73
T a o i s m , 5 9 , 9 2 , 1 0 5
th ea tr i ca l i ty ,
a n d a p p e a r a n c e s , 9 0
an d th e carn i va l , 77
an d p o l i t i c s , 36 , 44 , 49 , 63
an d th e p r i mi t i ve th ea t re , 99
an d th e th ea tre o f everyd ay l i f e , 5
an d th e
theatrum mundi,
7 6
T h o m a s , L . - V . , 1 7 , 7 8
T o c q u e v i l l e , A . d e , 7 9
T ö n n i e s , F . , i x , 6 0 , 7 9 - 8 0
t o u r i s m ,
C l u b M e d , 1 2
a n d f e s t i v a l s , 5 2
m a s s , 2 3
t r a g e d y ( t r a g i c ) ,
o f t h e b o r d e r , 1 0 7
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176
T H E T I M E O F T H E
TRIBES
v s d r a m a , 1 7 , 1 2 9
o f e v e r y d a y l i f e , 1 2 7
a n d f a t a l i s m , 4 0 , 5 1
a n d
puissance,
3 2
a n d t h e a t r i c a l i t y , 7 6
t r i b a l i s m , 7 , 9 , 1 9
a n d t h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a , 2 5
v s i n d i v i d u a l i s m , 6 9 , 9 7
m a s s / t r i b e d i a l e c t i c , 9 5 , 9 8 - 9 9 , 1 2 7 - 1 2 9 ,
1 4 7 - 1 4 8 , 1 6 4
a n d
puissance,
41
a n d r e l i g i o s i t y o r
reliance
3
a n d t h e ' s o c i a l g i v e n 1 , 27
T r o e l t s c h , E . , 8 3 - 8 4 , 1 4 8
u n i c i t y ,
of l i fe, 3
a n d o r g a n i c it y , 5 2
v s u n i t y , 1 0 5
a n d t h e ' w i l l t o l i v e ' , 2 4
u n d e r g r o u n d c en t r a l i t y , i x , 1 59
a n d a r c h i t e c t u r e , 3 7
t h e
hypothesis
of, 92
a n d puissance, 4 , 2 1 , 5 8
u t i l i t a r i a n i s m ( c f c a u s a l i t y , f u n c t i o n a l i s m ) ,
7 9
u t o p i a ( s ) ,
a n d t h e ' m o s t e x t r e m e c o n c r e t e * , 8 2
a n d a m y t h i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , 7 , 5 8 , 8 3
V a t e r y , P . , 1 54
V e n t u r i , F . , 1 6
V e r d i l l on , C , 3 7
Verstehen,
156
V e y n e , P . , 7 2
v i t a l i s m ,
a n d avoidance l i f e s t y l e s , 9 2
B e r g s o n ' s , x , 3
a n d d e a t h , 7 , 6 7 , 8 8
a n d d e m o t h e i s m , 4 3 , 4 5
a n d d i s e n g a g e m e n t , 6 0
a n d D ü r k h e i m , 8 7
a n d t h e e n d o f m o d e r n i t y , 7 0
a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s m , 2 7
a n d puissance, 3 1 - 3 8 , 5 1
o n t o l o g i c a l , 4 9 , 6 6
a n d t r i b a l r e l i g i o n , 1 9 , 2 3
an d t h e 'w i l l t o l i v e ' , 2 4
W a t z l a w i c k , P , 7 5
W e b e r , M . , i x , 1 , 1 2 , 1 9 , 2 3 , 2 8 , 4 8 , 6 0 , 6 5 ,
7 8 -7 9 , 8 2 , 8 6 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 3 ,
1 5 6 - 1 5 7 , 1 6 0
W i l l m o t t , P . , 6 9 , 9 7 , 1 2 6 , 1 41
W i r t h , L . , 13 5
W a t z l a w i c k , P , 7 5 .
W e b e r , M . , i x , l , 1 2 , 1 9 , 2 3 , 2 8 , 4 8 , 6 0 , 6 5 ,
78^-79,
8 2 , 8 6 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 3 ,
1 5 6 -1 5 7 , 1 6 0
W i l l m o t t , P . , 6 9 , 9 7 , 1 2 6 , 1 4 1
W i r t h , L . , 1 35
w i t h d r a w a l (c f d i s e n g a g e m e n t , n a r c i ss i sm ) ,
a t t i t u d e s o f, 4 6
f r o m t h e p o l i t i c a l s p h e r e , 4 8
i n t o t h e
self, 4 0 , 6 4 , 1 0 7
W ö l f f l in , H . , 1 5 9
W o r r i n g e r , W . , 3 1 , 7 7 , 1 3 3
Y o u n g , M . , 6 9 , 9 7 , 1 2 6 , 14 1
Y o u r c e n a r , M . , 7 8
Z a s u l i c , V . , 6 1
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