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Fragments of Flowers: Flores de Filosofia in Early Modern Spain
and the Scribal Revision of El Conde Lucanor
Jonathan Burgoyne
La cornica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures,and Cultures, Volume 37, Issue 2, Spring 2009, pp. 5-31 (Article)
Published by La cornica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures,and CulturesDOI: 10.1353/cor.0.0030
For additional information about this article
Access Provided by UNIFAL-Uniersidade Federal de Alfenas at 10/31/12 8:03PM GMT
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Even in the light o this new scholarship, the history oFlores and its aliation
with other works is an open area o research. I cannot, however, write
that entire history here. In this essay I will broadly survey the manuscript
landscape oFlores in order to map its transmission rom the thirteenth to
the sixteenth century, while sketching proles o its late medieval and early
modern audiences. I will then concentrate on ragments oFlores as they were
rewritten into two manuscripts rom the eenth and sixteenth centuries.
Tese ragments oer intriguing glimpses into the activities o proessional
compilers and scribes who played active roles in the production, transmissionand interpretation oFlores, along with the other works arranged and bound
together with it in their respective host anthologies. When studied as cultural
artiacts, the two early modern, handmade books containing selections rom
Flores give witness to unique interpretations o its context and meaning.
One, a eenth-centurycomplato, is designed to serve the interests o an
intellectually ambitious seigneurial audience, while the sixteenth-century
ragment displays a scribal reading and revision o the CL that suggests a
radically dierent, Counter-Reormational alignment. An examination o
Floresmanuscript witnesses not only reveals a great deal about its material
and literary history, but it also exposes a ascinating response to Juan Manuels
most amous work.
Without rehearsing in an introduction the thorny topic o genre, it is clear
rom the title and prologue, as well as rom the textual transmission, that
Flores is a collection o extracts presented as the best parts, or fowers, o
the sayings o ancient philosophers arranged into chapters (Rouse and Rouse,Florilegia o Patristic exts 6):
Este libro es de Flores de Filosoa que u escogido e tomado de los dichos delos sabios, e quien bien quisyere azer sy e su azienda estudie en esta poca enoble escriptura. E hordenar e conponer por sus captulos ayuntronse treyntae siete sabios, e des acablo Seneca que u lsoo sabio de Cordoua, e zo[lo]para que se aprouechasen dl los omes rricos e ms menguados e los viejos e los
mancebos. (Knust )
Considering that the Latinfores was a common term or selected extracts
rom the twelh century on, and that the author declares that the dichos
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F R A G m E N t s O F F L O w E R s
were culled rom the philosophers, Flores is then, by denition, a picking o
fowers orforlegum (Rouse, Florilegia ). Trough its transmission we
will have occasion to observe other characteristics o the medievalforlegum
in Flores.
Transmission and Audiences ofFlores de flosoa
Although it is thought to have been originally composed in Castilian (aylor
), Flores is a piece o gnomic literature that shares much o its material
with other Spanish collections o maxims rom the Arabic tradition, such as
Bocados de oro and the Lbro de buenos proerbos.Flores has been compared
to the speculum prncps genre, described as a forlegum o ethics, an
ethico-political catechism, and a compilation o lessons or castgos designed
primarily or princes and aristocrats charged with the duties o governance.4
Since its composition some time during the mid-thirteenth century, this
anonymous collection o aphoristic laws and advice or kings and courtiers
Mary and Richard Rouse clariy the etymology oforlegum as a compound rom legere, topick up or pick out, andfos, fower (Florilegia o Patristic exts 6). Mary Rouse recalls thatforlega can vary in length, in type and ormality o structure, and in purpose, and that manycollections begin with a compilers prologue that explains such things as his purpose, his choiceo materials, and the structure or arrangement o the collection as a whole (). A. G. Riggdescribes proseforlega as usually collections o wise sayings excerpted rom philosophers andtheologians, and oen amount[ing] to a collection o proverbs (Anthologies ). For urtherstudy o the orm, see Birger Munk Olsen and Jacqueline Hamesse. Hermann Knust pointed to the proverbs rom Bocados de oro and the Lbro de buenos proerbosin his edition, and states in his introduction that the majority o the proverbs in Flores were taken
rom other books (4). Likewise, Gmez Redondo nds that there are ms que unos cuantosproverbios shared byFlores and Bocados de oro (6).4 Haro Corts places Flores, among other compilations o Spanish wisdom literature, within thespeculum prncps genre based primarily on its implied audience and reception (Los compendos). Fouch argues that Flores cannot be a mirror because it is directed not only to the leaders,but also to the ollowers (). Bizzarri claims that Flores is not, strictly speaking, a forlegum,but he believes that it was perceived as such since the text claims to present a collection o ancientsayings rom some thirty-seven philosophers (Un forilegio -). In another essay, thesame scholar describes Flores as one o the most popular catechisms o political ethics rom thethirteenth century (Deslindes 4). Gmez Redondo, like Knust, argues that Flores is a religious,or spiritual guide, compiled or a general audience (Knust 4; Gmez Redondo 64). CarlosAlvar presents a more descriptive classication, stating that Flores es una serie de treinta y ochocaptulos o leyes, centrados en el amor a Dios, en la gura del rey, en los conceptos de saber ynobleza, en las virtudes y en la riqueza y la codicia (8-).
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in the Hispano-Arabic adab tradition was recast and interpolated into many
o the most important works o Spanish literature o the later Middle Ages.
Its material was rst reshaped into a late thirteenth-century work known as
the Lbro de los cen captulos, and during the second or third decade o the
ourteenth century it became the literary backbone or Pero Lpez de Baezas
Dchos de los Santos Padres (Haro Corts, Lteratura de castgos 8-).6 In the
early ourteenth century, perhaps no more than y years aer its original
composition, a version oFlores reappears in the Lbro del Caballero Zar,
in a section known as the Castgos del Rey de Mentn, which is probably themost well-read perormance oFlores today.
wo observations can be made at this point about the transmission oFlores;
that it took on an early textual stability o its own as a unique piece o Spanish
literature, and that it also served as an intermediate source or other authors
who mined it to produce new books.8 As the creation o a forilegist, it became
an independent whole work, a act announced in the third-person prologue;
but as a source, Flores was used to create new collections o extracted wisdom
and turned into a speculum prncps, which tells us something about how it
For an accounting o the multiple meanings oadab, ranging rom habit, to exemplary conduct,urbanity, specialized knowledge, and didactic literature, see Francesco Gabrieli. In the medievalIberian context, Jos Antonio Maravall explains that adab is a concept similar to that ocortesa,which is much more than a literary genre. It involves the study and cultivation o personal virtueand aristocratic manners, among other intellectual pursuits, but the literature that codied thecurial knowledge associated with adab was oen identied as the adab itsel (64-6).6 It was once believed that the Lbro de los cen captulos was the source or Flores, but since Maria
Lacetera Santini argued in avor o the reverse order, many scholars, including aylor, Alvar andLuca Megas, agree that Flores was the base text or the Lbro de los cen captulos. Luca Megas studies Flores as a source text or the Lbro del caballero Zarin Los castigos delrey de Mentn a la luz de Flores de losoa, and Bizzarri has shown that all but ve chapters oFlores were copied erbatm into the Lbro del caballero Zar(La labor 86).8 Richard and Mary Rouse observe the widespread use oforlega to produce new literarycreations in general as the intermediate source employed sometimes skillully, sometimesclumsily by many medieval authors (Florilegia o Patristic exts ). Rigg oers examples ohow a selection o excerpts can take on an independent existence: Presumably each forilegiumwas originally the selection o an individual, but many took on a textual lie o their own, copied
rom each other but subject to accretion and subtraction according to the scribes choice. Inthis way an identiable work was created, such as the Florlegum Gallcum and the FlorlegumAngelcum (Anthologies and Florilegia 8).
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was received in late thirteenth- and ourteenth-century Castilla. Flores was
an anonymous compilation that had acquired its own authority as a source
o orthodox teachings on law, ethics and religion, among other topics, or a
broad audience, and it was a mirror o princes. Te dierences in genre and
meaning were the result o readings and adaptations to discrete ideological
and literary contexts. Tese observations call to mind the points made about
forlega in general by Richard and Mary Rouse; more particularly, that
there is much to be gained rom relating a givenforlegum to its immediate
intellectual milieu; or such an enterprise increases our understanding both otheforlegum and o the milieu itsel (Florilegia o Patristic exts 8).
oday we know o seven manuscript copies o Flores and our ragments.
Te seven complete versions are conventionally divided into two groups; the
longer version with thirty-eight chapters, and the shorter with thirty-ve leyes
depending on whether or not the particular copy contains three introductory
chapters. Te rst o these three introductory chapters is a collection o
aphoristic sayings that could serve as a synopsis or much o the books
subject matter. Te second and third introductory chapters orm one single
eemplum that tells the story o an impatient king who could not wait to hear
a preachers sermon beore heading out on his hunt. Along the way, the king
meets a physician and asks him or a cure or his sins. Te third chapter is the
physicians rrecebta, or prescription o hard-to-swallow virtues that the king
must write down, prepare, and drink i he truly desires salvation. Te bitter
melesna is a cocktail o diligent study, humility, charity, good works, and ear
o God, among other ingredients. Te remaining chapters in the book aremore sentential, and deal with subjects such as obedience to the laws o the
land and the kings who must protect them, along with chapters that touch on
the essential virtues or both kings and commoners such as patience, justice,
humility, courage, and a dedication to study and good manners.
On the various genre classications oFlores, see note 4. In spite o the dierent opinions amongsome scholars, many readers will conclude that Flores is a book o counsel designed or the use omembers o the ruling class, which is enough to place it in the mirror o princes genre, according
to at least one common denition (Eberle 44). Due to its diverse subject matter, culled romvarious sources, and its prologue, Flores is more in linewith the thirteenth-centuryforlegumtradition. Nevertheless, as I argue above, rom the time o its rst appearance, medieval audiencestreated it as bothforlegum and speculum.
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While a good many o the dictums in Flores address the topic o the perect
prince, the entire collection seems to have a larger implied audience. Te
audiences oFlores in eenth- and sixteenth-century Spain will be one o the
main topics o this essay, but beore moving on, a brie survey o its witnesses
will suce to point out a ew o the most salient and telling characteristics o
its manuscript transmission.
All but one o the manuscripts that reproduce a Flores text date rom the
eenth century, which is an important act in itsel, but not necessarily as
signicant as one might imagine. Te total number o witnesses elevendoes suggest that it was a well-read work in late medieval and early modern
Spain, but as many Hispanomedievalists know, the majority o all Castilian
manuscript literature that has survived the ravages o time dates rom this
period, so there is no mathematical reason to conclude that it was more
popular in the eenth century than any time beore. On the contrary,
because o its constant adaptation into new works almost as soon as it was
originally composed, Flores may well be the most successul creation o
lteratura sapencalin Spanish rom the thirteenth century through the later
Middle Ages.
Returning to the manuscripts themselves, it has been noted that Flores is
always associated with various other works o wisdom literature in vernacular
anthologies, and it could be argued that i we extend our modern denition o
wisdom literature to include the CL aer all, Parts II to IV o Juan Manuels
book are themselves collections o aphorisms then all o the manuscript
witnesses could be grouped in the same category. Tis observation, however,may be somewhat misleading, since the manuscript situation oFlores shows
that late medieval compilers did not establish literary categories along strict
ormal lines; rather, texts were linked together according to interpretations
o their meanings, uses, and compatibility with the overarching organizing
I will return to a discussion o audiences urther on, but or now I use implied audience,like implied reader, in the most commonly used sense, as in Gerald Princes denition: Teaudience presupposed by a text (4).
Luca Megas studies the manuscript transmission o Flores in Hacia la edicin crtica deFlores de losoa, and demonstrates how it was incorporated into compilaciones sapienciales(-66).
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F R A G m E N t s O F F L O w E R s
parameters o their host anthologies. A review o the contents o the
manuscripts will help illustrate this point.
Te seven manuscripts with complete copies oFlores, in either its longer or
shorter version, are listed in the Works Cited; they are housed in libraries in
and around Madrid and are identied by the ollowing sigla: h, B1, HS, &1, S,
Xand P1. Te our ragments o Flores, also located in and around Madrid,
are identied as &2, G, P2 and B2. Interestingly, manuscript &-II-8 o the
Monasterio de El Escorial contains a complete copy oFlores (=&1), and one
o the our ragments (=&2).
Since Hermann Knust rst edited Flores in 88, &1 has been considered
the best text or uture editions. Manuscript &1 binds together various
manuscript and print ascicles, including letters rom the Emperor, Charles V.
Te majority o the texts bound together with Flores in &1deal with the topic
o the ideal prince and government, such as the translation o the rst part o
John o Waless Communloquum, entitled Tratado de la comundad; and the
Contencn entre Alejandro y Anbal y Escpn, which is a Castilian translationo a Latin version o Lucians dialogue.4 Tese are clearly not examples o
wisdom literature, or texts which give advice on conduct, expressed in the
orm o brie sentences arranged paratactically, according to one denition
(aylor ). &1 does, however, reproduce another text which is very similar to
Flores, the Lbro de los doce sabos, in which philosophers present aphoristic
denitions and examples o the virtues a perect prince should have.
A simple survey o the texts in &1 shows that it is a thematic rather than a
ormal link that binds the manuscript together. Te most salient organizing
parameter at work in &, aside rom the common vernacular language
(i.e., Spanish), is an interest in texts that provide authoritative, oen terse
ethical discussions o the ideal prince and the nature o true nobility and
Te term organizing parameter is inspired by Teo Stemmlers general organizing principlesthat can be ound in many medieval anthologies, such as author, language, orm, genre, andcontent ().
Fouchs edition is based on h, B1, &1 and X.4 According to Sueiro Pena and Gutirrez Garca, the Latin text was prepared by GiovanniAurispa, and the Castilian translation was produced by Martn de vila (8-6).
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good government. Tis will be a common eature ound in almost all o the
manuscript witnesses oFlores rom the eenth century, with ew exceptions,
many o which unite compilations o proverbs and sententae like Bocados
de oro and the Lbro de los buenos proerbos with other didactic works that
resonate with the general theme o the entire anthology.
In HS, or example, a piece o wisdom literature entitled Preceptos morales is
added on to the end oFlores, which is then ollowed by yet another collection
o maxims, the Lbro de los sellos de los lsoos, which Charles Faulhaber has
identied as a combination o material rom two other gnomic works, theLbro de los buenos proerbos and the Pordat de pordades (66).HS may
well prove a point that aylor makes about this special brand o literature:
[I]n practice the purpose [wisdom books] most commonly served was to
spawn other wisdom books (8).6B2 is another case in point, where a small
selection rom Flores provides the introductory chapters or a version o
Bocados de oro.
Also included in B2
is a copy o Alonso de oledos Inenconaro, which isa rather heterogeneous work inspired by the Etymologes o Isidore o Seville
(Gericke xiii), and a collection o sermons on the Song o Songs. While most
o the other manuscript witnesses o Flores were designed or a eenth-
century audience drawn to the topic o nobility and attracted to the sayings
o ancient philosophers, the contents oB2 suggest a dierent interest. Rather,
it appears to be a preachers reerence book, complete with handy aphorisms
that could be employed to prove a point or add some levity to an otherwise
serious subject.
Te other complete manuscript witnesses (B1, h, S, X, and P1), with the
exception oP1 and X, combine Flores with collections o aphorisms, some o
which have already been mentioned, such as the Lbro de los buenos proerbos
(B1, h) and the Lbro de cen captulos (h). S starts with a collection o maxims
Te Lbro de los sellos de los lsoos is item number 8 in Faulhabers catalogue.6
Mary and Richard Rouse describe a similar cannibalistic phenomenon in the transmission oTomas o IrelandsManpulus Florum; an alphabetically arrangedforlegum o quotations whichwas used to produce newforlega or both private and public use (Preachers ).
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called the Proerbos de Sneca llamados cos y rtudes, which reworks
material taken rom the Lbro de los buenos proerbos (Haro Corts and
Luca Megas 64). As in &1, the proverbs in these manuscripts are coupled
with texts that are ormally dissimilar yet maintain a thematic coherence with
the ethical and political content oFlores. S also has a ascinating version o
Benvenuto da Imolas commentary on Dantes Inerno that includes a study
o Spanish and Italian pronunciation to aid a Castilian reader o the Italian
original. O particular interest or my argument here is that the accessus
highlights the encyclopedic content o Dantes work, while concentrating thereaders attention on its ethical subject matter above all, pointing out that the
Inerno deals primarily with human behavior, vices and virtues.8
X and P1 have Flores as the central piece o aphoristic literature, while
binding it with works that would be o particular interest to a eenth-
century aristocratic audience: the Fuero de los hjosdalgo de Castlla (X), and
the Arte de las batallas (P1), a copy o Alonso de San Cristbals translation
and gloss o Vegetiuss Eptome re mltars. With the exception oB2, all
o the medieval anthologies that presently reproduce a Flores text, either a
complete version or ragment, appear to have been designed or a eenth-
century Castilian secular audience that was becoming ever more literate and
intrigued by classical wisdom, as well as by the history and codes o its own
class identity.
Te majority o these manuscripts are the product o an exclusive cultural
climate in Spain during the eenth century in which a group o noblemen
Mario Penna transcribed this text, along with a study o the scribes comments on the lieo Dante, and the history o Castilian and Italian as romance languages. He demonstrates thatthe commentary and translation o the rst canto o the Inerno is a copy o a text intended toaccompany an Italian version o Dantes masterpiece as a reading aid (-).8 According to the manuscript prologue, dezir se ha aqui alguna cosa para que los que nunca
vieron la obra del dante mas largamente conoscan su motiuo (ol. 6v). Te accessus calls attentionto the ethical content in the Inerno: Este libro es suppuesto a toda parte de losoa primeramentea la etica en quanto tracta de los actos humanos conuiene a saber de viios e virtudes (ol. 6v).ranscriptions are my own rom manuscript S. I have not added punctuation or accent marks, norhave I altered the spelling o the manuscript text. Little is known about Alonso de San Cristbal, according to Mara Elvira Roca Barea, whoconcludes that the translation was made during the reign o Enrique III, beore 4 (68-6).
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who did not have access to Latin or Greek aspired to participate more
intellectually in matters o government and the ormation o a new modern
state. In addition to their political aspirations, these readers developed a
taste or the study o statecrat rom classical sources, as well as more
contemplative and studious pastimes to accompany their traditional courtly
diversions. Ottavio di Camillo (El humansmo castellano) studies this
dynamic period in Spanish history oten reerred to as el pre-humansmo;
Jeremy Lawrance describes the scholarly activities o these noble readers as
a vernacular humanism.he readers o La cornca will be aware o the debate over humanism in
iteenth-century Iberia, and o Francisco Ricos Nebrja rente a los brbaros,
which appeared two years ater Di Camillos book, but the scope o this essay
does not allow or a lengthy rehearsal o the various arguments or and against
speaking o humanism in a iteenth-century Spanish context. Suice it to
say that I acknowledge, along with Rico, that there is a specialized training,
grounded in studa humantats, that deines a humanist (Humanismo
); it may be more accurate to describe the interest in history and the
classics among a relatively small number o aristocratic snobs as something
more akin to a ad rather than an authentic intellectual movement (Rico,
Imgenes 6). I do, however, agree with many o the scholars mentioned
here who recognize a spirit, or climate o intellectual curiosity among these
undereducated readers that has much in common with what we generally
mean when we think o humanism as a culture; the evidence or this
intellectual climate is ound among the numerous translations o classicalauthors in almost every vernacular language o the Peninsula. As the work
o Isabel Beceiro suggests, the act that an interest in books became a ashion
does not diminish its cultural impact (8).
Even though notable scholars such as Peter Russell hold that these
translations do not indicate an interest in humanism (6), it seems that
Te same readers are by now amiliar with the excellent critical cluster in La cornca on
eenth-century Spanish culture and humanism, Sal buen latno: Los deales de la culturaespaola tardomedeal y protorrenacentsta, edited by Antonio Cortijo Ocaa and eresa JimnezCalvente.
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advised noblemen to read classical works o ethics and moral philosophy
in translation, while avoiding texts that ventured into the more specialized
disciplines o theology and Church doctrine (Lawrance, he Spread o Lay
Literacy 88).4 Noble audiences preerred works that treated the subject o
gentle education or the knowledge and manners expected o the well-
born, as well as [c]ompilations and extracts oueros and leyes relating
speciically to chivalry and the rules o war (he Spread o Lay Literacy 88-
8). Based on exhaustive studies o seigneurial libraries o the time, Beceiro
points to lvar Prez de Guzmns library as indicative o the commonliterary tastes o iteenth-century aristocratic audiences. Along with their
interests in history, the Church Fathers, and Latin philosophical texts, these
readers had a penchant or los tratados polticos del buen gobierno, las
enciclopedias generales del saber y las obras que aluden a las ormas de vida
nobles (66). All o these can be ound in the Flores manuscripts.
he apothegms ound in Flores embody the notion o gentle education as
they appear in their manuscript anthologies; its proverbs are illuminated
by the halo o classical antiquity and are oten directly linked to ancient
philosophers such as Seneca and Aristotle. he &1 text edited by Knust
and cited here in the introduction attributes the concluding chapters to
the amous philosopher rom Crdoba, and in B1Flores is a compilation o
castgos sent to Alexander rom his mentor:
Cuando aristotiles en greia ue casado que non pudo yr con su criado alexandreen las huestes nin en los logares por do el yua. Fazia le muy gran mengua e dapo
e enbiole alexandre su criado en que le enbio rrogar que le enbiase aconsejarpor escripto en commo ordenase su vida e su cuerpo por ser mas sano. E otrosique le enbiase commo podiesse consoer las naturalezas delos omnes por qualesnaturalezas conosiese a cada uno si uesse bueno o malo. E aristotiles enbio gelopor escripto en esta manera que se sigue. (ol. r)
Clearly, these proverbs were not placed in the same category as the homey
saws, or reranes rom popular culture. he castgos and leyes in Flores would
4 Because o his contacts as bishop and ambassador, Cartagena was the Castilian intellectual
most amiliar with Italian humanism in the rst hal o the eenth century (Di Camillo, Elhumansmo castellano 8). Te ollowing transcription is my own rom manuscript B1.
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have been particularly attractive to the iteenth-century audience that
Lawrance and Beceiro proile; the dilettanti mltares r who were caught up
in the ashion o humanistic study. Although the prologue rom &1 makes it
plain that all members o society can beneit rom the wisdom in Flores, it is
unlikely that the poor menguados o iteenth-century Spain were searching
its pages or guidance. All the evidence rom the manuscript transmission
oFlores points to an elite secular readership rom early modern Spain. One
manuscript witness in particular (P2) suggests that its leyes were actually
recruited or a deense o the rights and privileges o the Castilian aristocracy,aced with constant encroachments on its privileges by the Crown.
Fragments ofFlores de flosoa: P2 and G
P2 is most commonly studied or its copy o various works by the historian
and courtier Diego de Valera, such as the Ceremonal de prncpes y caballeros
and Tratado de las armas, both attractive sources or an audience drawn
to the trappings and stylized history o the nobility.6 According to the
manuscript text, the irst work in P2
,De commo se deen pntar las armas,claims to be a selection rom a treatise on nobility by Valera, and it includes
illustrations o the basic composition oescudos drawn in the same black ink
as the rest o the text.
P2 is not a luxurious book, and it appears to have been written in a rushed,
rounded Gothic script, leading one to imagine that it may have been copied
by a non-proessional or immediate use. he somewhat sloppy presentation
o the text suggests urther that it was commissioned or study, rather than
to adorn a library with deluxe display volumes. his would corroborate
another o Lawrances observations about the reading habits o the iteenth-
century Spanish nobility, that they did not go to great expense in procuring
their reading material, and that they did indeed commission books or their
own private reading (he Spread o Lay Literacy 8, 86).
6 As Jess Rodrguez Velasco concludes, Diego de Valera is the most oustanding writer on thepolemical debate over nobility and knighthood in the eenth century (). Te presence o
Valeras treatises in P2 marks the manuscript as a product o that aristocratic milieu. Haro Corts and Luca Megas identiy Valeras treatise as the Espejo de erdadera nobleza(Flores de losoa 6). Te brie selection on coats o arms (ols. r - r) appears to be a copyrom the Lbro de las armas, cotas y banderas.
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8
Along with the more amous works by Diego de Valera, P2 contains a study
o the attributes o precious and non-precious stones, as well as magical
amulets. However, o particular interest here is the Dencnde nobleza, a
brie treatise on nobility attributed to an unknown Per An de Ribera who,
according to the manuscript text, dedicated his work to his cousin, Fernn
Gmez de Guzmn, the amous commander o the Order o Calatrava who
died at the hands o Fuenteovejunas townspeople in 46. he scribe saw
it to add a chapter rom Flores to conclude this text. Fortunately, Dencn
de nobleza has been edited by Manuel Ambrosio Snchez, one o the ewscholars who has taken an interest in the minor and anonymous works
ound in this complato.
Snchez identies Dencn de noblezas author in Per An de Ribera y
Guzmn, marscalo Castilla, who most probably composed the text between
4 and 46 (4). One o the most turbulent times in Spanish history,
this period endured an intense confict between the traditional nobility and
the monarchy, as well as outright civil war during the reigns o Enrique IV,
El Impotente, and his sister Isabel (Snchez 8-). As a product o this
violent age, the most noticeable characteristic o the Dencn de nobleza is
its strident anti-monarchist tone. According to Snchez, it is the most virulent
deense o the privileges o eenth-century Spanish aristocracy ().
Te author o the Dencn de nobleza deends the rights o noblemen
to wealth and honors that should be bestowed on them by the king.
Furthermore, the text argues aggressively in avor o the legendary view o
monarchs as peers among the nobility, rather than their natural and divinelychosen sovereign lords. Most importantly, and especially in the context o the
tensions with the Castilian monarchy o the time -which was criticized by the
traditional aristocracy or excluding aristocrats rom government in avor
o ministers o common lineage- the treatise repeatedly reminds the reader
that the nobles, rather than the ricos plebeos must always be avored
(Snchez 6).8 In light o this apology or seigneurial honor and privilege
8 It would appear that the authors complaints about avors given to commoners is a reerenceto the hdalgos de prlego created by the monarchy in the eenth century, in contrast to thetraditional hdalgosde sangre, described, among others, by Marie-Claude Gerbet (-).
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vis--vis the monarchy and new aristocracy, the place o Flores at the end
o this work is more than an example o ragmentation, textual variance,
mouance, or tradconaldad escrta, i these terms are used -as they oen
are- to describe an essential instability in medieval texts. Te inclusion o
one particular chapter rom Flores in this manuscript shows that the variance
ound in medieval manuscript works is also the result o an interpretation and
adaptation o texts to ideological and codicological contexts. Tis constitutes
deliberate reading and rewriting processes that are oen overlooked when we
view manuscript textuality as having some sort o essential mobility or whenwe reer to this textual adaptation as contamination. Te introduction to the
Dencn de nobleza suggests that the inclusion o a ragment oFlores may
well have been part o the original work, rather than a scribal aerthought or
a mere accident: Seor primo, porque se que vos plazera las dotrinas delos
losoos que tocan alos dalgos, enbiovos un manojo de fores que olays
commo en el mes de mayo (Snchez 6).
Tis manpulus o springtime fowers may reer to the content o the treatise
on nobility, but the use o foral imagery, and the idea that the text contains
selections o philosophical doctrine is a commonplace in the manuscript
witnesses oFlores. Regardless o whether or not the ragment was added at a
later date, the content o the chapter complements the tone o the Dencn
de nobleza, as well as the entire compilation.
Te Flores ragment in P2 corresponds to chapter in Knusts edition, De los
que han de aver vida con los reyes, and it is one o the least representative
o the entire Flores collection, which tends to avor proverbial wisdom that
I am, o course, reerring to Paul Zumthors notion omouance as a mobility that is essentialto medieval textuality (-). Long beore Zumthor wrote his now-amous essay, RamnMenndez Pidal described the creation o variance in manuscript texts as tradconaldad escrta,claiming that the creation o variance in manuscripts is the result o the same improvisation andadaptation or new audiences seen in the Spanish ballad tradition (4). Snchez argues that the chapter rom Flores was added deliberately (-), but there is somemanuscript evidence that suggests that it was added aer the copy o the Dencn de noblezawas completed. On olio 4v, the Dencn de nobleza ends, taking up the entire olio side, andthe scribe seems to have written what appears to be initials to mark the end o the text. Te Floresragment does begin on the ollowing olio, but with no indication that it is a separate work.
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advocates or obedience, adherence to duty and aith in Gods divine laws.
Tis particular chapter rom Flores in P2 presents a distinctly tyrannical and
capricious picture o monarchs:
Guardad vos de hirar al rey en ningun yerro, ca el apor costunbre de tomar elmuy pequeo yerro por grande e, maguer quele aya ome echo serviio luengotiempo, todo lo oluida al tienpo de la saa . . . Ca sabed que no ay mayor saaque la del rey, ca en reyendo manda matar e jugando manda destroyr, e alas vezesaze grrande escarmiento por pequea culpa, e alas vezes perdona grran yerropor pequeo ruego, e alas vezes dexa muchas culpas sin ningun escarmiento.
(Snchez 64)
Whether this was the work o Per An de Ribera y Guzmn, or another
anonymous compiler that created P2, the presence oFlores in this compilation
shows how late medieval authors enlisted materials rom disparate textual
traditions, interpreting them according to their needs, and reshaping them
into new literary creations or discrete ideological and social purposes that
can be best understood within the localized historical context o a particular
group o readers. Among these materials, medieval lorlega o all kindswere common sources. I we take the chapter oFlores in P2as an example,
even though we may now view it as part o a whole separate work rather
than a broken o piece o a missing one, then the meaning oFlores has been
radically realigned to meet the expectations o the implied audience o the
Dencn de nobleza. his creative writing process that involves reading,
selection and adaptation appears to be reversed in the last ragment oFlores
that will be studied here. While the chapter included in the Dencn de
nobleza provides an insight into how one author read Flores, the ragmentsoFlores in the CL oer ascinating textual evidence o the reception o Juan
Manuels book in early modern Spain.
Manuscript G is one o two ve-part versions o Juan Manuels masterpiece.
Te other is MS 66 o the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, known as
manuscript S o the CL. S is a single-author, complete-works volume rom
the late ourteenth or eenth century, and it appears to have been designed
as a showpiece, with expensive parchment and spaces le or decorative
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F R A G m E N t s O F F L O w E R s
illuminations aer each o Juan Manuels exemplary tales. On the other
hand, G is an inexpensive paper copy that seems to have been carelessly
produced by a sixteenth-century scribe, or perhaps even the owner o one o
the now lost ve-part copies o Juan Manuels text.
As is well known, the CL is most amous or its collection o ramed didactic
short stories rom the rst part o the book; a collection o illustrative tales
told by Patronio, the Counts wise adviser who solves his lords political,
social, and ethical dilemmas through the use o various eempla. At the
end o each narrative, the authors literary persona makes an entrance tocap Patronios advice with helpul essos, or rhyming maxims that, on the
surace, summarize the moral o each story.
An important point to make about Part I o the CL or my study oFlores in
Part V is that most scholars studying the thematic development through the
short story collection see a gradual progression rom the Counts political
and worldly troubles, to tales that ocus more on his eschatological concerns.
Tis critical ocus stems rom the third-person prologue, which states thatJuan Manuel intends to help his readers act in this world in such a way that
would benet their honor and estates, while bringing them closer to the
path o salvation: Este libro zo don Iohan, jo del muy noble inante don
Manuel, deseando que los omnes ziessen en este mundo tales obras que
les uessen aprovechosas de las onras et de las aziendas et de sus estados, et
uessen ms allegados a la carrera porque pudiessen salvar las almas (Blecua
4). Whether or not Juan Manuel was able to harmonize the theme o God
and World in his text has preoccupied scholars or decades (see, or example,Ian Macpherson).
Tere is some uncertainty among scholars about the date o this manuscript. While many, likeGuillermo Sers, believe that it is a late ourteenth-century artiact (xciii), another editor o theCL, Reinaldo Ayerbe-Chaux, has published important evidence that dates its production duringthe second hal o the eenth century (8). Jos Manuel Blecua based his edition o the CL onmanuscript S. Quotations rom the CL will be taken rom Blecuas edition in order to compare thetwo versions o Part V as they appear in S and G.
Laurence de Looze describes manuscript G as an example o private writing, which betraysno goal beyond the simple copying o the text with a minimum o uss (Manuscrpt Dersty-6).
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B U R G O Y N E L A C O R N I C A 3 7 . 2 , 2 0 0 9
Searching or the oen illusive unity o orm and didactic coherency, critics
have strained to ollow the progression o the God/world dichotomy through
to the nal part o the CL, although most agree that when the reader arrives
at Juan Manuels conclusion, aer passing through the labyrinth o proverbs
in Parts II to IV, we are ready or the nal triumph o the spiritual over the
temporal. In Part V the author writes a brie catechism, touching on many
o the more amiliar points o Catholic doctrine, such as the belie in the Holy
rinity and the Virgin Birth, as well as the Sacraments. Patronio ventures
into a series o proos o the authority o Church doctrine on the Sacraments,beginning with the Eucharist and Baptism, but he cuts his argument short,
abandoning the last ve sacraments to save time, relying on his audiences
good aith:
Et quanto de los otros inco sacramentos que son: penitenia, conrmacin,casamiento, orden, prostrimera unin, bien vos dira tantas et tan buenasrazones en cada uno dellos, que vs entendrades que eran assaz; mas dxolopor dos cosas: la una, por non alongar mucho el libro; et lo al, porque s que vs
et quien quier que esto oya, entendr que tan con razn se prueva lo al commoesto. (Blecua 8)
Juan Manuel uses the time-saving device to return to the topic o how man
must perorm good works, but manuscript G takes Juan Manuels text in a
new direction by concluding with seven chapters rom Flores, beginning with
this same transitional moment in Patronios argument.
Te text in G is similar to S up to the point where Patronio claims that he
could continue his proos or the remaining ve sacraments, but instead otaking the audiences aith or granted, the sixteenth-century version o the
Among the scholars who have studied the entire ive-part CL, Paolo Cherchi writes thatthe irst part deals mostly with the problem o living up to the expectations o the estado; theith part is concerned with the problem o eternal salvation (). De Looze argues that thereis a hierarchical progression rom beginning to end that places soul over body, the spiritualover the social, etc. (El Conde Lucanor, Part V ). More recently, de Looze has publishedone o the most sensitive readings o the ive books, concluding that the CL is concerned with
gradually honing the readers powers o interpretation until inally, in Book V, the reader ismade to consider the world as a vast tetus in which everything is a gura or an analogicalterm (Manuscrpt Dersty6).
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F R A G m E N t s O F F L O w E R s
CL is much more suspicious o the readers good intentions:4
Vien vos deza tantas e tan buenas razones en cada uno dellos que vosentenderedes que son asaz, mas dxolo por dos cosas: la una por no alongarmucho el libro, e lo al por que s que vos e quien quier que esto oya entre malasospecha, ca la obediencia es guarda de quien la quiere e castillo de quien la sygue.(ols. v-r, emphasis added)
It is not impossible that the scribes exemplar o the CL showed this same
version even though there are no other manuscript witnesses o it besides
G and it is also quite possible that the exemplar was incomplete, so thatthe chapters rom Flores were culled to simply ll in the empty space, but
the original choice o words to transition into the Flores text entre mala
sospecha is a patent example o scribal authorship that reveals not only an
attitude toward the text being copied, but also toward the sixteenth-century
Spanish audiences that could have had access to it.
Te subsequent texts rom Flores ound in G (which, ollowing Knusts edition,
correspond to chapters 6-) deal with the topics o the king as source and
champion o justice, advice or those who live with and counsel the king, the
king as leader and advocate o his people, the proper and ecient governance
o the kingdom (which involves access to wise and loyal advisers), the
virtue o bravery and strength, and the mutability o history, ollowed by
the medieval metaphor o the world as a book. Te CL as it appears in G
then concludes with a ragment ound in B1 that addresses the importance o
education and catechism or the young. Te content o these chapters rom
Flores that conclude the G version o the CL eectively rewrite the meaningo Juan Manuels entire ve-part book, and since the sources oFlores in G
stem rom two manuscript traditions, there is a greater probability that the
chapters were intentionally extracted.
I manuscript G is a scribal revision o the CL, based primarily on the scribes
transitional statement emphasized above, then the question remains, what
could have motivated the scribe to rewrite Juan Manuels book? I believe the
4 ranscriptions are my own rom manuscript G. Knust included this chapter in an appendix to his edition as Captulo VIII De cmmo devenlos omnes ser ensennados (8).
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B U R G O Y N E L A C O R N I C A 3 7 . 2 , 2 0 0 9
4
answer lies both in the original text, and in the shi in Castilian society rom
the vernacular humanism o eenth-century Spain to the sixteenth-century
Counter-Reormational attitude toward secular literature.
Juan Manuels conclusion o the CL as it appears in S may have been suspect
in a culture that was striving to contain heterodoxy, since it relies heavily
on the readers personal aith, rather than on unambiguous Church dogma.
Te most troublesome material could have been Patronios nal discussion
o the relative nature o sin, which he exemplies with a story o a knight
who kills his ather and his lord with one tremendous blow. Tis eemplumonly appears in S, since in G the Flores excerpts take its place. As the story
ends, the sins o ratricide and regicide are not sins at all but virtues, since
the young knight acted out o duty and did not perorm a perect act o
evil, according to Patronios scholastic denition. Summarizing Patronios
argument, sins are relative to intentions, and a moral act is not a sin unless it
meets all o three basic conditions: () that the act indeed be a sin, () that it
be perormed with malice, and () that the sinner ully understands that the
act is a sin and chooses to sin reely. I any one o these conditions is not met,
as in the case o the unlucky paladin, then the sinner is, or all intents and
purposes, o the hook: Ca non seyendo estas tres cosas, non sera la obra
del todo mala, as Patronio litigiously claims (Blecua ). In the hands o a
disingenuous parishioner with a perverse suspicion o dogma, this could be
a powerul rationalization. Although Juan Manuels examination o sin may,
in act, be perectly orthodox even today, Patronios exemplary deense could
be employed in a myriad o personal circumstances to pardon or legitimizebehavior without recourse to the judgment o Church authorities.6
It must be more than a coincidence that the chapters rom Flores chosen to
counterbalance the readers mala sospecha and Patronios relativism begin
with obedience: Ca la obediencia es guarda de quien la quiere e castillo de
quien la sygue (ol. r). Obedience is the most prominent concluding theme
6 Regarding the Catholic Churchs views on sin today, see Arthur Charles ONeil, who outlinesmany ideas about intentions and moral actions also ound in Patronios explanation. See especiallythe sections Material and ormal sin and Conditions o mortal sin: knowledge, ree will, gravematter.
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F R A G m E N t s O F F L O w E R s
o the CL, Part V, as it appears in G; rst with obedience to the authority o
the monarch, and lastly with obedience to parents and the proper education
o children: quien castiga a su jo quando es pequenio, uelga con l quando
es grande, according to one o the concluding maxims (ol. 6v).
Te G version o the CL may be helpully imagined as a contraactum in reverse;
instead o creating an orthodox Christian ending or Juan Manuels text a lo
dno style, the conclusion o the CL is eectively stripped o its complex and
potentially misleading theological subject matter by reorienting it toward the
more conservative secular themes ound in the tales o Part I. Tese stories,as many scholars have pointed out, tend to deend the traditional, medieval
worldview o man living obediently within the connes o his predetermined
estate.8 Finally, in G as in P2, the ragments oFlores demonstrate that the
evidence o medieval textual mobility and scribal authorship are also the
result o deliberate interpretations, namely discrete readings o medieval
works by individuals who did not merely copy texts, but rewrote and revised
the meaning o those texts according to the expectations, perhaps even ears,
o their respective audiences. In their work, these anonymous authors could
pluck their words rom highly regarded bouquets o wisdom literature, such
as Flores.
From the study o medieval anthologies that have transmitted Flores in late
eenth-century Spain, all o which display a similar content and implied
audience, to the ways in which it was interpolated into other works, such
as the Dencnde nobleza and the CL, I believe that Flores was approached
by communities o readers, scribes and compilers as a searchable vernacularforlegum specically designed or an aristocratic, courtly audience. In
the eenth century this audience was ascinated, even obsessed, with its
own class identity during a period o political history in Castilla when the
aristocracy was under pressure to deend its privileges against an increasingly
Bruce Wardropper denes the contraactum as una obra literaria (a veces una novela o undrama, pero generalmente un poema lrico de corta extensin) cuyo sentido proano ha sidosustitudo por otro sagrado (6). David Darst has described the countering writing techniques o
sixteenth-century Spain as conversions o previous secular literature or secular ways o thoughtto a spiritual context ().8 See Luciana de Steano or a study o the medieval estate worldview in Juan Manuels opus.
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B U R G O Y N E L A C O R N I C A 3 7 . 2 , 2 0 0 9
6
centralized and absolutist monarchy. Te sixteenth century ragments o
Flores also suggest that its secular teachings were viewed as authoritative,
even orthodox, and thus could be recruited as persuasive statements or the
legitimation o a state-sponsored ideology, or to suppress heterodox voices
that challenged the authority o the Church and State. Furthermore, the
ragments o Flores as they appear in some o the manuscripts examined
here were clearly not copied into their host anthologies at random; on the
contrary, a process o selection and adaptation is implied, which leads me
to suspect that late medieval and early modern readers, compilers, authorsand scribes were very amiliar with written versions o Flores, so much so
that they could draw rom it materials needed to revise the meaning o a text
according to the artistic and ideological expectations that shaped the new
works they produced.
Te archival research carried out or this project was made possible by a grant rom the
Pennsylvania State University, Institute or the Arts and Humanities.
Works Cited
h San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MSh-III- (Flores = ols. r-44v).
B1 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS48 (Flores = ols. -8r).
HS New York, Hispanic Society oAmerica, MS HC/
(Flores = ols. r-v).
&
1
San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS &-II-8 (Flores = ols. r-r).
S San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS S-II- (Flores = ols. v-6r).
X San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS X-II- (Flores = ols. 8r-r).
P1 Madrid, Real Biblioteca, MS II-6(Flores = ols. v-6v).
Manuscript copies of the complete Flores de ilosoa
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F R A G m E N t s O F F L O w E R s
Fragmentary copies
&2 San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS &-II-8(Flores = ols. 4r-r).
G Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS84 (Flores = ols. r-v).
P2 Madrid, Real Biblioteca, MS II-4(Flores = ols. 6r-6v).
B2 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 66(Flores = ols. r-4r).
Cited manuscripts ofEl Conde Lucanor
G Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 84. S Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 66.
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