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Big Five personality traits
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In contemporary psychology, the "Big Five" f actors(or Five Factor Model ; FFM)of personality
are five broad domains or dimensions of personalitythat are used to describe human personality.
The Big Five framework of personality traits from Costa & McCrae, 1992 has emerged as a robust
model for understandingthe relationship between personality and various academic behaviors.[1]
The Big Five factors are openness, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and
neuroticism(common acronyms are OCEAN, NEOAC, or CANOE). Conscientiousne ss is
exemplified by being disciplined, organized, and achievement-oriented. Neuroticism refers to
degree of emotional stability, impulse control, and anxiety. Extraversion is displayed through a
higher degree of sociability, assertiveness, and talkativeness. Openness is re flectedin a strong
intellectual curiosity and a preference for novelty and va riety. Finally, ag reeablenessrefers to being
helpful, cooperative, andsympathetic towards others. There is some evidence that personality and
motivation are intricately tied with individual differences in learning style s,and it is recommended
that educators go beyond the current emphasis on co gnition and include these variables in
understanding academic behavior.[2 ]The neuroticism factor is sometimes referred by its low pole
"emotionalstability". Some disa greement remains about how to interpret the op enness factor,
which is sometimes called "intellect" rather than openness to experience. Beneath each factor, a
cluster of correlated specific traits a re found; for exa mple, e xtraversion includes such related
qualities as gregariousness, assertiveness, excitement seeking, warmth, activity and positive
emotions.[3]
Contents
1 The five factors
1.1 Openness to experience
1.1.1 Sample o penness items
1.2 Conscientiousness
1.2.1 Sample cons cientiousness items
1.3 Extraversion
1.3.1 Sample extraversion items
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1.4 Agreeableness
1.4.1 Sample agreeableness items
1.5 Neuroticism
1.5.1 Sample neuroticism items
2 History
2.1 Early trait research
2.2 Hiatus in research
2.3 Validity of the Big Five
3 Selected scientific findings3.1 Heritability
3.2 Learning styles
3.3 Developm ent
3.4 Gender differences
3.5 Birth order
3.6 Cross-cultural research
3.7 Non-humans
4 Criticisms
4.1 Limited sco pe
4.2 Methodological issues4.3 Theoretical status
5 Further research
6 See also
7 External links
8 References
The five factors
The Big Five factors and their constituent traits can be summarized as (OCEAN):
Openness to experience (inventive/curious vs. co nsistent/cautious). Appreciation for art, emotion, adventure, unusual ideas,curiosity, and variety of experience.
Conscientiousness (efficient/organized vs. easy- going/ca reless). A tendency to show self-discipline , act dutifully, and aim for
achievement; planned rather than spontaneous be havior.
Extraversion (outgoing/energetic vs. solitary/reserved) . Energy, positive emotions, surgency, and the tendency to seek stimulation
in the co mpany o f others.
Agreeableness (friendly/compa ssionate vs. co ld/unkind). A tendency to be compassionate and cooperative rather than suspicious
and antagonistictowards others.
Neuroticism (sensitive/nervous vs. secure/confident). A tendency to expe rience unpleasant emotions ea sily, such as anger,
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anxiety, depression, or vulnerability .
The Big Five model is a co mprehensive, empirical, da ta-driven rese arch finding. Identifying the traits and structure o f human personality
has been one of the most fundamental goals in all of psychology. The five broad factors were discovered and defined by several
independent sets of researchers (Digman, 1990).[4 ]These researchers beg an by s tudying known personality traits and then factor-
analyz ing hundreds of measures of these traits (in self-report and questionnaire data, peer ratings, and ob jective measures from
experimental settings) in order to find the underlying factors of pe rsonality.
The initial model was advanced by Ernest Tupes and Raymond Christal in 1961, [5 ]but failed to reach an aca demic a udience until the
1980s. In 1990, J.M. Digman advanced his five factor model of personality, which Goldberg extended to the highest level of organization(Goldberg, 1993).[6 ]These five over-arching domains have been found to contain and subsume most known personality traits and are
assumed to represent the basic structure behind a ll personality traits. These five factors provide a rich conceptual framework for
integrating all the research findings and theory in personality psychology. The Big Five traits are a lso referred to as the "Five Factor
Model" or FFM (Costa & McCrae, 199 2), [7 ]and as the Global Factors of personality (Russell & Karol, 1994). [8 ]
At least four sets o f resea rchers have worked indep endently for decades on this problem and have identified generally the same Big
Five factors: Tupes & Cristal were first, followed by Goldberg a t the Oregon Research Institute,[9][10][11][12][13]Cattell at the University of
Illinois,[14][15][16][17]and Costa and McCrae at the National Institutes of Health. [18][19][20][21]These four sets of researchers used
somewhat different methods in finding the five traits, and thus each set of five factors has somewhat different names and definitions.
However, all have been found to be highly inter-correlated and factor-analytically aligned.[22][23][24][25][26]
Because the Big Five traits are broad and comprehensive, they are not nearly as powerful in predicting and explaining actual behavior as
are the more numerous lower-level traits. Many studies have confirmed that in predicting actual behavior the more numerous facet or
primary level traits are far more e ffective (e.g. Mershon & Gorsuch, 1988 ;[27]Paunonon & Ashton, 2001 [28])
When scored for individual feedback, these traits are frequently presented as percentilescores. For example, a Conscientiousnessrating
in the 80 th percentile indicates a relatively strong sense of responsibilityand orderliness, whereas an Extraversion rating in the 5th
percentile indicates an exceptional need for solitudeand quiet. Although these trait clusters are statistical aggrega tes, exceptions may
exist on individual personality profiles. On average, people who register high in Opennessare intellectually curious, open to emotion,
interested in a rt, and willing to try new things. A particular individual, however, may have a high overall Openness score a nd be interested
in learning and exploring new cultures but have no great interest in art or poetry.
The mos t frequently used measures of the Big Five comprise e ither items that are self-descriptive sentences [29]or, in the case of lexicalmeasures, items that are single adjectives.[30]Due to the length of sentence-based and some lexical measures, short forms have been
developed and validated for use in applied research settings where questionnaire space and respondent time are limited, such as the
40- item balanced International English Big-Five Mini-Markers [31]or a very brief (10 item) measure of the Big Five domains. [32]
Openness to experience
Main article: Openness to experience
Opennessis a general ap preciation for art, emotion, adventure, unusual idea s, imagination, curiosity, and variety of experience. People
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who are open to experience are intellectually curious, appreciative of art, and sensitive to bea uty. They tend to be, when compared to
closed people, more creative and more aware of their feelings. They are more like ly to hold unconventional beliefs. Another characteristic
of the op en cognitive style is a facility for thinking in symbols and abstractions far removed from concrete experience. People with low
scores on openness tend to have more conventional, traditional interests. They prefer the plain, straightforward, and o bvious o ver the
complex, ambiguous, and subtle. They may regard the arts and sciences with suspicion or even view these endeavors as uninteresting.
Closed peop le prefer familiarity ove r novelty; they are co nservative and resistant to change. [33]
Sample openness items
I have a rich voca bulary.
I have a vivid imagination.
I have excellent ideas.
I am quick to understand things.
I use difficult words.
I spend time reflecting on things.
I am full of ideas .
I am not interested in abstractions. (reversed)
I do not have a good imagination. ( reversed)
I have difficulty understanding abstract ideas. (reversed)[34]
Conscientiousness
Main article: Conscientiousness
Conscientiousness is a tendency to show self-disc ipline, act dutifully, and a im for achievement against measures or outside
expectations. The trait shows a preference for planned rather than spontaneous behavior. It influences the way in which we control,
regulate, and direct our impulses.[citation needed]
Sample conscientiousness items
I am always prepared.
I pay attention to details.
I get chores done right away.
I like order.
I follow a schedule.
I am exac ting in my work.
I leave my belongings around. (reversed)
I make a mess o f things. (reversed)
I often forget to put things back in their proper place. ( reversed)
I shirk my duties. (reversed)[34]
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Extraversion
Main article: Extraversion and introversion
Extraversionis characterized by positive emotions, surgency, and the tendency to see k out stimulation and the company o f others. The
trait is marked b y pronounced engagement with the external world. Extraverts enjoy being with people, a nd are often perceived as full of
energy. They tend to be enthusiastic, ac tion-oriented individuals who are likely to say "Yes!" or "Let's go !" to opportunities for excitement.
In groups they like to talk, a ssert themselves, and draw attention to themselves.[citation needed]
Introverts lack the social exuberance and activity levels of extraverts. They tend to seem quiet, low-key, deliberate, and less involved inthe social world. Their lack of social involvement should not be interpreted as shyness or dep ression. Introverts simply need less
stimulation than extraverts and more time alone. They may be very active a nd energetic, simply not socia lly.[citation needed]
Sample extraversion items
I am the life of the party.
I don't mind being the center of attention.
I feel comfortable around people.
I start conversations.
I talk to a lot of different people at parties.
I don't talk a lot. (reversed)
I keep in the background. (reversed)
I have little to say. (reversed)
I don't like to draw attention to myself. ( reversed)
I am quiet around strangers. (reversed)[34]
Agreeableness
Main article:Agreeableness
Agreeablenessis a tendency to be compassionate and co operative rather than suspicious and antagonistic towards others. The trait
reflects individual d ifferences in general concern for socia l harmony. Agreeab le individuals value getting along with others. They are
generally considerate, friendly, generous, helpful, and willing to compromise their interests with others. Agreeab le pe ople also have an
optimistic view of human nature.
Disagreeable individuals place self-interest above getting along with others. They are generally unconcerned with others well-being, and
are less likely to extend themselves for other people. Sometimes their skepticism about others motives causes them to be suspicious,
unfriendly, and uncooperative.[citation needed]
Sample agreeableness items
I am interested in people.
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I sympathize with others' feelings.
I have a soft heart.
I take time out for others.
I feel others' emotions.
I make people feel at ease.
I am not really interested in others. (reversed)
I insult people. (reversed)
I am not interested in other peop le's p roblems. ( reversed)
I feel little concern for others. (reversed)[34]
Neuroticism
Main article: Neuroticism
Neuroticismis the tendency to experience negative emotions, such as anger, anxiety, or depression. It is sometimes called emotional
instability, or is reversed and referred to as emotional stability. According to Eysencks (1967) theory o f personality, neuroticism is
interlinked with low tolerance for stress or aversive stimuli. [35]Those who score high in neuroticism are emotionally reactive a nd
vulnerable to s tress. They a re more likely to interpret ordinary situations as threatening, and minor frustrations as hopeless ly difficult. Their
negative emotional reactions tend to pe rsist for unusually long periods o f time, which means they a re often in a bad mood. These
problems in emotional regulation can diminish the ability of a p erson scoring high on neuroticism to think clea rly, make decisions, andcope effectively with stress.[citation needed]
At the other end of the scale, indiv iduals who sco re low in neuroticism a re less e asily upse t and a re less e motionally rea ctive. They tend
to be calm, emotionally stable, and free from persistent negative feelings. Freedom from negative feelings d oes not mean that low
scorers experience a lot of positive feelings.[citation needed]
Research sugges t, extraversion and neuroticism are nega tively correlated. [36]
Sample neuroticism items
I am easily disturbed.
I change my mood a lot.
I get irritated easily.
I get stressed out easily.
I get upset easily.
I have frequent mood swings.
I often feel blue.
I worry about things.
I am relaxed mos t of the time. ( reversed)
I seldom feel blue. (reversed)[34]
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History
Early trait research
The first major inquiry into the Lexical Hypothesiswas made by Sir Francis Galton.[37]This is the idea that the most salient and soc ially
relevant personalitydifferences in people s lives will eventually beco me encod ed into language . The hypothesis further sugges ts that by
sampling language, it is possible to derive a comprehensive taxonomy of human personality traits.
In 1936 , Gordon Allport and H. S. Odbert put this hypothesis into practice. [38]They worked through two of the most comprehensive
dictionariesof the English language available at the time and extracted 17,9 53 personality-describing words. They then reduced this
gigantic list to 4,504 adjectives which they believed were descriptive of observable and relatively permanent traits.
Raymond Cattellobtained the Allport-Odbert list in the 1940s, added terms obtained from psychological research, and then eliminated
synonyms to reduce the total to 171.[14]He then asked subjects to rate peop le whom they knew by the ad jectives on the list and
analyzed their ratings. Cattell identified 35 majo r clusters of personality traits which he referred to as the "personality sphere." He and his
assoc iates then constructed personality testsfor these traits. The d ata they obtained from these tests were analyz ed with the e merging
technology of computers comb ined with the statistical method of factor analysis . This resulted in sixteen major p ersonality factors, which
led to the development of the 16PF Personality Questionnaire.
In 1961, two United States Air Force researchers, Ernest Tupes and Raymond Christal, analyz ed personality da ta from e ight large
samples . Using Cattell's trait measures, they found five recurring factors, which they named "Surgency", "Agreeableness","Depe ndability", "Emotional Stability", and "Culture".[39]This work was replica ted by Warren Norman, who also found that five major
factors were sufficient to account for a large set of pe rsonality data. Norman named these factors Surgency, Agreeab leness,
Conscientiousness, Emotional Stability, and Culture.[40]Raymond Cattell viewed these developments as an attack on his 16PF model and
never agreed with the growing Five Factor consensus. He refers to "...the five factor heresy" which he considers "...is partly directed
aga inst the 16PF test". Respo nding to Go ldberg's article in the American Psycholog ist, 'The Structure of Phenotypic Personality Traits',
Cattell stated, "No experienced factorist could ag ree with Dr Goldberg's enthusiasm for the five factor pe rsonality theory". This de termined
rejection of the FFM challenge to his 16 factor model is presented in an a rticle published towards the end o f his life and entitled 'The
fallacy of five factors in the personality sphere', Cattell, R. B. (1995), The Psychologist, The British Psychological Society, May Issue pp
207208.
Hiatus in research
For the next two decades, the changing zeitgeistmade publication of personality research difficult. In his 1968 book Personality and
Assessment, Walter Mischelasserted that personality tests could not predict behav ior with a correlationof more than 0.3. Social
psychologistslike Mischel argued that attitudes a nd behavior were not stable, but varied with the situation. Predicting behavior by
personality tests was considered to be impossible.
Emerging methodologies challenged this po int of view during the 1980s. Instead of trying to predict single instances of behavio r, which
was unreliable , researchers found that they co uld predict patterns of behavior by a ggrega ting large numbers o f observations. As a result
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correlations between personality and behavior increased substantially, and it was clear that personality did in fact exist. Personality and
social psychologists now generally agree that both personal and situational variables are needed to account for human behavior. Trait
theories became justified, and there was a resurgence of interest in this area.
By 1980, the pioneering research by Tupes, Christal, and Norman had been largely forgotten by psychologists. Lewis Goldbergstarted
his own lexical project, independently found the five factors once aga in, and gradually brought them back to the attention of
psychologists.[41]He later coined the term "Big Five" a s a label for the factors.
Validity of the Big Five
In a 1981 symposium in Honolulu, four prominent researchers, Lewis Goldberg, Naomi Takemoto-Chock, Andrew Comrey, and John M.
Digman, reviewed the available personality tests of the day. They concluded [citation needed]that the tests which held the most promise
measured a subset of five common factors, just as[citation needed]Norman had discovered in 1963. This event was followed [citation needed]
by widespread acceptance of the five factor model among personality researchers during the 1980s. Peter Saville and his team included
the five- factor Pentagon mode l with the original OPQin 1984. Pentagon was closely followed by the NEOfive-factor personality
inventory, published by Costa and McCrae in 1985.
Selected scientific findings
Ever since the 1990s when the consensus of psychologists gradually came to support the Big Five, there has been a growing body of
research surrounding these personality traits (see for instance, Robert Hogan's ed ited book "Handboo k of Personality Psychology"(Academic Press, 1997)).
Heritability
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All five factors show an influence from both heredity and environment. Studies of twins suggest that these effects co ntribute in roughly
equal proportion.[42]Of four recent twin studies, the meanestimated broad heritabilitieson se lf-report measures for the Big Five traitswere as follows:[43]
Domain Heritability
Openness to experience 57%
Extraversion 54%
Conscientiousness 49%
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Neuroticism 48%
Agreeab leness 42%
Learning styles
Similar to personality, individual learning styles play an important role in Big Five traits as well. Scientists have d efined four types of
learning styles, which are synthesis analysis, me thodical study, fact retention, and elabo rative processing. The main functions of these
four learning styles a re as follow:
Name Function
Synthesis analysis processing information, forming categories, and organizing them into hierarchies
Methodical study methodical behavior while completing academic assignments
Fact retention focusing on the actual result instead of understanding the logic behind something
Elaborative processing connecting and applying new ideas to existing knowledge
According to the research ca rried o ut by Komarraju, Karau, Schmeck & Avdic (2011), conscie ntiousness and agreeableness are
positively related with all four learning styles, whereas neuroticism was negatively related with those four. Furthermore, extraversion and
openness were only positively related to elaborative processing.[44]
Recent studies suggest that personality traits and lea rning styles ca n predict performance of an individual in school and their academic
achievements. The reason conscientiousness shows a positive a ssociation with the four learning styles is be cause s tudents with high
levels of conscientiousness develop focused learning strategies and appear to be more disciplined and achievement-oriented. Further
research in identifying the connections be tween personality, lea rning styles, and academic achievement can help instructors employ
effective techniques which can result in greater student interest lead ing to high acade mic achieve ment. [45]
Development
Many studies of longitudinaldata, which correlate people's test scores over time, and cross-sectionaldata, which compare personality
levels a cross different age groups, show a high degree of stability in personality traits during adulthood.[46]More recent research and
meta-a nalyses o f previous studies, however, indicate that change occurs in all five traits at various points in the lifespan. The new
research shows evidence for a maturationeffect. On average, levels of Agreeableness and Conscientiousness typically increase with
time, whereas Extraversion, Neuroticism, and O penness tend to de crease.[47]Research has also demonstrated that changes in Big Five
personality traits depend on the individual's current stage of development. For example, levels of agreeableness and conscientiousness
demonstrate a negative trend during childhood and early adolescence before trending upwards during late adolescence and into
adulthood.[48]In addition to these g roup effects, there are individual differences: different people demonstrate unique patterns of change
at all stages of life.[49]
Gender differences
Cross- cultural research has shown some patterns of gender differences on responses to the Big Five Inventory. For example , women
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consistently report higher Neuroticism and Agreeab leness, and me n often report higher Extroversion and Conscientiousness. Gender
differences in personality traits a re largest in prospe rous, healthy, and eg alitarian cultures in which women have more op portunities that
are equal to those of men. Both men and women tend to grow more extraverted and conscientious and less neurotic and agreeable as
cultures grow more p rosperous and egalitarian, but the effect is stronger for men.[50][51]
Birth order
The suggestion has o ften been made that individuals differ by the order o f their births. Frank Sullowayargues that birth orderis correlated
with personality traits. He cla ims that firstborns are more conscientious, more socially do minant, less agreea ble, a nd less o pen to new
ideas compared to laterborns.
However, Sulloways case has been called into question. One criticism is that his data co nfounds family siz e with birth order.[citation needed]
Subsequent analyses[by whom? ]have shown that birth order effects are only found in studies where the subjects personality traits are
rated by family membe rs (such as siblings or pa rents) or by acq uaintances familiar with the subjec ts birth order. Large sca le studies
using random samples and self-report personality tests like the NEO PI- Rhave found milde r effects than Sulloway claimed, or no
significant effects of birth order on personality.[52][53]
Cross-cultural research
As an imposed eticmeasure,[54]the Big Five have been rep licated in a variety of different languages and cultures, such as German, [55]
Chinese, [56]Indian,[57]etc.[58]For example, Thompson has demonstrated the Big Five structure across several cultures using an
international English language scale.[31]
Support has been less good for the Big Five as an emicmeasure in Asian countries. Cheung, van d e Vijve r, and Leong (2011) suggest
that the Openness factor is particularly unsupported and that a different fifth factor is sometimes identified.
Recent work has found relationships be tween Geert Hofstede s cultural factors, Individualism, Power Distance, Masculinity, and
Uncertainty Avoidance, with the ave rage Big Five sco res in a country.[59]For instance, the de gree to which a country values individualism
correlates with its average Extraversion, while people living in cultures which are accep ting o f large inequalities in their power structures
tend to score somewhat higher on Conscientiousness. The reasons for these differences are a s ye t unknown; this is an active a rea o f
research.
Non-humansThe big five personality factors have been assessed in some non-human species. In one series of studies, human ratings of
chimpanzeesusing the Chimpanze e Personality Questionnaire (CPQ) revealed factors of extraversion, conscientiousness and
agreeableness as well as an additional factor of dominance across hundreds of chimpanzees in zoological parks, a large
naturalistic sanctuary and a research laboratory. Neuroticism and Openness factors were found in an original zo o sample, but did not
replicate in a new z oo sample or to other settings (perhaps reflecting the de sign of the CPQ).[60]
Criticisms
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Much resea rch has been co nducted on the Big Five. This has resulted in both criticism[61]and support[62]for the model. Critics argue that
there are limitations to the scop e of Big Five as an exp lanatory or predictive theory. It is argued that the Big Five does not explain a ll of
human personality. The methodology used to identify the dimensional s tructure of pe rsonality traits, factor analysis, is often challenged for
not having a universally- recognized basis for choosing among so lutions with different numbers of factors. Another frequent criticism is that
the Big Five is not theory- driven. It is merely a data- driven investigation of certain descriptors that tend to cluster together under factor
analysis.
Limited scope
One common criticism is that the Big Five does not explain a ll of human personality. Some p sychologists have dissented from the model
precisely because they feel it neglects other domains of personality, such as Religiosity, Manipulativeness/Machiavellianism, Honesty,
Self-Awareness, Thriftiness, Conservativeness, Critical Judge ment, Masculinity/Femininity , Snobbishness, Sense o f humour, Narcissism,
Identity, Self-concept, and Motivation.[63]Correlations have been found between some of these variables and the Big Five, such as the
inverse relationship between political conservatism and Openness;[64]although variation in these traits is not well exp lained by the Five
Factors themselves. McAdams has called the Big Five a "psycholog y of the stranger," because they refer to traits that are relatively easy
to observe in a stranger; other aspe cts of personality that are more p rivately held or more co ntext-d epende nt are excluded from the Big
Five.[65]
In many studies, the five factors are not fully orthogonalto one another; that is, the five factors are not independent. Negative correlations
often appear between Neuroticism and Extraversion, for instance, indicating that those who are more prone to experiencing negative
emotions tend to be less talkative and outgoing. Orthogonality is viewed as desirable by some researchers because it minimizes
redundancy between the dimensions. This is particularly important when the go al of a s tudy is to provide a comprehensive description of
personality with as few variables as possible.
Methodological issues
The methodo logy used to identify the dimensional s tructure of pe rsonality traits, factor analysis , is o ften challenged for not having a
universally recognized ba sis for choosing among solutions with different numbers of factors. That is, a five factor solution depends on
some degree of interpretation by the analyst. A larger number of factors may, in fact, underlie these five factors. This has led to d isputes
about the "true" number of factors. Big Five p roponents have respo nded that although other solutions may b e viab le in a s ingle datase t,
only the five factor structure consistently replicates across different studies.[citation needed]
A methodological criticism o ften d irected at the Big Five is that much of the evide nce re lies on se lf report questionnaires; sel f-rep ort bias
and falsification of responses are d ifficult to deal with and account for. This becomes especially important when considering why scores
may differ between individuals or groups of pe ople differences in scores may represe nt genuine underlying personality differences, o r
they may simply be an artifact of the way the subjects answered the questions. The five factor structure has b een replica ted in peer
reports.[66]However, many of the substantive findings rely on self-repo rts.
Theoretical status
A frequent criticism is that the Big Five is not based on any underlying theory; it is merely an empiricalfinding that certain descriptors
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cluster together under factor analysis . While this does not mean that these five factors do n't exist, the underlying causes be hind them are
unknown. Sensation seeking and cheerfulness are not linked to Extraversion because of an underlying theory; this relationship is an
empirical finding to be explained.
Jack Blocks final published work before his de ath in January 2010 drew together his lifetime perspective on the five factor mode l [67].
He summarized his critique of the model in terms of:
the atheoretical nature of the five- factors
their "cloudy" measurement
the models inappropriateness for studying early childhood
the use of factor analysis as the exclusive paradigm for conceptualizing personality
the continuing non-consensual understandings o f the five-factors
the ex istence of various unrecog nized but successful efforts to spe cify aspec ts of character not subsumed by the five-factors
He went on to suggest that repeatedly observed higher order factors hierarchically above the proclaimed five may promise deeper
biolog ical understanding of the origins and implica tions of these superfactors.
Further research
Current research concentrates on a number of areas. One important question is: are the five factors the right ones? Attempts to replicate
the Big Five in o ther countries with local dictionaries have succeede d in some countries but not in others. Apparently, for instance,
Hungarians dont appear to have a single Agreeableness factor.[68]Other researchers find evide nce for Agreeableness but not for other
factors.[29]
In an attempt to exp lain variance in p ersonality traits more fully, some have found se ven factors, [69]some eighteen,[70]and some o nly
three.[71]What determines the eventual number of factors is essentially the kind of information that is put into the factor analysis in the first
place (i.e. the "Garbage in, Ga rbage out"principle). Since theory often implicitly precedes emp irical science (such as factor analysis), the
Big Five and o ther propo sed factor structures should always be judged according to the items that went into the factor analytic algorithm.
Recent studies show that seven- or eighteen-factor mode ls have their relative strengths and weaknesses in exp laining variance in DSM-
based symptom counts in nonclinical samples [72]and in psychiatric patients.[73]and do not seem to be clearly outperformed by the Big
Five.
A validation s tudy, in 1992, conducted b y Paul Sinclai r and Steve Barrow, involved 202 Branch Ma nagers from the then TSB Bank. It
found several significant correlations with job performance across 3 of the Big Five sca les. The co rrelations ranged from .21 .33 a nd
were noted across 3 sca les: High Extraversion, Low Neuroticism and High Openness to Experience.[74]
Another area o f investiga tion is to make a more co mplete mod el o f perso nality. The "Big Five" personality traits a re empirica l
observations, not a theory; the ob servations of personality research remain to be explained . Costa and McCrae have built what they call
the Five Factor Theory of Personality as a n attempt to expla in personality from the cradle to the grave . They do n't follow the lexical
hypothesis, though, but favor a theory-driven approach inspired by the same sources as the sources of the Big Five.[citation needed]
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Another area o f investiga tion is the downward extension of Big Five theory, or the Five Factor Mod el, into childhood. Studies have found
Big Five personality traits to co rrelate with children's so cial and emotional ad justment and aca demic a chievement. More recently, the Five
Factor Personality Inventory Children[75]was published extending assessment between the ages of 9 and 18. Perhaps the reason for
this recent publication was the controversy ove r the applica tion of the Five Factor Model to children. Studies by O liver P. John et al. with
adolescent boys brought two new factors to the table: "Irritability" and "Activity". In studies of Dutch children, those same two new factors
also beca me ap parent. These new ad ditions "suggest that the structure of personality traits may be more differentiated in childhood than
in adulthood",[76]which would exp lain the recent research in this pa rticular area.
In addition, some research (Fleeson, 2001) suggests that the Big Five should not be conceived of as dichotomies (such as extraversion
vs introversion) but as continua. Each individual has the cap acity to move along each dimension as circumstances (socia l or temporal)
change. He is or she is therefore not simply on one end of each trait dichotomy but is a blend of both, exhibiting some characteristics
more often than others:
[77]
See also
Core self-evaluations
HEXACO model of personality structure
Myers-Briggs Type Indicator
Personality psychology
Revised NEO Personality Inventory
Trait theory
Goal orientation
External links
International Personality Item Pool , public d omain list of items keyed to the big five personality traits.
Big Five Personality Test using items from the IPIP.
Selection from the "Handbook of pe rsonality: Theory a nd research" for researchers
Big Five Personality Test by PsychTests.com
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