Post on 03-Mar-2015
CLASS STRUCTURE ON CULTURAL ORIENTATION IN INDONESIA AND SINGAPORE
A Project Assignment
BY
Christina Rajaradnam
2010/2011
Contents
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1.0 Introduction 1
2.0 History of Indonesia 1
2.1 Culture in Indonesia 2
2.2 Religion in Indonesia 3
2.3 Middle Class in Indonesia 3
2.4 Islam and the Current Transition to Democracy in Indonesia 5
2.5 New Order regime and Middle Class in Indonesia 6
3.0 History of Singapore 8
3.1 Culture in Singapore 9
3.2 Religion in Singapore 10
3.3 Middle Class in Singapore 10
Conclusion 12
References 13
1.0 Introduction
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This paper discusses that class structure in Indonesia and Singapore. Besides that in this paper i
also have discuss about cultural orientation on democratization in Indonesia and Singapore.
And also investigates the effects of culture on various aspects of behavior in an integrative
framework and democracy among the Middleclass people in Indonesia and Singapore. Role of
new order and old older in Indonesia also have been discuss in this paper.
2.0 History of Indonesia
As early as the seventh century, powerful Buddhist and Hindu empires challenged each other
for supremacy in Indonesia: the Buddhist Srivijaya was centered in Sumatra, while the Hindu
Mataram located their capital on Java. The rich architectural and cultural legacy that remains
from that time forms the basis for Indonesia's national identity. In the thirteenth century, the
Hindu Majapahit of Java faced a strong challenge from Muslim forces, which spread south
from the Malay Peninsula. Slowly losing ground, the Hindus retreated to Bali, where they
remain today. The rest of the islands became Muslim, and various sultanates were established.
The sixteenth century marked the arrival of the Portuguese, the first Europeans in Indonesia.
Although the Portuguese broke the Islamic hold on Indonesia, they were eventually displaced
in turn by the Dutch, who named the area the Dutch East Indies. Although a revolt led by
Javanese Prince Diponegoro in 1825 briefly threatened Holland's empire, Dutch rule continued
until World War II and invasion by the Japanese. The Indonesian revolutionary nationalist
movement, led by Sukarno, welcomed the Japanese as a potential force of liberation, and at the
war's end the movement embarked upon a bloody war of independence against the restored
Dutch rule. Although the war dragged on for four long years, from 1945-1949, the
independence movement was ultimately victorious.
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Turmoil characterized the first decade of Indonesian independence, until in 1957 Sukarno
unified power in his own person. An attempted coup against Sukarno in 1965 brought renewed
turmoil; however, the army led by General Suharto restored order and initiated a purge of
communists. Eventually Suharto eased Sukarno out of the presidency and assumed office
himself. Suharto's rule ushered in a period of stability and economic development.
Today, Indonesia is the fifth most populous nation on Earth, with over 180 million citizens
comprising over 300 ethnicities. Most Indonesians are of Malay or Polynesian descent, though
the country's history has produced minority populations from India, China, Arabia, and Persia,
as well as from European colonial powers such as Portugal, Holland, Spain, and England.
Indonesians speak numerous languages and dialects, but the common language is Bahasa
Indonesia. English and Dutch are also widely spoken.
2.1 Culture in Indonesia
The nature of Indonesian culture is somewhat similar to that of India-multicultural, rooted in
older societies and interethnic relations, and developed in twentieth century nationalist
struggles against a European imperialism that nonetheless forged that nation and many of its
institutions. The culture is most easily observed in cities but aspects of it now reach into the
countryside as well. Indonesia’s borders are those of the Netherlands East Indies, which was
fully formed at the beginning of the twentieth century, through Dutch imperialism began early
in the seventeenth century. Indonesian culture has historical roots, institutions, customs, values,
and beliefs that many of its people share, but it is also a work in progress that is undergoing
particular stresses at the beginning of the twenty-first century.
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2.2 Religion in Indonesia
Indonesia has the largest Muslim population of any nation. There is a well-educated and
influential Christian minority, with about twice as many Protestants as Catholics. The Balinese
still follow a form of Hinduism. Mystical cults are well established among the Javanese elite
and middle class, and members of many ethnic groups still follow traditional belief systems.
Officially the government recognizes religion to include Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and
Buddhism, while other belief systems are called just that, beliefs. Those who hold beliefs are
subject to conversion; followers of religion are not. Belief in ancestral spirits, spirits of diverse
sorts of places, and powerful relics are found among both peasants and educated people and
among many followers of the world religions; witchcraft and sorcery also have their believers
and practitioners. The colonial regime had an uneasy relationship with Islam, as has the
Indonesian government.
2.3 Middle Class in Indonesia
The Indonesia has two important class structures:
Strong indigenous bourgeoisie
After independence nationalized state enterprises replaced the Dutch while the Chinese
continued to dominate to domestic trade leaving little scope for the growth of an
indigenous trading class which could conceivably have become a base for resistance to,
or at least a check on authoritarian rule by the military.
Big-landlord class
This class could mobilize regional opposition to military domination in Java.
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During the 1970s the Indonesian economy grew at 7 – 8 percent annually and major industrial
development took place including the establishment of heavy industries, while the major
beneficiaries of these rapid bureaucratic, business allies and non-elite groups also benefited
from the economic development. During this period economic condition of the urban middle
class way transformed as civil services salary rose rapidly and numerous new employment
opportunities opened from the private sector. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, the
government to keep mass discontent under control of the huge amount of funds at the
government’s disposal allowed it to subsidies rice and fuel price and fertilizers. Government
infrastructure project in the rural arias provide employment for the rural poor to the extent that
in some areas agriculture labour shortage were during the peak labour demand. And in the
urban areas industrial growth provided new opportunities although under-employment
remained extremely high.
There are two social classes in Indonesia:
Educated middle class
The expansion of the middle class has provided the regime with a growing social base
of support, but the educated middle class tend to have higher expectations of
government performance and are more aware of their rights and more likely to press for
the extension of democratic practices. This middle class is still small and large
proportion of its members are engaged in government and too small to provide an
effective base for civilian political movements demanding greater civilian participation
in government.
Business class
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The Indonesian business class has been very small and drawn largely from a minority
community, so they have few power of political representation. The businessmen have
never been able to mobilize popular support in the political area, because they are
mainly of chines descent. Instead of developing into a force that could balance the
power of the government, businessmen have usually integrated themselves with the
holders of political power though alliances which have brought special favours to well-
connected enterprises.
Therefor the education middle class and business class which have little political power at
government and they are not yet strong enough to impose their will on the government and
force increased popular representation. Social changes caused by economic development have
not gone for enough to force the dominant groups in the government to share power with
civilian groups with real root in society.
2.4 Islam and the Current Transition to Democracy in Indonesia
At the end of 1990s, B.J.Habibie was elected as vice president by President Suharto. After the
Suharto’s resignation, Habibie automatically became president in 1998 by the institutional
arrangement. Suharto’s resignation ruptures between the relationship of Islam and the state.
Islam can no longer rely on the strong personal rule of a president, or a powerful state. It has to
rely on its own constituency, which is not monolithic.
The fact that Habibie’s by-default presidency was considered to have no credibility or political
legitimacy, but that it was transitional. This meant that Islamic forces, supporting Habibies by
having relied on Suharto, had to accept the course of democratization.
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There are three patterns of Islamic interactions with politics; Firstly, Islamic movements that
tend to exclude non-Islamic ones. The followings two groups can be classified in this category:
1. The Indonesian Committee for the Solidarity of the Muslim World (KISDI)
2. Indonesian Council of Islamic Reaching (DDII)
Their religio-political ideology obviously excludes non-Islamic movements. One of the
principle is they have derived from Islamic teachings, should not take a non-muslim to become
their leader.
Secondly, there were those who aspired to dominate Indonesian politics, while granting
residual powers to non-Islamic movements. They understandably wanted to dominate
Indonesian politics. The Muslim country helped them to develop this sociological factor as the
political ideology as their Islamic movements
Thirdly, there are Islamic movements which tended to “merge” into the maisteam of
democratization in a more gradual fashion, while struggling to also maintain the idea of nation-
state.
2.5 New Order regime and Middle Class in Indonesia
After the independence was gained from the Dutch, It is discourse of development in Indonesia
gained momentum and filled the minds of Indonesians. For Indonesia’s leaders, the
improvement of living standards for their people was the primary goal to be achieved in order
to create conditions for a middle class to emerge. Promoting a developing middle class meant
opening opportunities to build and increase middle-class jobs. The independence provided
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more opportunities to develop and improve living conditions, and create middle-class jobs . It is
in this moment that early economic developments in Indonesia can be grasped.
To account for economic development in Indonesia, it is important to understand the
conventional divisions of regime in Indonesian politics that influenced its economic system.
From 1945-1997, Indonesia was ruled by two different regimes. The first regime, from 1945-
1966, termed the Old Order, was under the guidance of Soekarno as president. The second,
from 1966-1998, is termed the New Order, defined by the presidency of Soeharto. The rapid
growth of the Indonesian economy, resulting in the rise of a new Indonesian middle class, was
primarily achieved during the period of the New Order. The authoritarian President Soeharto
was in power for 32 years until the student movement and the economic crisis in 1997 forced
his downfall.
Throughout the Old Order era, there was almost no significant growth in the Indonesian
economy because post-independence conditions were not conducive to development, and
perhaps more importantly, resources were mostly put into the political realm to consolidate
independence. Consequently, the failure of economic development dominated the economics
of the Old Order. The first Five Year Plan and its implementation were filled with pessimism
and uncertainty, despite demonstrating distinct improvements. As a result, the desired effects
did not take place and the middle class was unable to effectively emerge in this period.
The New Order regime, also known as the “New Economic Order”, began with the transfer of
executive political power from Soekarno to General Soeharto on March 12, 1966. This
represented a significant philosophical shift regarding what constituted the fundamental
mission of the government. For the New Order, the mission could be summarized with the
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words “economic development.” The discipline of economics gained a prominence that was
almost unimaginable in Indonesia’s earlier years. The regime change did not merely mean an
executive power change, but also marked a radical change in economic policy. In the New
Order era, economic development became a central doctrine and a high priority. The New
Order based its economic development on the national motto of the Development Trilogy,
referring to the expected goals of stability, growth, and equality. Thus, rapid economic growth
and export led industrialization became the main themes of economic policy. In this way, the
New Order created a new economic culture.
3.0 History of Singapore
The place name "Singapore" is derived from Singa-pura ("City of the Lion"), a commonly
used term since the fourteenth century. Singapore lies at the tip of the Malay Peninsula. It
borders Malaysia, Indonesia, and Brunei. Its area is 248 square miles (642 square kilometers),
including the main island and some sixty islets. The main island is flat with a hilly region in
the middle. The highest point is Bukit Timah, feet (206 meters) above sea level. The climate is
tropical with high humidity and abundant rainfall, especially during the northeast monsoon in
December to March. The period of the southwest monsoon (June to September) is usually the
driest.
The main island is fully urbanized with a dense commercial city center to the south. Around
the city center are new townships that house about 86 percent of the population. The townships
are self-contained and have high-rise apartment blocks, shops, medical and social service
buildings, religious buildings, and schools; they are well connected by the Mass Rapid
Transport System (MRT), which circles the island.
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3.1 Culture in Singapore
Singapore is a cosmopolitan society where people live harmoniously and interactions among
different races are commonly seen. The pattern of Singapore stems from the inherent cultural
diversity of the island. The immigrants of the past have given the place a mixture of Malay,
Chinese, Indian, and European influences, all of which have intermingled.
Behind the facade of a modern city, these ethnic races are still evident. The areas for the
different races, which were designated to them by Sir Stamford Raffles, still remain although
the bulk of Singaporeans do think of themselves as Singaporeans, regardless of race or culture.
Each still bears its own unique character.
The old streets of Chinatown can still be seen; the Muslim characteristics are still conspicuous
in Arab Street; and Little India along Serangoon Road still has its distinct ambience.
Furthermore, there are marks of the British colonial influence in the Neo-Classical buildings all
around the city.
The different communities do not regard themselves as sharing a culture; instead, they consider
themselves parts of a whole. This is illustrated by reference to a popular local dish, Rojak, a
salad in which the various ingredients are covered by the same peanut sauce, forming a distinct
whole with each ingredient clearly discernible. The peanut sauce is Singaporeanness; the other
ingredients are the different cultural traditions.
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3.2 Religion in Singapore
Most Singaporeans celebrate the major festivals associated with their respective religions. Each
racial group has its own distinctive religion and there are colorful festivals of special
significance all year round. Although the festivals are special to certain races, it is nonetheless
enjoyed by all. The variety of religions is a direct reflection of the diversity of races living
there. The Chinese are predominantly followers of Buddhism, Taoism, Shenism, Christians,
Catholics and some considered as 'free-thinkers'. Malays have the Muslims and Indians are
Hindus. There are a sizeable number of Muslims and Sikhs in the Indian population.
Religious tolerance is essential in Singapore. In fact, religions often cross racial boundaries and
some even merge in unusual ways in this modern country. Younger Singaporeans tend to
combine a little of the mysteries of the older generation with the realistic world that they know
of today. Religion is still an integral part of the cosmopolitan Singapore. Many of its most
interesting buildings are religious, be it old temples, modern churches, or exotic mosques.
3.3 Middle Class in Singapore
In the post-independent era, the middle class was dominated by traditional occupation such as
the professions and civil service administration, which occupations was shifted to managers,
technical, supervisory and services personnel, due to the export-oriented industrialization
programme. Furthermore the current attempts to shift to a “knowledge economy”. It will be
likely occupations related to the computer and information sciences, communication and
technopreneurs.
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In this early stage, the middle class dominated by professionals largely schooled in Western
nations, their ideology was more liberal in outlook and tinged with some element of idealism.
This ideological disposition by the current attempts, the relationship with the People Action
Party (PAP) was at best testy. And another difficult relationship between the PAP and senior
civil servants during the early years, these difficulties was subsequently resolved by the PAP
through compulsory education sessions for such personnel at the civil service college.
The later pursuit of an export-oriented industrialization programme and resulting expansion in
managerial and technical occupations within the middle class brought about a shift in this
ideological position. The ideology of the middle class gradually evolved to become more
achievement-oriented, pragmatic and meritocratic, with notions of fair-play and equality highly
prominent. Relationship with the PAP largely remained smooth.
The “knowledge economy” creates highly mobile and highly paid workers among the middle
class and them enjoying privileges beyond the society, which they will have an interest in
preserving. In this respect, on the current situation in Singapore may still remain an appropriate
description of the middle class of the future.
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Conclusions
The New Order regime allowed only one major Muslim political group, which had little
power; but after the fall of President Suharto, many parties (Muslim and others) emerged, and
these two major Muslim organizations, Nahdatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah continued
to play an important role in Indonesian politics
That the Indonesian middle class have few power of direct political representative, the
development has not reflect in the social change, that would make in the nature of government
necessary and the civil members also appointment by the government.
In the new “knowledge Economy”, there were good and bad changes for middle class in
Singapore. The good change is that this current policy generates occupations in computer,
information and communication sciences, and the educated middle class earning high salary
and enjoying privileges in the society. About the bad change, there are some dissents against
the PAP such as, One is a significant number of the middle class still be relying on the state for
employment. And other one is the fostering of a culture of self-censorship within the middle
class and more generally in Singapore.
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References
1. Harold Couch, “Military-Civilian Relations in Indonesia in the Late Soeharto Era”.
2. Mohammad Fajrul Falakh, “Islam and the Current Transition to Democracy in
Indonesia”.
3. Martin Van Bruinessen, “Post-Soeharto Muslim Engagements with Civil Society and
Democratization”.
4. CAlfred L.Oehlers, “Singapore’s Middle Class and the Prospects for Democratization
into the 21st Century”.
5. Chua Beng-Huat, “Still Awaiting New Initiatives: Democratization in Singapore”.
6. Chua Beng-Huat and Kwok Kian-Woon, “Social Pluralism in Singapore”.
7. Daniel Dhakidae, “Populism, Charismatic Leadership and the Future of Indonesian
Politics”.
8. Jill Forshee, “Culture and Customs of Indonesia”, Greenwood Press.
9. Heryanto, Ariel, “Popular Culture in Indonesia : Fluid Identities in Post-authoritarian
Politics Routledge Media, Culture, and Social Change in Asia”, 2008.
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