19.pdf

International Journal of Education and Research Vol. 1 No. 3 March 2013

ASPECTS OF THE LEXICAL PHONOLOGY OF MODERN STANDARD ARABIC

Author Dr. Mohamed .A. Akidah

Department of Linguistics and Languages University of Nairobi

P.O. Box 30197, 00100 Nairobi. Cellphone: 0724 82 89 47

E-mail: makida@uonbi.ac.ke, makidus1@gmail.com

ABSTRACT This research paper aims at describing the various lexical phonological processes involved in the formation and articulation of words in the Modern Standard Arabic variety spoken in Cairo, Egypt. The description is done within the framework of the Lexical Phonology theory. The main objective of this study is to investigate and verify the extent to which the various principles of the Lexical Phonology theory are applicable to the modern standard variety of Arabic, more specifically the principle of rule ordering and the principle of stress neutral and stress non-neutral affixes. The discussion revolves around both consonantal and vowel processes involved in the formation of words at the lexical level. It concludes by showing that notwithstanding its weaknesses, the Lexical Phonology theory is a useful tool in the description of the lexical phonology of the Modern Standard Arabic. 1.0 Introduction This study describes the lexical phonology of the Arabic variety often referred to as Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). The objectives of the study are: to account for the presence of strata in the MSA lexicon, explain the role of morphology in determining the phonological structure of MSA words and examine the validity of the principle of rule ordering as well as the principle of stress-neutral and stress non-neutral affixes in accounting for the various phonological processes that take place in the grammar of MSA. Arabic is a Semitic language spoken by between 350-400 million speakers around the world. It has several dialects spoken as mother tongue in all the Arabic speaking countries, but MSA is the standard variety. Owing to the significance of Arabic as an international language, the United Nations, in 1974, designated Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) to be its sixth official language used in all its proceedings. Lexical Phonology (LP) is a phonological theory that is used to describe the nature of the relationship between the phonology and morphology in the processes of forming the words of a language. Initially referred to as Lexical Morphology and Phonology (LMP), it is currently known

ISSN: 2201-6333 (Print) ISSN: 2201-6740 (Online) www.ijern.com

as Lexical Phonology (LP) for ease of reference. Its main claim is that though phonology and morphology are considered separate components of a language, they are nevertheless bi-directionally interacting components in a grammar. According to the LP theory, the lexicon consists of ordered lexical strata which function as the domains of application of phonological and morphological rules. These rules are assigned to particular strata or levels in both morphology and phonology, and this assignment allows words to be built up in stages so that some morphological rules of affixation apply early in a derivation, and are then followed by phonological rules. The LP theory deals with phonological processes in a language which pertain to the word and so, it is considered synonymous to ‘word phonology’. As such, it may be contrasted with ‘post-lexical phonology’ or ‘phrasal phonology’, which deals with the processes that apply across word boundaries in the domain of larger constituents such as phrases. The main principles of the LP theory are: the principle of strata, the principle of ordering of affixes, the principle of rule ordering, the Bracket Erasure Convention (BEC) and the principle of neutral and non-neutral affixes. This paper will limit itself to the discussion of the principles of rule ordering and stress neutral and non-neutral affixes. 2.0 Research Methodology The method used to collect data for this study involved recording data from discussion programs aired on an Egyptian T.V Channel, Cairo University 1 as well as from audio lessons recorded under the Egyptian ‘Arabic By Radio’ program. All the data was recorded on an audio-tape recorder and transcribed for analysis in line with the objectives of this study. In the course of analyzing the data, we focused mainly on areas that highlighted the pertinent phonological and morphological processes involved in the formation of MSA words. We, to a large extent, relied on our intuition as competent speakers of MSA to analyze and verify data. We noted that the data collected revealed several consonant and vowel processes in the articulation of various lexical items of MSA which we then analyzed based on the arguments advanced by proponents of the LP theory. The data is reproduced here as Appendices A-D. 3.0 Results and Discussion As earlier stated, the processes of word derivation and inflection involve assigning rules to strata in both phonology and morphology. These rules are ordered in a particular way, which can be explained by the principle of rule ordering. Furthermore, the principle of stress neutral and stress non-neutral affixes explains the role of affixes in determining the position of stress in derived words and therefore provides evidence for the role of morphology in the phonological structure of words. In the following sections, we discuss the main tenets of the principle of rule ordering, and the principle of stress neutral and non-neutral affixes and proceed to test the validity of the two principles on data drawn from MSA. 3.1 The Principle of Rule Ordering The LP theory claims that the rules of morphology and phonology apply cyclically where the rules first apply to the root, then outward to the affixes closest to the root and then further outward to the outermost layers of the affixes. Phonological rules apply from the underlying forms through the lexical forms and are classified into two: those that require word internal morphological information to apply and therefore apply in the lexicon as part of the word formation process, as well as those that apply after the word formation process has been completed. The distinction in the application

of rules gives rise to three levels of word representation, namely: the underlying representation (UR), the lexical representation (LR) and the phonetic representation (PR). The underlying representation refers to the phonological representation of morphemes in the set of lexical entries, while the lexical representation is the phonological representation of words in the set of lexical entries whereas the phonetic representation refers to the output of all the phonological rules, given in universal notation. (Mohanan, 1982:3), uses the process of deriving the word presidentiality to illustrate the principle of rule ordering as shown in the table below. Table 1: Lexical Rule Application in the LP Model (Adapted from Mohanan, 1982:3 with minor changes)

The table above shows that the underived morpheme [preziːd] at the underlying level undergoes a

morphological rule of suffixation to give rise to the word [preziːdent]. The process of suffixation is then immediately followed by a phonological rule of laxing which leads to the word [prezident].

The lexical term [preziːdent] then goes through another morphological process of suffixation which leads to the formation of the word [prezidenty]. The /t/ in [prezidenty] then becomes /s/ before /i/, which is a phonological rule that is then followed by suffixation of /æl/. The suffixation rule is then

S/No. Underlying Representation (UR)

Rule Application

Phonetic Representation (PR)

1 /preziːd/ [preziːd]

2 [[preziːd]+ent] suffixation [preziːdent]

3 [[preziːd]+ent] Laxing [prezident]

4 [[[prezid]+ent]+y] suffixation [prezidenty] 5 [[[prezid]+ent]+y] t→ s/____ i [prezidensi] 6 [[[[ prezid]+ens]+y] +æl] suffixation [prezidensyæl]

7 [[[[prezid]+enʃ]+y]+æl] s → ʃ [prezidenʃyæl]

8 [[[[[prezid]+enʃ]+y]+æl]+iti] suffixation [prezidenʃyæliti]

followed by a phonological process where /s/ becomes /ʃ/ to form the word [prezidenʃyæl], which is

followed by suffixation to form [prezidenʃyæliti]. 3.2 The Principle of Stress Neutral and Stress Non-neutral affixes This principle is used to explain the effect of affixes on the position of stress in the derivation of a word. Affixes are categorized as neutral or non-neutral depending on their effect on the position of primary stress in a word. A neutral affix is one with no phonological effect on the base to which it is attached because it does not cause a change in the position of primary stress. In English, the affixes, -ness, and -less are examples of neutral affixes. When added to a base, they yield forms such as: ´abstract+ness → ´abstractness, ´home+less → ´homeless A non-neutral affix, on the other hand, has a phonological effect on the word base since it causes a shift in the position of the primary stress in the word to which it is added. Examples of non-neutral affixes in English include: -ic, -ee, which, when added to a base, result in forms such as:strátegy+ic → stratégic, emplóy+ee → employée. (Katamba, 1989:273) refers to affixes such as -ic as pre-accenting suffixes because, when added to a word base, they make the syllable immediately before them to be stressed. In contrast, affixes such as –ic and ee are referred to as auto-stressed suffixes, because they attract stress on themselves. 3.3 The Principle of Rule Ordering in MSA The processes of deriving and inflecting words in MSA involve the phenomenon of rule ordering proposed in the LP theory. This phenomenon may be illustrated using the derivation of the word:

[mudarrisuːnahum] which involves several rules captured in the data below:

(i) [mudarrisuːnahum] ‘their teachers’ (pl. masc.)

Lexical level S/No. Underlying Rule Application Phonetic Gloss Representation Representation 1. [daras] Underived lexical item [daras] ‘he studied’

(no process involved) 2. [[darras]+v] Affixation, gemination [darras] ‘he taught’ and BEC 3. [mu+[darras]] Prefixation and BEC [mudarras] - 4. [mudarras] Vowel substitution [mudarris] ‘teacher’ masc. a→i/mu+C__C and BEC

5. [[mudarris]+uːna] Suffixation of –uːna [mudarrisuːna] ‘teachers’ masc.

6. [[mudarrisuːna]+hum] Suffixation of –hum [mudarrisuːnahum] ‘their and BEC teachers’ pl.masc.

3.4 The Principle of Stress Neutral and Non-neutral Affixes in MSA The discussion below addresses affixes at both Levels 1 and 2 of morphology and phonology and is intended to help us understand the resultant phonological structure of a word at the end of the application of morphological and phonological rules. 3.4.1 Affixes in the Derivation of the triconsonantal Active Participle (AP) Let us examine the data below: (1) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR (i) [dárras] [mu+[dárras]] [mudárras] → [mudárris] ‘he taught’ ‘teacher’ masc.

(ii) [ráːqab] [mu+[ráːqab]] [muráːqab] → [muráːqib] ‘he observed’ ‘Observer’ masc.

In the data above, the AP is derived by affixing the prefix mu- to the verb stem. We can deduce that the prefix mu- is a neutral affix because it causes no stress shift in the derived new word as is evident in the fact that the primary stress in the verb base is marked on the penultimate syllable and remains on the penultimate syllable in the derived AP. In other instances, the neutral affix attracts stress to itself. The data below illustrates an example of an auto-stressed affix in MSA: (2) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR Gloss (i) [ʔársal] [mu+[ʔársal]] [muʔársal] → [múrsil] ‘sender’ masc.

(ii) [ʔínʕazal] [mu+[ʔínʕazal]] [muʔínʕazal] → [múnʕazil]‘isolated person’masc. The affix mu- in the examples above may be considered a neutral affix because it does not cause a change in the position of the primary stress. It also attracts stress to itself and so, according to (Katamba, 1989:273), it may be referred to as an auto-stressed affix. 3.4.2 Affixes in the Derivation of Nouns of Place Let us consider the following examples: (3) Verb base pfx+Verb base+sfx LR PR Gloss (i) [kátab] [ma+[kátab]] [makátab] → [máktab] ‘office’

(ii) [sádʒad] [ma+[sáadʒad]] [masádʒad] → [másdʒid] ‘mosque’ (iii) [kátab] [[ma+[kátab]]+at] [makátabat] → [máktabat] ‘library’ (iv) [dáras] [[ma+[dáras]]+at] [madárasat] → [mádrasat] ‘school’ The data above presents an interesting scenario. The derivational morpheme ma- functions both as a neutral and non-neutral affix. In examples (i) and (ii), it is neutral because it does not cause a shift in the position of the stress where stress remains on the penultimate syllable. Also, the morpheme attracts stress to itself. In examples (iii) and (iv) ma- acts as a non-neutral affix because it causes a shift in the position of stress from the penultimate position of the verb base to the antepenultimate position of the derived noun of place. One possible explanation for this scenario is that in (iii) and

(iv), another suffix –at has been introduced. This is where the veracity of the LPs principle of neutral and non-neutral affixes comes into question. 3.4.3 Affixes in the Derivation of Adjectives from Nouns The examples below illustrate the process of deriving adjectives from nouns in MSA. (4) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR Gloss (i) [mísˁr] [[mísˁr]+ijj] [mísˁrijj] → [mísˁrijj] ‘Egyptian’ masc.

(ii) [dúnjaː] [[dúnja]+wijj] [dúnjawijj] → [dúnjawijj] ‘earthly’ sing.masc.

In the data above, the affix -ijj is considered neutral in (i), while in (ii), it is regarded a non-neutral affix on account of the position of the primary stress in the derived word. 3.4.4 Affixes in the Inflection of Verbs for Gender Let us consider the data below: (5) Verb base Verb base+sfx LR PR Gloss (i) [hárab] [[hárab]+at] [hárabat] → [hárabat] ‘she escaped’

(ii) [hárab] [[hárab]+ataː] [hárabataː]→ [harábataː] ‘they escaped’dual.fem (iii) [hárab] [[hárab]+na] [hárabna] → [harábna] ‘they escaped’ pl.fem

The examples in (5) above show that affixes -at and +ataː in (i) and (ii) respectively are non-neutral, while the affix -na in (iii) is a neutral affix. 3.4.5 Affixes in the Inflection of Nouns for Gender Let us consider the data below: (6) Noun base Noun base+sfx LR PR Gloss

(i) [ʕáːlim] [[ʕáːlim]+at] [ʕáːlimat] → [ʕáːlimat] ‘scholar’ sing.fem.

(ii) [ʕáːlim] [[[ʕáːlim]+aːt] [ʕáːlimaːt] → [ʕáːlimaːt] ‘scholars’ pl.fem.

In (6) above, the affixes -at, and -aːt involved in the inflection of the noun base are considered non-neutral affixes. This is because in both cases, the position of stress shifts from the penultimate syllable to the antepenultimate syllable in the noun base and the inflected noun respectively. 3.4.6 Affixes in the Inflection of Nouns for Possession Let us consider the examples below: (7) Verb base Verb base+aff. LR PR Gloss (i) [mánzil] [[mánzil]+iː] [mánziliː] → [mánziliː] ‘my home’

(ii) [mánzil] [[[mánzil]+u]+naː] [mánzilunaː]→ [manzílunaː] ‘our home’ (iii) [máanzil] [[[mánzil]+u]+kunna] [mánzilukunna]→ [manzilukúnna]

‘your home’ pl. fem.

The data in (7) above illustrates that the affixes -iː, and -naː are considered non-neutral, while the affix –kunna is regarded as neutral. 3.5 Lexical Phonological Processes in MSA This section focuses only on the lexical phonological processes in MSA. 3.5.1 Consonant Processes 3.5.1.1 Homorganic Nasal Assimilation. Assimilation is a phonological process in which a segment (consonant or vowel) acquires the phonetic features of another segment contiguant to it. The motivation for this process is normally to reduce the effort spent in the articulation of the two contiguant segments. This position is supported by (Katamba,1989:93) who argues that:

ensuring that segments made at the same place also agree in manner of articulation is a way of minimising articulatory effort. Instead of making two articulatory gestures, the speaker only makes one and holds it for a longer period.

It is worth noting that assimilation does not necessarily involve two contiguant segments as is the case in vowel harmony. In MSA, homorganic nasal assimilation takes place in several instances. Let us examine the following sets of data drawn from MSA: (8) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR (i) [nabat] [ʔa+[nabat]] [ʔanbat] → [ʔambat]]

‘he/it caused to sprout’

(ii) [nabih] [ʔa+[nabih]] [ʔanbah] → [ʔambah] ‘he/it notified’

The data in (8) above shows that homorganic nasal assimilation in MSA takes the following pattern:

When the 3rd person singular causative marker ʔa- precedes a verb base with a nasal consonant /n/

at word-initial position, two changes take place: first, the vowel in the first syllable gets deleted and, second, the alveolar nasal phoneme /n/ assimilates to the point of articulation of the following consonant /b/. The deletion of the vowel /a/ and the substitution of /i/ with /a/ in (ii) above in the first syllable of the verb base may be attributed to the presence of the vowel /a/ in the inflectional

prefix ʔa-. The deletion of the vowel /a/ paves way for the assimilation of /n/ to /b/ given that the two sounds are contiguant in a clear case of homorganic nasal assimilation. Let us consider the data below: (9) Noun base pfx+Noun base LR PR Gloss (i) [nabaʔ] [ʔa+[nabaʔ]] [ʔanbaːʔ] → [ʔambaːʔ] ‘news’

(ii) [nibr] [ʔa+[nibr]] [ʔanbaːr] → [ʔambaːr] ‘granaries’

The data in (9) illustrate homorganic nasal assimilation in the process of forming an irregular plural

from a noun base in MSA. First, an inflectional marker ʔa- is prefixed to a noun base that has a nasal phoneme /n/ at word-initial position. This affixation process leads to the deletion of the vowel

/a/ as in (i) and (ii) above as well as the vowel /i/ in (ii) above in the initial syllable. This is then

followed by either the lengthening of the short vowel /a/ to /aː/ in the subsequent syllable or insertion of the same long vowel (as in ii above) where the short vowel /a/ is absent in the subsequent syllable. This is then followed by the assimilation of /n/ to /b/ given that the two are contiguant sounds. It is also useful to note that homorganic nasal assimilation can also take place without being preceded by a morphological process as illustrated in the data below: (10) LR PR Gloss (i) [ʔunbuːb] → [ʔumbuːb] ‘pipe’

(ii) [ʔunbuːʃ] → [ʔumbuːʃ] ‘excavation’ (iii) [ðanb] → [ðamb] ‘sin’ The data in (10) above illustrates that homorganic nasal assimilation also takes place in the absence of affixation. This takes place in noun bases in the singular form which have the alveolar nasal phoneme /n/ at word medial position and followed by the voiced bilabial stop /b/. Phonological processes are usually captured in rules that illustrate the processes in a more simplified way. As such, the processes shown by the data above can be captured in a rule schematized as follows: + cons

+cons α ant α ant +nas → γ back γ back β cor β cor The rule above shows agreement between the alveolar nasal consonant and the following consonant in terms of the following features: anterior, coronal and back. Homorganic nasal assimilation is a natural process which is made possible by the physiological properties of the vocal tract. The derivation may be illustrated as follows:

[ʔambaːʔ] S/No. UR Rule Application PR Gloss 1. [nabaʔ] Underived lexical item [nabaʔ] ‘information’

(no process involved)

2. [ʔa+[nabaʔ]] prefixation of /ʔa/ and BEC [ʔanabaʔ] -

3. [ʔanabaʔ] deletion of /a/ [ʔanbaʔ] -.

4. [[ʔanbaʔ]+N] lengthening of /a/ to /aː/ [ʔanbaːʔ] -

5. [ʔanbaːʔ] Assimilation of /n/ to /b/ [ʔambaːʔ] ‘news’

3.5.1.2 The l-Assimilation. In MSA, the process of forming a definite noun involves prefixing the definite inflectional

morpheme ʔal- to an indefinite noun. This morphological process leads to a phonological process we choose to refer to as the ‘l-assimilation’. Let us examine the data below: (11) Noun base pfx+Noun base LR PR Gloss (i) [turaːb] [ʔal+[turaːb]] [ʔalturaːb]→ [ʔatturaːb] ‘the sand’

(ii) [dajn] [ʔal+[dajn]] [ʔaldajn] → [ʔaddajn] ‘the debt’

In (11) above, the lateral consonant /l/ of the inflectional marker ʔal- assimilates totally to the

following coronal consonant. This process normally takes place when the morpheme ʔal- precedes

the following consonants in MSA: /t, θ, d, ð, r, z, s, ʃ, sˁ, d̪ˁ, t ̪ˁ, ðˁ, l, n/. Further, this assimilation leads to a morphological rule of gemination of the assimilating consonant. These rules can be explained as being natural rules which aim at facilitating speech production. We can write a rule notation for the processes above as follows: + lat → α features ________ + cor + α features This phonological process is referred to by (Bakalla, 1979:513) as lateral assimilation. With regards to the rule ordering principle of the LP theory suggested by (Mohanan, 1982:3), the process of l-assimilation in MSA may be captured as follows:

[ʔattamr]

S/No. UR Rule Application PR Gloss 1. [tamr] Underived lexical item [tamr] ‘dates’ (food)

2. [ʔal+[tamr]] prefixation of ʔal- and BEC [ʔaltamr] -

3. [ʔaltamr] assimilation of /l/ to /t/, [ʔattamr] ‘the dates’ gemination of /t/ 3.5.1.3 Consonant Devoicing This is a phonological process where the specification for the feature voice of a segment gets carried over to an adjacent segment. (Katamba, 1989:88) refers to this process as voice assimilation and says that a voiceless consonant acquires a certain amount of voicing when it occurs between two (voiced) vowels. The opposite is also true where a voiced consonant or vowel gets devoiced when it occurs between voiceless consonants. In MSA, devoicing may be illustrated using the data below:

(12) LR PR Gloss (i) [ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] → [ʔit ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] ‘he/it was compelled’

(ii) [ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarab] → [ʔit ̪ˁt ̪ˁarab] ‘it was tumultous’

The examples in (12) above show that the voiced pharyngealized alveolar stop /d̪ˁ/ changes to a

voiceless pharyngealized alveolar stop /t̪ˁ/ on account of the former preceding the latter. The

difference in the segments involves the state of glottis where /d̪ˁ/ is [+voice] while /t ̪ˁ/ is [-voice].

This phonological change results in the gemination of the voiceless pharyngealized alveolar stop /t ̪ˁ/ in the surface representation of the derived word. The process of devoicing takes place both before and after affixation. Whereas (20) above shows devoicing in the absence of affixation, the examples in (21) below illustrate devoicing after the prefixation of the derivational prefix mu- to a verb base. (13) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR Gloss (i) [ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] [mu+[ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr]] [mud ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] → [mut ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr]‘compelled’ sing.masc.

(ii) [ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarab] [mu+[ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarab]] [mud̪ˁt ̪ˁarab]→ [mut ̪ˁt ̪ˁarab] ‘tumultous’sing.masc.

The phonological rule involved in the process of devoicing above may be schematized as follows:

/d/ → [t ̪ˁ] _________/ t̪ˁ/

The rule illustrates that /d/ becomes [t ̪ˁ] in the environment before /t ̪ˁ/. Devoicing also occurs where the 1st person subject marker /t/ is suffixed to a verb stem ending in the consonant /d/ in a sequence /dt/ with the voiced alveolar stop taking the features of the voiceless alveolar stop /t/. This again results into gemination of the voiceless alveolar stop /t/ as exemplified in the following data: (14) Verb base Verb base+sfx LR PR Gloss (i) [wadʒad] [[wadʒad]+t] [wadʒadt] → [wadʒatt] ‘I found’

(ii) [sadʒad] [[sadʒad]+t] [sadʒadt] → [sadʒatt] ‘I prostrated’

In this case, a rule may be schematized as follows: /d/ → [t] _________ /t/ which means that /d/ becomes [t] in the environment before /t/. The data in 13-14 are examples of regressive devoicing. Based on the observations of the LP theory, the processes of devoicing described above may be captured as follows:

(a) [mut ̪ˁt̪ˁarr] S/No. Verb base Rule Application PR Gloss 1. [ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] Underived lexical item [ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] ‘it was compelled’

2. [mu+[ʔid ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr]] prefixation of mu- [mud ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] - syllable deletion and BEC

3. [mud ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] assimilation of /d̪ˁ/ to /t ̪ˁ/ [mut ̪ˁt ̪ˁarr] ‘compelled’ sng.masc.

and gemination of /t ̪ˁ/

(b) [wadʒatt] S/No. Verb base Rule Application PR Gloss

1. [wadʒad] Underived lexical item [wadʒad] ‘he found’ (no process involved)

2. [[wadʒad]+t] suffixation of /t/ and BEC [wadʒadt] -

3. [wadʒadt] assimilation of /d/ to /t/ [wadʒatt] ‘I found’ and gemination of /t/ Devoicing is a natural rule since it is an aspect of assimilation. In both (13) and (14) above, we notice that the sound /d/, which is [+voice] assimilates to /t/, which is [-voice] because of the presence of /t/ in a contiguant position to /d/. This explains the naturalness of the devoicing process. 3.5.1.4 Prothesis This is a phonological process that results from the determination of a preferred syllable structure and involves the insertion of a vowel or consonant to a word stem to conform to the preferred syllable structure in order to facilitate pronunciation. In MSA, this phonological process is largely evident in words borrowed from English. Let us consider the following examples: (15) Noun base Aff+Noun base LR PR Gloss (i) [stændəd] [ʔi+[stændəd]] [ʔistændəd] > [ʔistandard] ‘standard’

(ii) [strætədʒi] [ʔi+[strætədʒi+jja]] [ʔistrætədʒijja] > [ʔistraːtiːdʒijja] ‘strategy’ In the examples in (15) above, we have used the sign > and not an arrow to show that the processes described involve borrowing from one language to another, which is a diachronic process and not synchronic. The insertion of the syllable at the word initial position of MSA words borrowed from English can be explained by the fact that the MSA syllable structure disallows word initial consonant clusters. However, the prothesis rule is not an automatic rule in MSA, and so, there are instances where it is inapplicable. The data below illustrates the non-applicability of prothesis in words borrowed from English into MSA. (16) Noun base LR PR (i) [kəmpyuːtə(r)] > [kumbjuːtar] ‘computer’

(ii) /helɪkoptə/ > [hilikubtar] ‘helicopter’

3.5.1.5 Consonant Substitution

This is a process which occurs during borrowing and involves substituting consonants in the source language with others in the target language. This is attributed to the absence of such consonants in the target language. This phenomenon is captured in the observation made by (Antilla, 1972:123) that ‘native speakers of a language are aware of the distinctive features of their phonology. In sound substitution, the borrowers apparently make a kind of distinctive feature analysis of foreign sounds and assign them the closest native bundle’. The data below illustrate the process of consonant substitution in MSA: (17) Source Word MSA Word Gloss

(i) [pakistan] > [baːkistaːn] ‘Pakistan’

(ii) /viːzə/ > [fiːzaː] ‘visa’

(iii) /gælən/ > [dʒaːluːn] ‘gallon’

In (17) above, the consonants /p,v,g/ in the English words have been replaced with /b,f,dʒ/ and conforms to the universal principle where consonants are replaced with other consonants that are

phonetically similar. The consonants /p/, /v/, and /g/ are replaced with the voiced bilabial

counterpart /b/, the voiceless ladio-dental fricative /f/ and the voiced post-alveolar affricate /dʒ/ respectively because of the absence of the former set of examples in Arabic in general. This phenomenon may be demonstrated from the distictive features shown below: /p/ /b/ /f/ /v/ +cons +cons +cons +cons - nas - nas - nas - nas - cont - cont + cont + cont + ant + ant + ant + ant - cor - cor - cor - cor - voice + voice - voice + voice

3.5.1.6 Consonant Weakening According to (Carr, 1993:24), consonant weakening is a phonological process which refers to ‘a reduction in degree of stricture.’ Carr also refers to it as lenition. On his part, (Hyman, 1975:165) defines a weak segment in relation to a strong segment as follows: ‘a segment X is said to be weaker than a segment Y if Y goes through an X stage on its way to zero’. Suffice to say that the weakening phenomenon is language specific and not necessarily environment specific because segements weaken in different environments in different languages. In the articulation of some MSA words among Egyptian speakers, some consonants get weakened in a phonological symmetry across parallel classes of sounds. Let us consider the following examples: (18) LR PR Gloss (i) [ħadiːθ] → [ħadiːs] ‘tale’

(ii) [θalaːθa] → [ t̪ˁalaː t ̪ˁa] ‘three’

(iii) [wadʒad] → [wagad] ‘he found’

(iv) [d̪ˁabt ̪ˁ] → [zab t ̪ˁ] ‘exactly’

(v) [ðˁulm] → [zulm] ‘oppression’ In (18) above, we notice the following consonant changes:

/θ/ → /s/, /θ/ →/[ t ̪ˁ/, /dʒ/ → /g/, /d̪ˁ/ → /z/ and / ðˁ/→ /z/. Based on the various scales of phonological strength for consonants proposed (Hyman 1975:166-167), it may be stated that in (18) above, the segments in the left column are stronger than those in the right column. Consequently, as part of the process of reducing the effort spent on consonant articulation, Egyptian speakers of MSA tend to articulate the weaker consonants instead of the stronger ones in certain environments. We may state these processes in the following manner:

θ → s _____#

θ → t ̪ˁ _____V

dʒ → g V_____V These changes may be explained as follows: Sounds /θ/ and /s/ are phonetically close with the

exception of the feature [strid] where /θ/ is [-strid] while /s/ is [+strid]. Further, /θ/ and/ t ̪ˁ/ are

phonetically close with the exception of the feature [cont], where /θ/ is [+cont] while /t ̪ˁ/ is [-cont].

Sounds /dʒ/ and /g/ are phonetically close in respect of all other features with the exception of the

feature [strid] where /dʒ/ is [+strid] while /g/ is

[-strid]. /d̪ˁ/ and /z/ differ only in the feature [continuant] where /d̪ˁ/ is [-cont] while /z/ is [+cont]

whereas /ðˁ/ and /z/ are phonetically close with respect to all other features except that / ðˁ/ is [-low] but /z/ is [+low]. 3.5.1.7 Syllable Deletion This is a morphologically sensitive process that involves the deletion of a word-initial syllable upon affixation of the derivational affix mu- to a verb base in the causative form to derive an active participle. These processes are illustrated in the data below: (19) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR Gloss (i) [ʔaslam] [mu+[ʔaslam]] [muʔaslam] → [muslim] ‘a muslim’ masc.

(ii) [ʔadʒbar] [mu+[ʔadʒbar]] [muʔadʒbar] → [mudʒbir] ‘compeller’ masc. 3.5.2 Vowel Processes Below are some of the vowel processes that take place at the lexical phonological level in MSA: 3.5.2.1 Vowel Lengthening Arabic has three short vowels and three long vowels which are distinct since they are phonemic. However, there are certain environments that necessitate the lengthening of a short vowel. This is usually evident during the addition of possessive pronouns to some MSA monosyllabic words, where the underlying high back vowel /u/ gets lengthened as shown in the examples below: (20) Noun base Noun base+sfx+sfx LR PR (i) [ʔax] [[[ʔax]u]+k] [ʔaxuk] → [ʔaxuːk] ‘your brother’sing. masc.

(ii) [ʔab] [[[ʔab]u]+k] [ʔabuk] → [ʔabuːk] ‘your brother’sing. masc. This process can be explained by a phonological rule schematized as follows: V → VV ________ +aff Let us consider the data below: (21) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR (i) [qaʕad] [ta+[qaʕad]] [taqaːʕad] → [taqaːʕad]

‘he retired’

(ii) [fahim] [ta+[fahim]] [tafaːham] → [tafaːham] ‘he understood’ ‘he reached an understanding’

In (21) above, we notice that when the prefix ta- is added to the verb base, the vowel /a/ in the first

syllable of the verb base gets lengthened to /aː/. This phonological process is morphologically sensitive. Further, in verbs that have the vowel /i/ in the second syllable such as in (ii) above, the /i/ gets substituted with /a/ which may be attributed to the presence of /a/ in the preceding syllable. This process may be schematized as:

/a/ → /aː/ ta _______

3.5.2.2 Vowel Lowering As stated earlier, MSA has three short vowels and three long vowels. However, Arabic dialects have more than these six vowels. Egyptian Arabic, for example, has 3 short and 5 long vowels. The

three short vowels are /a/, /i/ and /u/ (also realized as : /æ/ or /ɑ/, /Ι/~ /e/ and /o/ ~ /o/ respectively

depending on the environment). The five long vowels are /aː/, /iː/, /uː/, /eː/ and /oː/. In the articulation of certain words in MSA by speakers of the Egyptian dialect, the influence of the dialect is seen where the high front vowel /i/ gets lowered to the mid front vowel /e/ with which it shares the value [-back] in the environment of a following double consonant. Consequently, when the

underlying /i/ is followed by a double consonant /jj/, it surfaces as /e/. This process of vowel lowering is evident in the following data: (22) LR PR Gloss (i) [ʕalijj] → [ʕalejj] ‘Ali’ (ii) [nabijj] → [nabejj] ‘prophet’ From a phonological point of view, the lowering of the vowel /i/ to /e/ in the final articulation may be attributed to the presence of the low central vowel /a/ in the first syllable. The vowel lowering rule may be formulated as follows: /i/ /e/ +syll - high + high → -low _______ +jj + tense 3.5.2.3 Vowel Substitution Let us consider the examples below: (23) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR Gloss (i) [darras] [mu+[darras]] [mudarras] → [mudarris] ‘teacher’ masc. (ii) [qaddam] [mu+[qaddam]] [muqaddam] → [muqaddim] ‘presenter’ masc. In (23) above, the addition of the derivational affix mu- to a verb base triggers the substitution of the vowel /a/ in the second syllable of the verb base to /i/. The phonological process may be captured in the following rule:

/a/ → [i] mu+CVCC ____C 3.5.2.4 Vowel Deletion (24) Verb base pfx+Verb base LR PR Gloss (i) [xaradʒ] [ʔista+[xaradʒ]] [ʔistaxaradʒ]→ [ʔistaxradʒ] ‘he extracted’

(ii) [nasˁar] [ʔista+[nasˁar]] [ʔistanasˁar] → [ʔistansˁar] ‘he sought aid’

The examples in (24) above illustrate that when the prefix ʔista- is added to a verb base, the vowel /a/ in the initial syllable of the verb base gets deleted. The deletion is motivated by the presence of the vowel /a/ in the prefix in a clear case of dissimilation. This phonological rule may be captured as follows:

/a/ → Ø ʔista+ C____C 4.0 Conclusion In this paper, we have described various lexical phonological processes in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) using the parameters of the Lexical Phonology approach of analysis. The main objective of this study was to investigate and verify the extent to which the various principles suggested by proponents of the LP theory are applicable to MSA, more specifically the principle of rule ordering and the principle of stress neutral and stress non-neutral affixes. Our analysis has concluded that the rule ordering principle is applicable to MSA without difficulties. However, the LP distinction

between neutral and non-neutral affixes is not fully applicable to MSA. We have established this by analyzing various affixs of MSA words. We could therefore argue that, notwithstanding the weakness of the stress neutral and non-neutral principle, LP still remains a viable and useful tool in the phonological analysis of language. To be able to arrive at this general conclusion, we have analyzed the results of our data versus the postulations of the Lexical Phonology model.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Al-Ani, S.H. (1970), Arabic Phonology: An Acoustical and Physiological Investigation, (The Hague: Mouton and Co. Publishers). Al-Khuli, M.A. (1982), A Dictionary of Theoretical Linguistics (English-Arabic), (Beirut,

Lebanon: Librairie du Liban.). Antilla, R. (1972), An Introduction to Historical and Comparative Linguistics, (New York: The MacMillan Company). Bakalla, M.H. (1979), The Morphological and Phonological Components of the Arabic Verb (Meccan Arabic), (London: Longman Group Limited). Carr, P. (1993), Phonology, (London: The Macmillan Press Ltd). Chomsky, N. and Halle, M. (1968), The Sound Pattern of English, (New York: Herper and Row). Hyman, L.M. (1975), Phonology: Theory and Analysis, (New York: Holt, Rinehard and Winston). Katamba, F. (1989), An Introduction to Phonology, (Essex, England: Longman). Kiparsky, P. (1982), ‘From Cyclic Phonology to Lexical Phonology in H. Van der Hulst and N. Smith (eds), The Structure of Phonological Representations Vol. 1 (Dordrecht Foris)

pp. 131-175. Ladefoged, P. (1993), A Course in Phonetics, (New York. Harcourt Brace

Jovanovich College Publishers). Mberia, K. (1993), Kitharaka Segmental Morphology with Special Reference to the Noun and Verb, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, (Nairobi: University of Nairobi). Mohanan, K.P. (1982), Lexical Phonology, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, (Indiana: University of Texas). Mukhtar, A.O. (2006), Dirasat assawt allughawiyy, (Cairo: Aalam al-maktab). Watson, J. (2002), The Phonology and Morphology of Arabic, (New York. Oxford University Press).

APPENDIX A

وإلى جانب . إن تداول السلطة ینظم الحیاة السیاسیة ویحول دون التطرف یمینا ویسارا واألساس السلبي على الحیاة اإلقتصادیة..... طة فإن تداول السلطة في حد ذاتھ یؤدي إلى كشف األخطاء والحیلولة الناحیة االقتصادیة والناحیة السیاسیة التي ینشطھا تداول السل

الفساد ألن من یحكم الیوم یعرف أنھ غدا سیكون في موقع المعارضة ومن یكون في موقع المعارضة یعلم أنھ في یوم ما سیكون أیضا ضرورة . الفعالة في منع الفساد حاكما، وبالتالي فإن مجرد وجود معارضة ترفض وتنتقد الحكومة القائمة یعتبر أحد اآللیات

تبادل السلطة یمكن أن یحول دون االفتراضات أو الفرض الذي تحل بالمجتمع بسبب وجود آلیة لتحّول أو النتقال السلطة انتقاال رن التاسع تداول السلطة ھذا الذي أصبح الحدیث عنھ كل یوم ھو أن یذھب الحدیث في الق. سلمیا من فریق عمل إلى فریق عمل آخر

تداول السلطة اآلن أصبح . لم تكن تعرف عن تداول السلطة 1950عشر حیث أنھ لم یكن ھناك تبادل السلطة وألمانیا وإیطالیا حتى والدستور األلماني یقول یقوم النظام السیاسي األلماني على تداول السلطة بین األحزاب . منصوص علیھ في بعض الدساتیر

م أللمانیا نظاما جیدا مّكن ألمانیا من الخروج من أزمتھا التي كانت تعاني منھا في الحرب العالمیة الثانیة ھذا النص قد. السیاسیةوُتحقق للمواطن األلماني مستوى معیشة مرتفعة 1990حیث تم تدمیر بنیتھ التحتیة كلھا واستطاعت استیعاب الوحدة األلمانیة سنة

ولذلك فإن ما ورد من الدستور . أن القاعدة االقتصادیة والصناعیة أللمانیا ھي مثال یحتذىكما . یحلم بھ كل شخص في أنحاء العالماأللماني من أن النظام السیاسي یقوم على تداول السلطة بین األحزاب السیاسیة ھو نص جید حبذا لو أخذ بھ كثیر من الدول التي

راطیة، یمكن تصنیف أشكال الدیمقراطیة من منطلق عالقة الشعب ننتقل اآلن إلى الصور الدیمق .تنشط تحسین نظامھا السیاسیةالدیمقراطیة المباشرة . بالسلطة التي تمثلھ إلى دیمقراطیة مباشرة ودیمقراطیة نیابیة ودیمقراطیة شبھ مباشرة ودیمقراطیة شبھ نیابیة

ة یناقش الشعب أموره ویشارع مباشرة ویقرر وفي ھذه الصورة من الصور الدیمقراطی. ھي التي سادت في المدن الیونانیة القدیمة. كانت ھذه ھي الدیمقراطیة في المدن الیونانیة القدیمة. دون وساطة الحكومة ویجتمع في میدان عام لیقوم باتخاذ ھذه القرارات

للظروف السائدة إذ وكانت كثرة االجتماعات مناسبة. وكانت االجتماعات تتم بصفة دوریة كل شھر تقریبا أم في فترات أكثر تقارباوإلى جانب . كان محل االقتصاد محدودا ومتروكا لألجانب والعبید وھم لیسوا مواطنین ولیس من حقھم االشتراك في الحیاة السیاسیة

الشعب الذي اجتمع في شكل جمعیة كان ھناك مجلس مكّون من خمسمائة ألف ویشبھ أعضاء مجلس الوزراء أو أعضاء مجلس وإنما تم اختیارھم بالقرعة، وسبب اختیارھم بالقرعة أن الشعب الیوناني أو الشعوب الیونانیة م یكونوا منتخبون النواب وھؤالء ل

شعوب ھذه المدن كانت تعتقد أن اختیار اآللھة أفضل من اختیار البشر، وكانت تخشى أن یؤدي اختیار الشخص إلى نوع من ھذا . الیة كان یحاول نظام غبعاده ألن یتوقع أن یؤدي ھذا إلى الدكتاتوریةوكل شخص وصلت شعبیتھ إلى درجة ع. الدكتاتوریة

غیر أن التقدم التكنولوجي في المجتمعات الحضریة .... النظام ال یمكن تطبیقھ إلى في جماعات صغیرة مثل المدن الیونانیة القدیمة ...باستطالع الرأيأدت إلى إعادة بعض العناصر التي یمكن أن تؤدي إلى عودة السلطة للشعب

APPENDIX B فصل المحكمة في النزاع یكون للمحكوم علیھ إذا رأى وجھا أن یتظلل من الحكم السابق كلھ أن یمنح كما تكون أعلى درجة ......

المتقاضي الثقة وعدم طریق الفصل في النزاع مرة أخرى مما یبعث في نفس. وقضاتھا مشّكرین من قضاة أكثر خبرة وأكثر عرضاھذا المبدأ اقتضى أن تكون ھناك محاكم .االحتیاط للظلم وإنما یطمئن إلى أنھ قد أخذ حقھ وأن الحكم العادل ھو الذي صدر بالنسبة لھ

فعل أو أول درجة وھي المحاكم التي تنظر النزاع ابتداء ومحاكم ثاني درجة أو محاكم الدرجة الثانیة وھو الذي تنظر أخطاء حینما ییستأنف المحكوم علیھ الحكم ولذلك ُوجد في النظام القضائي محاكم أول درجة متمثلة في المحاكم الجزئیة والمحاكم االبتدائیة

إذن . ومحاكم الدرجة الثانیة وھي المحاكم االستفنائیة وتشمل المحاكم االبتدائیة منعقدة بین االستفنائیة وتشمل محاكم االستئنافلدینا طبقة المحاكم الجزئیة، لدینا طبقة المحاكم االبتدائیة، طبقة محاكم . المحاكم الموجودة في النظام القضائي المشّرع عّبد

االستئناف، لدینا محكمة النقد باعتبار ضرورة توحید تأكد من صحة تطبیق المحاكم القانون وفي أحكامھا وتوحید تطبیق القانون اك محكمة مختصة بمراقبة صحة تطبیق المحاكم للقانون وھذه المحكمة ھي محكمة في وتفسیر القانون َأقتِرح أن تكون ھن

أیضا یوجد تعدد في المحاكم في نفس الطبقة الواحدة محكمة النقد ھي . طبقات المحاكم لیس ھناك طبقة واحدة بل تعدد الطبقاتدا محكمة استئناف یوجد تعدد في طبقات المحاكم بالنسبة وفیما ع. محكمة واحدة حتى یكون تطبیق القانون وتفسیره تطبیقا واحدا

. یوجد فیھا محكمة جزئیة من محاكم القضاء المدني. للمحاكم الجزئیة توجد محاكم جزئیة في كل مركز من مراكز الجمھوریة

تدائیة وتوجد في عاصمة وبالنسبة للمحاكم االبتدائیة توجد محكمة ابتدائیة في عاصمة كل محافظة وفي كل محافظة فیھا محكمة ابالمحافظة بالنسبة لمحاكم االستئناف أو محاكم االستئناف العالي ھذه المحاكم لدینا منھا ثماني محاكم لدینا محكمة استئناف القاھرة،

ة محكمة استئناف األسكندریة، محكمة استئناف في طنطا، محكمة استئناف في المنصورة، محكمة استئناف في اإلسماعیلیة، محكمكل محكمة من ھذه المحاكم الثمانیة تنظر استئناف . استئناف في السویس، محكمة استئناف في أسیوط، محكمة استئناف في مینا

.مرفوعة من األحكام الصادرة من المحكمة االبتدائیة الموجودة في دائرة ھذه المحكمة

APPENDIX C

الدرس التاسع والثالثون الصیدلیة

في . الصیدلي یبیع الدواء. صیدلیة، وفي شارع المدرسة صیدلیة، في المدینة صیدلیات كثیرة، في كل صیدلیة صیدليفي شارعنا .الصیدلیة الفتة، میزان، معمل، سّجادة، صندوق المھمالت، منضدة، زجاجات دواء

في الصیدلیة رفوف . دلیة ورقم التلیفونعلى باب الصیدلیة الفتة، وعلى الالفتة اسم الصی. الصیدلیة منظمة یا نبیل: نھاد تقولفي . كثیرة، وفي الصیدلیة میزان، وفي الصیدلیة ثالجة، فوق األرض سّجادة، وفوق السّجادة منضدة، وفوق المنضدة زھریة

زان الصیدلي في المعمل، أمام الصیدلي میزان، وأمام المی. الصیدلیة صیدلي ماھر، وراء الصیدلي ستارة، ووراء الستارة معمل .زجاجات، في الصیدلیة مكتب، تحت المكتب سجادة، وتحت المكتب صندوق المھمالت

APPENDIX D الدرس الخامس واألربعون

خلیل في مطار القاھرةوبعد ساعتین رجعت األسرة . ذھب خلیل مع أسرة عمھ إلى مطار القاھرة، ورأى الطائرات الكبیرة، ورأى المطار الواسع الجمیل

متى نتفّرج على برج القاھرة یا عمي؟ : ماذا قال خلیل لعمھ؟ وماذا قال لھ عمھ؟ سأل خلیل. لس خلیل یتكلم مع عمھإلى البیت وج. الیوم نذھب كلنا ونتفّرج على البرج، وذھب سالم وأسرتھ إلى برج القاھرة وتفرجت األسرة على القاھرة ما فوق البرج: قال سالم

أرید : قال خلیل. وبعد ساعة رجعت األسرة إلى المنزل. مائة وخمسون مترا: عمي؟ قال سالم كم مترا ارتفاع البرج یا: سأل خلیلیوم : قال سالم. أنا سمعت كثیرا عن األھرام، وأرید أن أراھا: ولماذا ترید أن تراھا؟ قال خلیل: قال سالم. أن أرى األھرام یا عمي

سرة إلى األھرام وتفرج خلیل على األھرام وأبي الھول، ثم رجع مع األسرة وفي یوم الجمعة ذھبت األ. الجمعة المقبل نزور األھرامعشرة : كم یوما قضیت في القاھرة یا خلیل؟ قال خلیل: قال أبوه. بعد أیام، رجع خلیل إلى القریة وجلس یتكلم مع أسرتھ. إلى البیت .القاھرة مدینة جمیلة یا أبي. لمصانع الجدیدةشاھدت فیھا المطار وجنینة الحیوان، وشاھدت األھرام وبعض ا. أیام یا أبي

19.pdf

Documents

Transcript of 19.pdf

R11 Segment 19.pdf

1909_003_001 (19).pdf

kingdeath Book3 19.pdf

PDF-9-3 · Title: PDF-9-3 Created Date: 5/15/2017 3:19:19 PM

19 03 12.pdf

Beer Dinamica_Capitulo 19.pdf

zine 19.pdf

Issue 19.pdf

Adobe Photoshop PDF · Title: Adobe Photoshop PDF Created Date: 12/19/2019 12:31:19 PM

Chapter 19.pdf

PDF-CATÁLOGO ESCOLAR 19 20

PDF File-May-19

PDF (Chapter 19)

Programming 19 - CASIOsupport.casio.com/pdf/004/fx9750g_ch19.pdf · Programming 19-1 Before Programming 19-2 Programming Examples 19-3 Debugging a Program 19-4 Calculating the Number

Thermomix Magazine 19.pdf

April 19 2013.pdf

R2R Meeting 19 pdf

10-19-2015 PDF

Digital Booklet - Adele - 19.pdf

19)FrederickCoples...PDF file